Abstract
The composition of music and poem has leaded both of them to poetical growth and deep thinking. Sasanid civilization had penetrated in to the pillars of the society in Abbasid period, and music found an important place as one of the symbols of Sasanid civilization. Poets in Abbasid period have  created lovely images by musical instruments. In this way, Abu Nawas was a poet who showed his power in creating poetical images by musical instruments. He was able to mix music with human feeling. He knew music as a doleful tune and delightful melody which rises up of the soul of musician, it did not come from a strict string, or a lifeless wood (stick). In his poems, he mentioned some of the instruments; Lute and Flute and Harp, Tambourine and Tanbur and Mizmar were the most important among them.
Keywords: Iranian Music, Abu Nawas, Sasanian Period.

Introduction
Music of Sassanid and Abbasid era: The history of musical performance in Sassanid Iran is, however, better documented than earlier periods. This is specially more evident in the context of Zoroastrian ritual. By the time of Xusro Parviz, the Sassanid royal court was the host of prominent musicians. In general, the period of Xosro Parviz reign is regarded as an “golden age of Iranian music” and himself is shown in a large relief at Taq-e Bostan among his musicians and himself holding bow and arrows and while standing in a boat amidst a group of harpists. The relief depicts two boats and the whole picture shows these boats at “two successive moments within the same panel”.
 The musical instruments which appeared distinctly on the Sassanid sculptures were the harp, the horn, the Daf, the drum and the flute or pipe. The harp is triangular, and has seven strings; it is held in the lap, and played apparently by both hands. The drum is of small size. The horns and pipes are too crudely represented for their exact character to be apparent. Concerted pieces seem to have been sometimes played by harpers only, of whom as many as ten or twelve joined in the execution. Mixed bands were more numerous. In one instance the number of performers amounts to twenty−six, of whom seven play the harp, an equal number the flute or pipe, three the horn, one the drum, while eight are too slightly rendered for their instruments to be recognized. A portion of the musicians occupy an elevated orchestra, to which there is access by a flight of steps. Music is one of the most important factors in the Sassanian Persian civilization. Unfortunately, there is no note left from that period about their melodies. Thus, we are not able to become familiar with the theory of music in these periods.
Abu Nawas, an innovative poet: Innovative poets in the beginning of Abbasid era changed the contents of Arabic poetry. It is exclamatory that the leadership of this innovativeness belongs to Iranians. Bashaar, Abu Ataaie, Abu Nawas are the initiators of evolution in Abbasid poetry and they are called as the modernists of Abbasid Period.
Musical instruments in the poems of Abu Nawas: The names of musical instruments in Abu Nawas’ poets are mixed with his poetic emotions. For Abu Nawas, these instruments are not a set of strings or woods to be mentioned in the poem, rather he connects his emotions with these instruments. He vitalizes them. He perceives them their sound as human emotions as he blows in them or plays them weather in mood of euphoria or illness.
Lute and Flute: Lute is also called Barbat. It is an old instrument which is called Mezmer by Arabs and it is considered the best and the most joyful instrument. It is said that: they asked Lute, “is there any instrument better than you?” It answered “No”, while he bent his head to the back and stayed that way.
Harp and Daf: Literary, harp means paw and it is the name of a popular instrument or the name of anything which is bent. Harp is made by zinc. Hitting two of them together makes it sing. In Hindi they call it Jahanche. In Persian, Daf is the name of a popular instrument. In Arabic it is called Dof. Daf has a circular shape and it is made by wood, covered by animal skin. In some of its parts, rings are attached to it and this instrument is very precious for Dervishes.
Tanbur: Tanbur is a Persian musical instrument which has entered into Arabs culture. Originally this instrument was called Danbare in the beginning. Its bowl and surface was smaller than the bowl and surface of Shervanian Tanbur and it surface was flat and smooth.
Mizmar: It is said that Mizmar is a reed or it is lute and also it has been referred to as Barbat. It has been called Mezmar by concise which means Trachea. Mazaamir are burnt reeds. Paluarr form of Mizmar means Trachea and in Arabic, it means the puluarar form of singers’ instruments.

Conclusion
Last words: Abu Nawas, a modernist poet of Abbasid period, is an Arab poet (originally Persian) who has created new and beautiful concepts and images based on the culture and civilization of Sasani. This concepts and images include Iranian instruments and melodies of Sasanid period. Reed, Lute, Harp, Daf, Tanbur, Mizmar are mentioned in Abu Nawas’ poetry. Among this instruments, Reed and Lute are two mostly been mentioned together. An important point to mention about these instruments is their vitalization by the poet. These instrument are not only names to be used to describe the event or report the lifestyle of that period, they have been used as symbols to show us the joy of living, by imagination and vitalization of the instruments. Abu Nawas’ proficiency in Arabic language, his knowledge of Iranian culture and Sasanid music, enabled him to create new images and meanings and granted him a special place in Abbasid period.
 

Abstract
This site is located 60 km southwest of Khalkhal, in Shahrood plane, in Khalkhal city and 180 km south of Ardabil city. In May 2006, during the implementation of the road construction project in Khanghah village, the remains of several graves were revealed. From this date onwards, four seasons of Archaeological studies were conducted on this site. The first season was carried out in the same year, and graves 12, 19 and 25 were explored, among them a grave to the Iron Age I and the other graves belonged to the Iron Age II. The trench B was also explored in order to identify of more tombs. Following the excavation, graves 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 and 24 were discovered in this trench. According to studies on these graves, 2 graves belonged to the middle Bronze Age, 1 grave to the Iron Age I, 9 graves to the Iron Age II, and 4 graves belonged to the Parthian period. The second season was explored in 2007. In this season, the trench C with dimensions 10 x 10 m on the west side of the trench A and trench D with dimensions of 5 × 5 m along the trench B was explored. As a result, in this season, the remains of the 5 ancient graves were obtained; one of them belonged to the Parthian period, 1 grave to the Middle Bronze Age and three other graves to the Iron Age I. Four scientific explorations have been conducted in which the results of the first season are fully published. In this study, the graves of the Iron Age of the second season of this site are discussed. The comparisons, such as the results of the grave studies of the first season of the cemetery, show a cultural connection with the mid and late bronze Age sites and the Iron Age I and II, indicating a cultural sequence from the Middle Bronze Age to the late Iron Age II, which contrasts with the theory of cultural dynamism. So, the main hypothesis of this study, it is: Theory of cultural dynamism in Iron Age I, in this area isn’t correct. 
Keywords: Northwest of Iran, Ardabil Province, Gilavan Cemetery, Iron Age Burials.

Introduction
Gilavan cemetery is located northwest of Khanghah village and adjoined to it. In terms of archaeological findings, this cemetery is one of the most prominent sites in the north-west of Iran, because of the burial of the three archaeological periods of the middle Ages, the Iron Age and the Parthian period. Four scientific explorations have been conducted in which the results of the first season are fully published. In this study, the graves of the Iron Age of the second season of this site are discussed. During this season, 5 ancient graves were explored, identified by numbers 26, 27, 28, 29 and 31. Grave No. 29 dated to the middle bronze age, graves 26, 28, and 31 dates to the Iron Age I and 27 to the Parthian period. The graves of this cemetery were in the form of a hole in which burials were carried out in single and double burials. In the present study, gravels of the Iron Age of second season were qualitatively, descriptively-analytic and comparative approach, and compared with the effects of other burial grounds of the north-west and neighboring areas. The comparisons, such as the results of the grave studies of the first season of the cemetery, show a cultural connection with the mid and late bronze Age sites and the Iron Age I and II, indicating a cultural sequence from the Middle Bronze Age to the late Iron Age II, which contrasts with the theory of cultural dynamism. The studies of Gilavan cemetery are important because in this area, in the burial findings of the graves, we witness a cultural sequence from the middle Bronze Age to the Iron Age II. Such results are of particular importance to the studies of the Iron Age, as well as the theory of cultural dynamism in the late period of the Bronze Age and the Iron Age, which some researchers believe it to be.

The tombs of Gilavan cemetery in this study
Tomb No. 26: This tomb is located in trench D, and in the northeast it, in a depth of -107 cm from bench mark. This tomb is from type of grave pit that after the burial from the rock has been used to highlighting the grave. This tomb has been belongs to man25 to 30 years old.
Tomb No. 28: This tomb is located in northwest corner of trench C, and highest level this tomb from the ground -149 cm. This tomb is from type of grave pit, and single burial. Tomb No. 28 has been belongs to female 25 to 30 years old. 
Tomb No. 31: This tomb is located in the northern part of trench C, and to form of double burial. Tomb No. 31 is from type of grave pit. 

Conclusion
The study of the graves of the Iron Age of this site indicates that there are many similarities in the burial findings of the northern-western areas of Iran during the bronze and iron period. In other words, the findings of this cemetery can be compared with the burial objects of many sites of the middle bronze, the late bronze and Iron Age I and II, and this represents a cultural sequence during a period to a period Another is in the north-west of Iran and even neighboring areas. It seems that many of the developments in the Iron Age region of Iran are rooted in the earlier period. Many of the forms and techniques of constructing objects represent a kind of evolved designs, and the subject matter that implies the emergence or sudden appearance of them is not visible.

Abstract
The tombs or funerary monuments are one of the most important elements of Iranian-Islamic architecture that in different fields require careful investigation. This group of buildings is important among Iranians; for this reason, in each period of the Islamic era of Iran the most important and most used arts related to that period have been used in their construction. Generally, the decoration in buildings has a more effective role, because, if it is understandable in terms of form and structure for archaeologists and designers, it’s possible this isn’t understandable for the general public. So, decorations in the buildings at first sight are attracts the viewer. In this article epigraphy art as one of the most important decorative elements of Islamic buildings have been reviewed in the four Seljuk tombs of Northwest of Iran: Gonbad Sorkh, Borj Modavar in Maragheh, Seh Gonbad, and Gonbad Kabood. The research method in this study is interpretive – historical. In this study with analytical method have been studied decorations of these four tombs (especially in terms of architecture, motifs, inscriptions and their position on the buildings). Also, in addition to reviewing the articles, books, and evidences, with field survey from these tombs, plan and decorations, and then a comparison table of inscriptions has been provided. In this regard, the following questions are raised:
- How is architecture, motifs and decorations of the Seljuk tombs in northwest Iran? And, their inscriptions are divided into several categories in terms of content?
- What are the effects of concepts of the inscriptions on position them on the buildings?
Reviews show that inscriptions of Seljuk tombs in the Northwest are divided into four groups: The Quranic verses, inscription with the theme of the date of construction, inscription with the topic of prayer, and inscription with the theme of the architect and the builder. On the other hand, position these inscriptions in the buildings have been differed proportional in their content. Inscriptions of the Quranic verses in the highest section of building, inscription with topic of prayer in the lower, inscription with the theme of date of construction and architect and builder are placed on the lower levels and on the body of building.
Keywords: Islamic architecture, Seljuk tombs, Northwest of Iran, decorations, inscription.

Introduction
Generally, one way of cognition more about periods of Islamic architecture besides of decorative elements and motifs, is study of inscriptions and their texts. In the Seljuk period, one of their architectural features, are create inscriptions and decorative lines from shaved bricks, that in most of buildings this period (especially tombs) is seen. Furthermore, due to the difficulty of shaving the bricks and the formation of letters and words with it, during this period, the Naskh script was replaced by the Kofi script and inscription with style of stucco was used (Hatam, 1999: 162).
In this article, in addition to reviewing the historical background and the process of build tombs in the Seljuk period to study and compare four tombs in the Seljuk period in Northwest of Iran, first have been introduce architectural features and decorative motifs them. Then, in comparative tables have been specified types of inscriptions and their position on the tombs. In this regard, following questions are raised: How are architecture, motifs and decorations of the Seljuk tombs in northwest Iran? And, their inscriptions are divided into several categories in terms of content? And, what are the effects of concepts of the inscriptions on position them on the buildings?
This study shows, inscriptions of Seljuk tombs in the Northwest are divided into four groups: The Quranic verses, inscription with the theme of the date of construction, inscription with the topic of prayer, and inscription with the theme of the architect and the builder. On the other hand, position these inscriptions in the buildings have been differed proportional in their content. Inscriptions of the Quranic verses in the highest section of building, inscription with topic of prayer in the lower, inscription with the theme of date of construction and architect and builder are placed on the lower levels and on the body of building.

Buildings under study
Gonbad Sorkh: The Gonbad Sorkh is oldest tomb in the Maragheh that is located in the southern part of the city and west side of Hashtrod road. Generally, in the Gonbad Sorkhon and in different parts and also on all sides this tomb is inscription.
Borj Modavar: The Borj Modavar is second tomb built after the Gonbad Sorkh and inside the city of Maragheh. This tomb now is located in Khaje Nasir Street and behind the building of Bank Melli. The Borj Modavar has two inscriptions that both of them are located in the main direction of the building and facing the North. 
Seh Gonbad: The Seh Gonbad is third tomb that was built in the Seljuk period in Azerbaijan. This tomb is located in the southeastern of Urmia city. The three inscriptions with Kofi script and geometric motifs at the facades of this tomb have created beautiful view.
Gonbad Kabood: The Gonbad Kabood after the Gonbad Sorkh and the Borj Modavar is third of building that has been made in the Maragheh city. In this building 5 inscriptions are visible.

Conclusion
It’s certain, in Seljuk period and in the method architects and artists of this period, concepts of inscriptions have played an important role in location of inscriptions. According to this, inscriptions of Quranic verses and inscriptions of mystical concepts and prayers have usually been located at higher levels. Other inscriptions (such as inscriptions with historical or political themes) have usually been located in lower levels. The location of inscriptions in buildings from the down to up in four sections 1, 2, 3, and 4 in the table below is shown.

Abstract
In the Holocene, there has been a sudden and severe climate change that has affected the process of cultural evolution, subsistence system, demographic change, and the pattern of the distribution of human settlements. Palaeoclimatological studies show that in the second half of the 7th millennium BC, during a cold and dry climatic event, with a peak of about 6200 BC, the settlement conditions, in particular in some parts of the Northern hemisphere, were significantly disturbed. After this period, the air temperature rose sharply and replaced the warm and dry climate from the beginning of the 6th millennium BC. From the second quarter of the 6th millennium BC, gradually, the amount of humidity increased and the air temperature decreased, so that from the beginning of the second half of the 6th millennium BC, more favorable climate conditions were created for agricultural activities. The early evidence of the human settlements in the North of Central Iran region mainly belongs to the beginning of the sixth millennium BC. Due to the lack of architectural evidence from the first half of the 6th millennium BC in this region, human societies were probably semi-sedentary. From about 5400 BC, sedentary-farmer settlements with architecture were established and gradually their number increased. In the early 5th millennium BC, a warm and dry climatic change caused the interregnum/collapse of the settlements in the region. Therefore, the time of the genesis and prosperity of the early settlements in the North of Central Iran was related to the climatic conditions and occurred in an appropriate climate period between two dry periods.
Keywords: The Mid-Holocene, Climate Change, 6200 BC Event, 6th Millennium BC, The North of Central Iran.

Introduction
Although human beings have the liberty in nature, the study of the cultural evolution of human societies without reference to environmental change cannot be valid. In other words, one of the main motives of cultural dynamism and evolution is interactions between humans and the environment.
The Holocene period is divided into three phases: the early Holocene (ca. 9700 - 6000 BC), the middle (ca. 6000-3000 BC) and the late (ca. 3000 BC). Abrupt climate changes, both warming and colding, which have led to drought and unfavorable environmental conditions, have repeatedly occurred since the beginning of the Holocene age and have led to cultural collapses in human societies. However, between these climatic events, we often witness the birth of a new or evolved culture.
In the cultural region of the North of Central Iran, with the exception of the Western Tepe of Sang-i Chakhmaq, no evidence has yet been found of human settlements belonging to before the sixth millennium BC (the beginning of the Middle Holocene). Due to the occurrence of the 6200 BC climatic event, which caused a severe cold-drought period for 200-400 years (in different regions), presumably, the lack of prehistoric sites has been linked to unfavorable climatic conditions in this arid and semi-arid cultural region. The results of palaeoclimatological studies, together with absolute datings, can not only be useful in more accurate chronology of ancient sites, but also they can explain the causes of population changes, settlement patterns, many of migrations and displacements of human societies, as well as changes in their diet and lifestyle. In this study, considering the climatic condition of the early Mid-Holocene, based on the palaeoclimatological studies carried out in several sites, the initial status of human settlements in the North of Central Iran region during the sixth millennium BC will be discussed.

Research Findings
In the Holocene, the air temperature and moisture significantly increased compared to the Ice Age, and the changing climate led to the emergence of the Neolithic Age and food production. However, during this period, despite the high average of the air temperature, the earth experienced severe climate changes, which affected cultural development, demographic changes, subsistence system, and the distribution pattern of human settlements. Around 6200 BC, suddenly, a very cold climate change occurred, which lasted 150 to 600 years in different regions. The occurrence of this event led to changes in the lifestyle of the Neolithic communities. The cultural region of the North of Central Iran consists of two parts: the Western part (the salt lake basin) and the Eastern part (the Western half of the central desert basin). The oldest Neolithic settlement in the Western part of the region is the Western tepe of Sang-i Chakhmaq dating back to 7200 BC to 6600 BC, but in the Eastern part, no settlements belonging to before 6100 BC have been found.
So far, a few semi-sedentary sites belonging to the first half of the 6th millennium BC in the salt lake basin have been identified. Palaeoclimatological studies show that the air temperature and humidity have suddenly increased sharply after the 6200 BC cold event. However, since the second quarter of the 6th millennium BC, the air temperature has gradually decreased. In the middle of this millennium, an abrupt warming fluctuation occurred, but from about 5400 BC, the air temperature and humidity reached an optimum level for agricultural activities. In general, the early sedentary-farmer settlements in this region belong to after 5400 BC. However, at the end of the 6th millennium BC, another climate change caused severe warm-dry conditions, in which, since the beginning of the fifth millennium BC, settlements gradually collapsed.

Conclusion
The cultural area of North Central Iran consists of two parts: West (catchment basin of Namak Lake) and East (Western half catchment basin of central desert). The first Neolithic settlement in the Western part of this region, Western mound of Sang-i Chakhmaq with dating 7200 BC to 6600 BC. In the eastern part, so far, no settlement older haven’t been found than 6100 BC. The early sedentary-farmer settlements in the cultural region of the north of central Iran, such as Yan Tepe of the Ozbeki site, Tepe Ibrahim Abad, Tepe Moein Abad, Northern Tepe of the Sialk site, Tepe Pardis and Tepe Cheshmeh Ali, have been established and developed in a 400-year period between 5400 and 5000 BC with a relatively mild and humid climate, between two severe drought periods.

Abstract
In architecture a native of Iran is one of the principles of designing urban spaces people heir. Iranian architect has always been the human needs and demands into consideration. The architect of the past based on the desired climate space architecture in order to provide the human comfort design. Climatic conditions, along with other environmental factors, including the most important factors in the formation of the urban tissue. According to the characteristics of the architecture of the hot and dry climate of the burning sun of Iran and high thermal grade set, one of the last in the direction of the architect prolegomena ghosting in designed and produced Gzarha, awning. The awning are enable in the alley and Gzarha, which is part of Ford’s baths and climatic elements as well as the optimum biological requirements, in addition to making in retrofitting buildings of both sides of the Gzarha role. Unfortunately, nowadays in Iranian architecture, awning, to have been forgotten and the urban tissue of the awning or totally destroyed or have been to have been abandoned. With the recognition and evaluation of the architectural had knowledge of the geometry of the design knowledge can be structural elements of the ‘ climate-and once again, and also can be found in contemporary design and the urban tissue of the upcoming hot and dry climate of these special elements of the template. Between the geometry and the architecture of Yazd Fahadan quarter awnings body, and there is significant direct relationship. Based on the literature reviewed thus far, little research on the subject of the typology of Iranian awning and reviews of this climatic elements-from the perspective of structural knowledge of geometry.
Keywords: Indigenous Architecture of Iran, Geometry and Proportions, Consecutive Awning, the Yazd Fahadan Quarter.

Introduction
More research on the concept of the awning as the climatic element, check its stability in the amount of Gzarha and typology in the cities of Isfahan, Yazd, Kermanshah and because Shushtar. This document first geometric features of the architecture of the neighborhood, Yazd Fahadan awnings case is assessed. In the present study research methodology in terms of the objective applied-and in terms of the fundamental, method, method of inductive reasoning. The data field of a library, and on the left-hand tyranny. As well as the method of the analysis of qualitative data, quantitative methods-. After the library studies about the awning and its species, the hot and dry climate, awning, city of Yazd. Given that the neighborhood is one of the valuable historical neighborhoods Fahadan city of Yazd and had the original on the awning has chosen this neighborhood Neighborhood and 25 examples of this continuous awnings precious historic texture of the randomly selected, shooting data and to invoke the method of inductive analysis of the entire case apart. In this study, 256 Motalah sample random item selection and expressed. Between the geometry and the architecture of Yazd Fahadan quarter awnings body, and there is significant direct relationship. Based on the literature reviewed thus far, little research on the subject of the typology of Iranian awning and reviews of this climatic elements-from the perspective of structural knowledge of geometry.

Research Findings
This article focuses on the impact it has had on the geometry and shape of the neighborhood architectural desired awning case analysis. This research was completed in line with the previous research and reviews of historical proportions awning Fahadan quarter of Yazd. Based on the review conducted, became apparent between the geometry as a factor influencing the Fahadan quarter of Yazd awning architecture machines. The awning case study in terms of the geometry of the plan and the facade proportions and comply with the Iranian. The planning rectangular Fahadan quarter of Yazd awning is complete to the ratio of 1.73 and the ratio of that follow. This was evident in the analysis of the maximum number of the awning case reviews in terms of placement location in the middle of the pass. The largest number of covering arch with arch, and most of these Mazh awning in the direction North-South geographic have been drawn. As mentioned, an important element of the native architecture awning and climate are considered that Iran nowadays knowledge making it to oblivion. With this special climatic elements can be revived by the ancient native patterns as well as in the construction of the urban tissue and forming of new concepts that are of interest. In this study, the historical neighborhood of awning plan and valuable knowledge from the perspective of Yazd Sahadan geometry and rectangular proportions of Persia were analyzed. In future research can be found other than to work in Iran and other Persian architecture in the structure and architecture of the climatic elements-structural (awning) about the investigation. This test also can be used for other cities and places of historical texture of Yazd.

Conclusion
As mentioned, an important element of the native architecture awning and climate are considered that Iran nowadays knowledge making it to oblivion. With this special climatic elements can be revived by the ancient native patterns as well as in the construction of the urban tissue and forming of new concepts that are of interest. In this study, the historical neighborhood of awning plan and valuable knowledge from the perspective of Yazd Sahadan geometry and rectangular proportions of Persia were analyzed. In future research can be found other than to work in Iran and other Persian architecture in the structure and architecture of the climatic elements-structural (awning) about the investigation. This test also can be used for other cities and places of historical texture of Yazd.

Abstract
The city has more than one enclosed enclosure inside the barrow, and it introduces more than one area. Cities have seen profound changes in industrial, social, economic, political, and in particular their demographic, in their relatively long history. The oldest cities between the end of the 4th millennium and the beginning of the third millennium BC They emerged in western Asia and in places where their climate was favorable, and the fertile land suitable for cultivation .Also, the city’s urbanization in Iran dates back to the fourth millennium BC, But the process of city formation and the continuity of urbanization has been gradual in its own way. The Iranian city’s security includes the features and values of the architecture and urbanization of Iran, prior to the arrival of Islam. After the arrival of the Arabs in Iran and the formation of a unified Islamic state in the lands under Islamic domination, the emergence of sprouts The early buds of the new towns, these new towns, originated mostly from Islamic teachings, are divided into two main categories Cities left from civilizations before Islam or cities built by Muslims. The Islamic mayor was structurally persistent in the urbanization of the Sasanian era, and its physical elements were mostly derived from culture. The rich are Islam and represent Islamic civilization and culture. One of these cities is Qazvin, whose core was formed during the Shapur Sassanid dynasty and gradually developed and expanded during the Islamic era, and during Safavid times, Shah Tahmasb was chosen as the second capital of this dynasty.
Keywords: City, Urbanization, Iran, Islam, Qazvin.

Introduction
The word “city” has a long history in Iranian languages. The concept of the city is simply not possible, because civilization begins with urban life, as a result civilization has a direct relationship with urbanization or city. The process of the formation of cities and states for the first time during the third millennium. Based on the evidence available in the Middle East and the regions. The southern and central middle and middle plains of Khuzestan, Nile valley in the north of Aswan, the plains of the Iranian plateau from Fars to South Turkmenistan have been the main centers for the expansion of early cities in the semi-arid lands of Western Asia. One of the major differences between cities yesterday and today is their size, which initially made it difficult to distinguish between the city and the ten because not only the size of the small towns and their population was limited. But the ten and the city, as well as the dominant economic activity, were the same. Each city has different sections that are evidenced by evidence Exploring the ancient sites, the main parts of cities are the structures of the living city, including: temples, palaces, warehouses, defensive walls, houses Residential neighborhoods, workshops and industrial neighborhoods of cities, cities of the dead or cemeteries. In Iran, the process of urbanization and urbanization of the fourth millennium BC It began with the identity of cities and their architecture before the arrival of Islam into Iran But with the arrival of Islam to Iran, we are witnessing the formation of new Islamic cities, and pre-Islamic Pre-Islamic Iranian cities, including Qazvin, are developed and expanded with Islamic elemental elements.

Creation of the First Cities and the Formation of the City of Qazvin
The word root of the city’s name indicates that the city has a semantic meaning over an enclosed enclosure within the barrow, and has more than one district (rural district, district, county, and province). One of the major differences between cities today and tomorrow is their size. At first, it was not easy to identify the city and ten of them. The city and township in Iran has a long history of civilization. And exploring the ancient sites of Iran dates the city and urbanization to the fourth millennium BC. The Iranian identity of the city includes the features and values of the architecture and urbanization of Iran before the arrival of Islam into Iran. Qazvin is one of the cities that was created during Sassanid era and on the orders of Shapur Zoltakht and the original city In the form of a fence and a gable under the name of Shapour’s fence, there were gates in different directions; Qazvin also had a city within the first city under the name of Sharistan or the city, which was later mentioned in the Islamic period by Islamic historians. On the edge of the city and around it there were gardens and fields that Naser Khosrow in the century 5h. q These gardens were mentioned without a fence, and these gardens during the Safavid period and during the Qazvin’s capital created the Gardenshahr of Qazvin, and the works of these gardens still remain in the city until now. During the Safavid period of Qazvin, the name “Dar al-Saltanah” He took himself and chose it as the capital of the king of Tahmasb.

Conclusion
Qazvin is among the cities that has been of special importance in all historical periods, according to written documents written by historians and geographers of Qazvin city by Shapur Zoltakht. It was called “Shadshapur”, but there is however no evidence of the state of the city during the Sassanid era. The only references mentioned in this article are the base and the boundary of Qazvin. In this period it is for the war against the Dalian, which most historians have pointed out. With the arrival of Islam in Iran and the conquest of Qazvin by Muslims, the city gradually expands and the core of the city for its development is the location of the Shapouri fence, which in the texts Historians have been referred to as the Keswin fortress, and in the post-Islamic periods, the city has expanded to this area. On the other hand, the city of Qazvin is located on the east-west and north-south communication highways.

Abstract
Tapeh Giyan in Western Iran, which is well known to the archaeological academia, is one of the most important prehistoric mounds in Central Zagros which has always been noticed by both Iranian and foreign archaeologists. The last season of field works at Tapeh Giyan was done under Ali Khaksar in the spring and summer of 2012 in order to determine its boundaries. For this purpose, 27 test pits were dug all over the mound, and in trench no. 12, a distinctive burial was discovered. Since none of the 122 graves excavated by the French expedition over the years 1931 and 1932 were documented, the excavation continued on this newfound grave; it was entitled no. 123. Its burial’s corpse’s position is a combination of bent and supine position, and its mouth is abnormally wide open; also, there are 19 funerary objects buried with it. In the present study, we are going to discuss the very unique burial position of this grave together with its historic and comparative aspects.
Keywords: Iran, Central Zagros, Tapeh Giyan, Burial, Bronze Age.

Introduction
Tapeh Giyan is a well-known archaeological site located 12 km from the west of Nahavand and 70 km from the south of Hamadan city, in the marginal parts of a small town with the same name. As it was mentioned above Tapeh Giyan is situated in the Northern peripheral parts of the town, and it meets residential units in the south. This mound is 350 m long and 150 m wide, and it is also 17 m higher than the surface of the adjacent lands. Lastly, the average height of the mound is 1600 m above the sea level. This archaeological site was excavated by French archaeologists (Contenau and Ghirshman) over the years 1931-1932 and its results were published in 1935. Giyan became less important till it was once again excavated in 27 test pits in 2012 in a research program for delimitating the mound and determining its boundaries. In the course of conducting this research program, the true area of the mound was determined. The mound spreads towards the south, east and also southeast, and it continues to the beds beneath streets and houses; this was confirmed by an in-situ burial located in the outer parts of mound’s boundaries dating back to the middle Bronze Age. The burial was to excavated and studied owing to the fact that the other 122 burials were not completely/fully documented by the French expedition. 

Discussion 
Tapeh Giyan is one of the most prominent archaeological sites in Central Zagros from which artifacts from 5th to 1st millennia have been reported in the course of archaeological excavations. This mound’s excavations could undoubtedly bridge the gap between non-scientific/unsystematic and scientific/systematic archaeological excavations in Iran. At that time, the system of stratigraphy (was not interpreted in the same way) it does now, and what was regarded really important during excavation was finding the origin of a particular pottery from the region of Giyan as well as the bronze artifacts of Lurestan. Considering the fact that most information about Tapeh Giyan has been yielded from its burials, it cannot be reliable enough from the stratigraphic point of view; however, it’s been about 50 years that the chronology covering mid-3rd millennium to 2nd millennium B.C.E. in western Iran has been established based on Tapeh Giyan’s excavations. 
Overall, 122 graves have been excavated in scattered spots of Tapeh Giyan at different depths during the previous excavations at Giyan. 119 graves in the depth of 9.5 m. from the mound’s surface, and 3 graves in depths of 11.5, 13 and 14; one in each, have been dug. These graves are in form of simple elliptical pits in the ground. The children’s skeletons have been buried in almost large jars. The corpse body and skeleton have been bent and it seems that this position pattern had not been obligatory. In the course of this season’s excavation, an accompanied burial was found in test pit number 12 in the depth of 200 cm from the mound surface. In this grave, 19 objects have also been found together with the skeleton; this assemblage of objects includes: 6 ceramic pots, 4 bronze pots, 1 bronze spear, 1 bone object, 2 bronze earrings, 2 bronze rings which were joint to the jaws, 1 metal ore-like blade, and 2 bronze rings on elbow bones. These objects which are considered funerary objects and grave gifts were mostly put above skeleton’s head and at the same level with the skeleton. As we know, the funerary objects represent both functional and ritual importance in burying traditions, and the funerary objects in this newfound grave constitute majorly potsherds. 
The notable point about this burial is the skeleton’s position pattern; this skeleton’s upper part along with its pelvis is both in a complete supine position, and its mouth is unnaturally open. Considering the existence of two bronze rings at the joint of the upper and the lower jaws (mandible and maxilla), we could conclude that some changes have been exerted on the primary status of the burial. The jaw bone and the teeth are completely sound except for the premolars which have traces of wearing on them; all this makes us presume that this person would do an activity with them when he had been alive. His legs are tucked in toward his stomach on the right side of his pelvis. The toes and ankles of his both legs were below the right side of pelvis, and the pelvis itself had been dislocated after burial due to external pressures. The bone of left leg’s femur was located on the pelvis, and the femur’s head had been situated on the right hand’s elbow as well. 

Conclusion
According to the paleoanthropological studies, this skeleton belongs to a hefty man aging 35- 40 years old. This skeleton, despite being almost well-preserved, bears some evidence which indicates a number of changes applied in the primary burial including lack of some hand and foot phalanges as well as the existence of the rings put on the two papillae on the lower jaw joint. It is highly likely that these rings have caused the mouth to remain open, which could imply sort of burial tradition. According to Ghrishman’s excavations in 1933 and 1934 in the Tapeh Giyan, the earrings have been among the funerary objects of men. In addition, the rings couldn’t be earrings in that in addition to the rings, there are two earrings in the grave. Because of the abundant muscles and vessels existed between upper and lower jaws, the rings could not be placed there in a living human. Therefore, the rings must have been placed in these places after death intentionally. Furthermore, the symmetrical position of the rings in the two papillae on the lower jaw joint, the impossibility of putting and removing the rings easily in this place and also having no evidence of the natural post- depositional processes, in other cases such as earrings, and the object place on the collar bone, are the reason for rejecting the natural post-depositional processes and accidental disturbance. Ceramic wares constitute the majority of the gifts. These wares are all morphologically typified as Giyan (IV, III) and Godin types which all date back to mid-third millennium through late- second millennium B.C.E. Existence of metal objects in this grave and studying the type of bronze alloy utilized in these objects’ structures shows that the method and technique used in producing these dishes and pots has been lost wax method, and beside that hammering has been applied in making the other metal objects. Finally, on the basis of the historic-comparative studies, and also with considering the chronology of prehistoric cultures at Tapeh Giyan, we can infer that this burial belongs to (middle) Bronze Age and dates back to a period of time from 2500 to 2000 B.C.E.

Abstract
Beginning in 1948, archaeological surveys and excavations in northwest Iran brought to light evidence of cultural developments related to the movements of people who colonized vast parts of the Near East from northeast Anatolia to southern Levant in the late 4th and early 3rd millennium B.C., prompted by environmental changes, population boom or shortage of biological resources in their homeland. The period is best known in the archaeological literature as the Early Trans-Caucasian (ETC) or Kura-Araxes culture, and is distinguished, by a disparate black burnished pottery with incised decorations. Here is published for the time a sample of decorative patterns on the related pottery from Yanik Tepe. The main question of the study was: To what extent did the newcomer potters communicated on this pottery the artistic traditions they had brought with themselves from their homeland? Data gathered through museum and library enquiries were used to carry out a comparative study. Data analysis was of qualitative nature, and the study represented one of culture-historical. 
Keywords: Azarbaijan, Yanik Tepe, Early Bronze Age, Pottery, National Museum of Iran.

Introduction
The question central to this study is: Does the Kura-Araxian pottery tradition at Yanik Tepe reflect traits induced by indigenous experimentations, or it was simply developed via foreign inspirations and cultural interactions? 
As stated, the pottery assemblages from Yanik Tepe had remained intact since their initial movement to National Museum of Iran after the close of excavation. Preparatory work was therefore required before deciding on or attempting any sort of study. Accordingly, the whole collection was recorded and washed before the decorated sherds were singled out and sorted into such groups as geometric motifs, animal motifs, plain, and miscellaneous. This was followed by the documentation process that involved photographing, drawing and registering the entire formal and technical attributes of individual pieces. Attempts were made to exclude from the final sample the patterns that were identical to those already published by Burney in various places. Also to meet the diversity criterion, pieces were selected from as varied excavated exposures as Areas or Trenches H, HX, K, L, M, P and different Levels, viz. YT.HX3, YT161HX, YTHX4, YT.HX1, YTK3, YT.HH1, YTH5, YT.HH1A, YT.C5, YT.P2, YT.LIA, YT.HH10, YT.HX1, YT.L3PRMII, YT.P2, YT.39C, and YT.RH13.

Yanik Tepe
A key site in the archaeology of the eastern Urmia Lake Basin, Yanik Tepe is 30 km southwest of Tabriz and 6 km from Khosrowshahr, within the village of Tazeh Kand on the Talkheh Rud. Burney excavated the site in 1960, 1961 and 1962, shortly after its identification in 1958-9. Yanik Tepe consists of a high mound and a low mound, rising 16.5 m and 1.50 m from the surrounding lands, respectively. With an original total area of about 6 hectares, it represents a type-site of the Kura-Araxes culture in Azerbaijan (Burney 1963, 138). Large parts of the site are now destroyed. Typical of the culture that flourished at Yanik Tepe were round and rectilinear houses and a distinct pottery tradition. Most intriguing are those types that resemble the material from the vast cultural horizon of eastern Anatolia and the early Trans-Caucasia of the mid-3rd millennium BC. 
Building on the results of his excavations at Yanik Tepe, Burney divided the whole Kura-Araxes (or the ETC) sequence to the three discrete periods of ETC I, ETC II, and ETC III, where the earliest period marks the birth of the culture in its motherland, the second is associated with round structures and decorated pottery, and the latest sees the predominance of rectilinear architecture and virtual disappearance of decorations on pottery (Summers 2004, 619-620). For a more recent and detailed discussions on the chronology and dates as well as the stratigraphy of Yanik Tepe, the reader is referred to Summers 2013; 2014, 157-159. 
An idiosyncrasy of the Early Bronze Age at Yanik Tepe is the handmade, black or gray burnished pottery with incised patterns. The technique is reminiscent of woodcarving and was presumably inspired by the densely forested landscape of the homeland of bearers of the culture who came to the rather sparsely wooded regions of northwest and west Iran. The technique was widely applied to pottery along with excised patterns, filled with white and occasionally ocher pastes. 
Designs like birds and highly stylized rams or ibexes with curled horns, and bands of geometric motifs were carved on bowls, jars and footed pedestal vessels and small cups, the pottery forms common to the period. 
The Middle Bronze period marks a shift in architectural styles as the related houses were built in a rectilinear plan using mud bricks. The thick walls spoke of two-storied buildings. The use of decorations diminishes, and the so-called graphite burnished technique emerges on a few examples of cups. Vessels are relatively finer, and burnishing is more frequent. Pottery forms show no considerable differences between the two periods (Burney 1962). However, the so-called Nakhichevan lugs, common to the latter period, occur now only in a vestigial form. 

Kura-Araxes Pottery of Yanik Tepe
This section gives a description of the pottery with a special focus on decorations, along with a series of so far unpublished illustrations, which besides enriching the existing literature on the pottery history, are intended to improve the current picture of the evolution of pottery styles through the long Kura-Araxian horizon at Yanik Tepe. It is notable that, as stated earlier, the pieces and decorations published here have not been introduced in any earlier publications and have been selected from various trenches and levels to ensure a representative sample to the possible extent. 
The Kura-Araxian pottery, coming in disparate wares and decorations, represent a new style that newcomer artisans had brought with themselves to northwest Iran. It is characterized by dark gray or shiny black or light brown color; vessels are handmade, contain mineral tempers, and show a burnished surface bearing an assortment of motifs such as spirals, “ram horns” and concentric circles or “eyes” (Burney and Lang 1971). In the Kura-Araxes Period I, rail rims were common, the Nakhichevan lugs were not yet emerged, and some Chalcolithic forms and decorative techniques persisted (Glumac and Anthony 1992). Related material occurs at most sites in Caucasia, the eastern fringes of Anatolia, and Geoy Tepe K1 (Sagona 2000).
The Period II is distinguished by the abundance of elbow handles and advent of semi-circular Nakhichevan lugs; the rail rims are utterly absent (Seyedov 2000). Notable in the assemblages is the ubiquitous concentric circles or “eyes” and incised triangles or chevrons. The pottery with its distinctive incised decorations shows influences from neighboring spheres. Various motifs are discernible. Animals, birds and fish occur in abundance. Birds appear as stylized representations on jars and bowls with decorations always reserved for the base or close to it. Also present are very simple geometric designs, bands raging from plain examples of undulating lines to those of a very intricate combination of nested designs, horizontal grooves or hatches, zigzags and doted patterns, rows of geometric motifs like lozenges with adjoining triangles filled with a various combinations of incised dots in diverse arrangements, swastikas, small lozenges and slanting motifs. Spirals and concentric circles were applied in incised form and evolved into an excised form with the related patterns filled with a white paste or lime. A frequent motif is the sharply angled triangles evoking the mountain motif as is the incised patterns imitating cuneiform signs. They are much finer compared with the ordinary handmade pieces. The Kura-Arax II material from Yanik Tepe find parallels in Geoy K1, Yakhvali, Ravaz (Kohna Shahar), Baruj, Haftavan VII and Godin IV (Burney 1961, 1962; Kleiss and Kroll 1979; Asurov 2000).
Typical to the Kura-Araxes III assemblages are the incised spirals and loop handles attached to the rim. The concentric circles occur in a higher frequency (Burney and Lang 1971, 67; Seyedov 2000, 19). Nakhichevan lugs show a gradual decline. Related pottery is known from Geoy K3, Godin IV, Shengavit IV, Kul Tepe of Nakhichevan, Kvatskhelebi in Georgia and sites in the Koban area of East Anatolia (Burney 1961, 1962; Burney and Lang 1971; Sagona 2000).

Abstract
Evidences found from Archaeological explorations, rock reliefs and rock inscriptions, express immemorial connections between music art and Iranian societies and cultures in the historical age. The music of Mythic era (Pishdadians and Kayanids) and Historical era (Medians, Achaemenids, Parthians and Sassanians) is the most general division of music history of pre Islam. The flourish of Elamid music, before the Achaemids, can be noted as well. This research is a descriptive – analysis type, conducted to survey the position of music art in the societies and cultures of Iran at the Historical age. The research findings are gathered by documentary and field studies and analyzed in qualitative manner. The results of this research state that the upper and lower classes of the society had an important role in formation, transition and evolution of this art at the aforementioned time. Playing various instruments such as harp, reed (Ney), Drum, hornpipe, timpani, etc. in orisons, sacrifice, wedding and mourning ceremonies, indicating the association of this art with social life of people and closed connection between music and cultural, religious, social, economical and political characteristics of societies in ancient Iran. 
Keywords: Music, Historical Age, Dominant Class, Iranian Societies and Cultures.

Introduction
Music, art phenomena of human society from ancient times had an enormous impact on human life and the instruments used in each of the shapes and forms found. Some researchers, regardless of the place of music in ancient societies, conflicting views about the history and musical instruments proposed. Melody of emotions and human-induced internal interactions and represents sadness and joy, excitement and peace of mind of human beings. Clearly, music is a twin phenomenon and the essence of every nation in the world and part of the national identity and the culture of each society. Is that every nation and culture with its own music and is presented well and every nation has a special music from the distant past, a feature that the nation remained culturally distinct from the rest of the United Nations. Evidences found from Archaeological explorations, rock reliefs and rock inscriptions, express immemorial connections between music art and Iranian societies and cultures in the historical age. The music of Historical era (Elamites, Medians, Achaemenids, Parthians and Sassanians) is the most general division of music history of pre Islam. The flourish of Elamid music, before the Achaemids, can be noted as well. 

Discussion
This research is a descriptive – analysis type, conducted to survey the position of music art in the societies and cultures of Iran at the Historical age. The research findings are gathered by documentary and field studies and analyzed in qualitative manner.
Elamite period, the religious aspect is more art (probably due to lack of awareness of the use of this type of art, not a fact issue) of music and musicians in different events such as prayer to God (s) and sacrifice is used, although in that evening treated to music for celebrations. Choghamish seals in pre-historic and close to the Elamite era boom in the art show. Another important point in this era, there are three types of instruments (wind, percussion and string) in relief Kul-farah, Nineveh and Choghamish is obvious. The Medes also continued the tradition of singing the prayer ceremony. The art of this period are still among the lower class of society was not room for growth. Apparently the enthronement ceremony of the kings of the Medes, and continued playing music with ancient traditional shows. Another important point is that in this era, more music and religious aspects of the court official. In the Achaemenid era, a variety of martial music, festive and popular religious and because they Achaemenid Empire, many ethnic groups and was brought under the umbrella of its sovereignty, it is natural that people and communities benefit from these experiences. For example, the relative effects of Elamite and Achaemenid Persians in Mesopotamia the art of music is evident. There are a variety of instruments such as bass drum, horn, trumpet, harp, and trumpet and so does the variety of music in the evening. Although most economic activity in the state and was Clergymen and music is also closely associated with the court and Clergymen, but the bards and minstrels in ceremonies such as weddings and parties, it is reported that the ceremony might have the class and the ruling of is. Women who are part of every society, at court, continuing a long tradition, at least since Elam shows. Of military music show which direction the signal should not ignore the start and end of the war was used. In the Seleucid era by combining the theory of joint Iranian Persian music and Greek - Greek arose that its effects can be seen in the Western and Arabic music communities. The Parthian era, social security and qualitative progress in the industry, the development of the art of music. At this time a singer by the name of the party “gossan” was formed and it was probably the kind of song street market quotes were chest to chest. The importance of music in the Sassanid era, forced the king to appoint a minister for relations such art. Rank them in court Bahram Gur was promoted to second grade classes of the community court. Due to the rising value of the musicians in the court, there are special procedures for the ceremony music. In Sassanid period like the past, different types of music can be seen. Including a festive and happy, when hunting was hunting that deception, as well as the religious ceremony of singing used to comply with previous periods. In the course of the past continued to use some of the instruments. Also at this time the instruments were invented, how notation arose and skilled musicians and great musicians like Barbad, Bamshad, rebellious, Nakisa and others emerged and certain sounds like Ravshn or “way” was coined during this era. Poetry and music together in this land, and poet and musician is often a people. The music of this era is also quite popular among ordinary people and continued to Islamic periods.

Conclusions
The results of this research state that the music, as a general, was a special art for dominant ruler in the society which professional artists used to gather in their courts. Playing various instruments such as harp, reed (Ney), Drum, hornpipe, timpani, etc. Playing various instruments such as harp, reed (Ney), Drum, hornpipe, timpani, etc. in orisons, sacrifice, wedding and mourning ceremonies, indicating the association of this art with social life of people and closed connection between music and cultural, religious, social, economical and political characteristics of societies in ancient Iran.

Abstract
In 1931, The archaeological sites of Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz were registered in the National Iranian Registry of Sites, but since then, their exact location remained unknown. According to the Cultural Heritage monuments list, the Location of all three sites are in Iraq. In this article we have attempted to find clues about the location of these three sites, according to De Morgan’s reports, satellite photographs, Historical maps and documents related to the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods of the Iran-Ottoman Border conflict. Our evaluations indicate that these three sites are located in three different locations inside modern Iraq- Iran’s political border somewhere around Ilam province. In this article, the authors try to answer these three questions: Have these sites been inside Iranian border in Qajar and Pahlavi periods? Are these three sites traceable? Could the mentioned sites be dated to the Elamite period?
Keywords: National Iranian Registry, Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye, Seba’āt-e Kahriz, Pusht-i Kuh Luristan, borderland.

Introduction
Jean-Jacques De Morgan was a French mining engineer, geologist, and archaeologist who had travelled to all across the Iranian plateau before starting excavations at Susa. During his visit to Pusht-i Kuh, De Morgan was hosted by Hussein-Gholi Khan, the governor of this region for more than a month. in Etudes geographques, he indicates to these ancient sites of Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kheriz (Tchahar-riz) located west and south of Pusht-i Kuh beyond the Iranian current border. André Godard, another French archaeologist was assigned to serve the new-founded Iranian Archeological Service in 1922. He was responsible for registering and restoring the national heritage monuments. The first three monuments that were recorded in Godard’s list were Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kheriz. It seems that Godard had used De Morgan’s book to present Pusht-i Kuh monuments.

Discussion
During the last centuries, the western border of Iran has always been the matter of dispute between Iran and its neighbors. The conflicts between the Iranian and Ottoman governments began in the Safavid era. In 1850 some joint commissions were appointed to settle the border disputes and their work were underway for about 70 years. These commissions were mediated by Russian and British representatives in the region. The present borders of Iran and Iraq are the result of these commissions. During and before these commissions the nomads of the region were easily crossing the border. The Baksaye or Bagh-e Shahi area nowadays on Iraqi soil was part of the Pusht-i kuh governor’s estate. But as the Pahlavi era began, the last governor fled to Iraq and the region was permanently separated from Iran.
De Morgan only gave an explanation of his visit to the Tursaq area. He has been silent about the two districts of the Baksaye and the Tib River Basin. It seems that he has never been to these two areas. It sounds that local people or the governor himself have informed de Morgan about Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz. he may also have access to the map of the Border Commission in which these two sites have been mentioned. In the map of boundary delimitation committee all three areas of Tursaq, Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz Sabah are attested and their location are shown.

Conclusion
Some 90 years after registering of Tursaq sites (Sulaiman and Zirzir Tapa), as well as Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz sites in the of Iranian National list of Registered Sites, an opportunity presented itself to gather information on the latter using written documents, historical maps and remote sensing techniques. The Tursaq complex, which has been registered under the name of Sulaiman Tapa, is essentially two separated, yet nearby settlements. According to the illustrated report by the Iraqi Antiquities Department published in 1967, Tursaq has deposits dating to the Achaemenid and Seleucid periods, whereas according to Jacques de Morgan the sites date to the Kassite period, while the National Iranian Registry of Sites refer to the site as Elamite. As for Baksaye, de Morgan only refers to the site’s name and it is registered on the Iranian list. Based on the Iraqi Atlas of Archaeological Sites, the latter site, a cluster of several small sites in the Baksaye area next to the Iran-Iraq border in Mehran region, dates back to Old Assyrian, Kassite and Islamic times. The third site, erroneously registered on the list as Seba’āt-e Khariz is in fact Seba’āt-e Kahriz (Seven Kariz) in the north of the Maysan Province of Iraq. According to De Morgan and the Iranian list this site is Elamite, but our analyses of satellite and aerial images suggest that the site might in fact belong to Seleucid-Parthian, and perhaps Sasanian periods. 

Abstract
The bronze coins of Antiochus III that are dated to the time of his great expedition to the East come from a mint in Ecbatana. The obverse depicts the diademed head of the king, whereas the reverse shows a grazing horse or a mare with a foal. Both motifs were absent from Seleucid coinage, but direct analogies can be found in Achaemenid seals. By placing these motifs on his coins, Antiochus III was likely attempting to portray himself as the rightful king of Iran. 
Keywords: Antiochus III, Coins, Horse Motives, Grazing Horse and a Mare, Iran, Greece. 

The coinage of Antiochus III, the Great (223-187 BC) featured various kinds of the horse motif. Whereas some depictions portrayed the king as a charging cavalryman with a spear,II others presented horses by themselves. The obverse of the bronze coins minted in Ecbatana show the diademed head of the king. The reverse depicts a grazing horse with the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462, cat. no. 1264-1967; Newell, 1938: 213-214, cat. no. 618-621, Pl. XLVI, 13-18). The same mint produced bronze coins with an identical obverse and a different depiction on the reverse, although with the same legend. The reverse features a mare with a foal (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462, cat. no. 1268-1971; Mørkholm, 2001: 118, Pl. XXIV, 367; Newell, 1938: 214, Pl. XLVII, 1-8) (Fig. 1). The horses on the reverses seem to be naturally connected with the place where the coins where minted; Ecbatana, the capital of Media.III The presence of these animals on Antiochus III’s coins is currently interpreted as a reference to the role the Median cavalry played in the royal army. It is difficult, however, to directly link these depictions with battle.  
In accordance with T.E. Newell’s classification (Newell 1918: 6-10), the way Antiochus III’s head is depicted on the aforementioned coins with a grazing horse belongs to the B type, which is analogous to the coins that present the king as a rider. On the coins with a mare and a foal, the face of Antiochus seems to be younger; it should therefore be concluded that they were most likely struck earlier. However, taking their theme, the depiction of horses, into account along with the fact that the coins were struck at the same mint in Ecbatana, it is assumed that they were issued roughly at the same time (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462). The B-type coin is likely from the time period of ca. 211-209/8 BC (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 358-359) or 209/8-207/6 BC (Newell 1938: 216).
While acknowledging the above-mentioned differences, it seems that the issues featuring horses on the reverses should be associated with Antiochus III’s expedition to the East in 212-205 BC,IV which was also indicated by the place of their minting. Media directly bordered the country of the Arsacids and constituted a significant point during Antiochus III’s expedition. The king was in Ecbatana in 211-210 BC, which was memorialized on bronze coins struck at uncertain mint 73, a military mint associated with Ecbatana. The coins, dated to 210 BC, depicted the diademed head of the king on the obverse and an elephant with a mahout and a tripod (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 463-464 cat. no. 1272-1274; Newell, 1938: 220-221, cat. no. 632-637, Pl. XLVIII, 6-11.), or an elephant with an anchor, on the reverse (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 464 cat. no. 1275-1277; Newell, 1938: 224-225, cat. no. 648-651, 654, Pl. XLIX, 4-6). The depictions of the king’s face on those issues are also recognized as B-type, which suggests that coins with various types of horse images can be dated to a similar time. 
It seems by all means plausible that the horse motif has an association with Media. In ancient times, this country was renowned for its excellent cavalry (Bar-Kochva, 1976: 44) and famed Nisean horses.V Horses played a tremendous role in the culture of Iran (Schmitt 2002). Achaemenid seals have been found to depict a grazing horse (de Clercq 1903: 38, Pl. VII, 102 bis) and a mare with a foal (Tuplin, 2010: 105) similar to the ones on Antiochus III’s coins. The motif of a grazing horse was earlier featured on Seleucus II’s bronze coins from Antioch (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 260, cat. no. 710; Newell 1941: 168, cat. no. 1163-1166, Pl. XXXVI, 4-8), from where it was most likely borrowed by Antiochus III. Equivalents of this motif as well can be found on Achaemenid seals. A mare and a foal in Seleucid coinage cannot be found in the existing sources, it has to be assumed that this was not a coincidence, but a conscious reference to Achaemenid iconography. 
The objective of Antiochus III’s expedition to the East was the restoration of Seleucid rule over the provinces that had been separated from the empire during the reign of his father, Seleucus II Callinicus (246-226 BC). The successful rebellions of Adragoras the satrap of Parthia (Iust. 41.4.7; Bickerman, 1983: 19; Wolski, 1969b; 1975) and Diodotus, the satrap of Bactria (Iust. 41.4.5; Strab. 11.11.1; Wolski, 1960; 1969a; 1982), together with the Parni invasion under Arsaces I’s command (Iust. 41.4.7; Trog. Prol. 41; Strab. 11.9.2), led to a considerable reduction of the Seleucid territory in the East. The emergence of the countries of the Arsacids and Diodotids significantly weakened the dynasty’s authority and demonstrated that not only the Seleucids were able to rule in the East. This was also vivid proof of the empire’s helplessness, which could encourage other rebellions,- as was indicated by the example of Molon, the satrap of Media and the governor of the Upper SatrapiesVI.
By placing Iranian motifs known from the Achaemenid period on his coins, Antiochus was able to portray himself as the only king of Iran, as opposed to the Parni invaders or Greco-Bactrian usurpers. Neither of the motifs (the grazing horse and the mare with a foal) had military connotations, and their peaceful nature could additionally emphasize the rightfulness of Antiochus III’s rule. From the Achaemenid period came the depictions of a mare with a foal together with a winged disc (Collon, 1987: cat. no 923), which might suggest that this motif had religious connotations. Considering the significance of the horse in Iranian religion, such connotations should not be deemed strange (Briant, 2002: 248-252; Simons, 1994: 170;  Shahbazi, 1987). The accounts of Herodotus (Hdt. 7.40.4), Xenophon (Xen. Cyr.. 8.3.12), and Quintus Curtius Rufus (Curt. An. 3.3.11) suggest the horse was connected with Ahura Mazda, who they referred to as Zeus/Jupiter (Boyc,e 1984; Hoover, 1996: 48; Lorber & Iossif, 2009: 32l; Sherwin-White & Kuhrt, 1993: 76; Olbrycht, 2016: 100). The Avesta described both Tishtrya (Yt. 8.18) and Verethragna (Yt. 14.9) as a white horse, which seems to indicate that the horse was not so much linked to a specific deity but rather represented the idea of the divine. Mare’s milk was used in religious rituals, such as the initiation of Achaemenid kings (Lewis & Llewellyn-Jones 2018: 133). If we are to accept the religious significance of the horse depictions on Antiochus III’s coins, the horse should be construed as a sign of divine support for the Seleucid ruler, which was an important from the perspective of the iconography of power. In fact, Antiochus’ coins had carried references to local cults in the pas as well.VII Reviving old motifs was an important move from the perspective of the iconography of power
Seleucid coinage also featured depictions of horned horses, including the horned horse heads known from the coins of Seleucus  I’VIII and Antiochus IIX Their meaning is interpreted in the context of military strength (Erickson, 2019: 138), although the presence of horns, a symbol of divinity in the Middle East (Erickson, 2013: 124; Troncoso, 2014: 61-62, Svenson, 1995: 40) that, the Seleucids most likely borrowed from Babylon (Anagnostou-Laoutides, 2012: 3-5; 2017: 155-156; Hoover, 1996: 28-29.), suggests that horses had a religious significance. It cannot be excluded that the horned horse symbolized the legitimacy and rightfulness of royal power (Hoover, 1996: 97; Troncoso, 2014: 64).
A horse head, though without horns, is present on Antiochus III’s bronze coin from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris. The coin, minted after Molon’s rebellion, features the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ. Its obverse depicts a young male bust facing three-quarters right in an elephant headdress. The bust is identified with Alexander the Great, although it is also thought to be an idealized depiction of Antiochus III (Houghton & Lorber 2002: 444 cat. no. 1182; Newell, 1938: 150, cat. no.  412A, Pl. XXI, 18; Le Rider, 1965: 25, cat.no. 27, Pl. i, 12). The horse head from the reverse, although it does not feature horns, seems to refer to the coins of Seleucus I and Antiochus I. The male bust in an elephant headdress, a symbol or royal power (Troncoso, 2013: 256), has a direct analogy in the coinage of the first Seleucid king, who borrowed this motif from the coins of Ptolemy I (323-283 BC) (Dahmen, 2007: 15, Erickson, 2011: 111; Hadley, 1974: 53).X In his coinage, Antiochus III often used older motifs, which was a conscious reference to the period of the empire’s greatness. The most famous example is the restoration of Apollo with a bow seated on an omphalos in place of the figure of standing Apollo, which had been put on coins by Seleucus II (Erickson, 2009: 195 2019: 125-126). Such a restoration was an obvious reference to the times before the crisis of the monarchy and the loss of provinces in the East.

Conclusion
Antiochus III strove to portray himself as the one rightful ruler of the empire. In the face of rebellions and usurpation not only in the East, but also in the West (Achaeus’ rebellion), the actions he undertook stopped the country’s decomposition and restored the dynasty’s authority. In the East, the king attempted to consistently subdue independent countries, through actions such as fighting a war against Media Atropatene after his victory over Molon or making an expedition to Armenia, which began his great eastern expedition. His goal was to eliminate each center of power that could rival the Seleucids in the East and restore the borders to their status from before the period of his father’s reign. Whether Antiochus III was able to carry out those plans is another issue,XI but they offer context that makes it is easier to interpret the presence of the motifs of a grazing horse and a mare with a foal on his coins from Ecbatana. By using these motifs, Antiochus III made a reference to the Iranian tradition, which enabled him to present himself as the rightful ruler of all of Iran. It cannot be excluded that horses symbolized the divine legitimization of royal power. The sole image of these animals, which were so important in Iranian culture, constituted a clear sign that emphasized the king’s connection with Iran, as well as with the provinces that were separated from the empire and ruled by foreign dynasties. 

Endnote
I. The present article was financed by the National Science Centre in Poland (FUGA 5 scholarship program me, UMO-2016/20/S/HS3/00079). 
II. Bronze coins that feature the king as a rider with a spear come from Ecbatana (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 461, cat. no. 1259-1963). An analogous image is present on the bronze coins of Seleucus II from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris (Erickson 2019: 136-138, Fig. 3.11-12; Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 260, 274-275, cat. no. 709, 767-768; Newell 1941: 167, cat. no. 1162, Pl. XXXVI, 1-2). This motif, in the form of a horned rider on a horned horse featured on the drachmas, hemidrachms and tetradrachms struck in Ecbatana, also appeared in the Seleucid coinage of Seleucus I Nicator (Erickson 2019: 43-46, Fig. 1.8; Houghton & Steward, 1999: Pl. P.5.1, 1A; Houghton & Lorber, 2002: cat. no. 203; Newell, 1938: cat. no. 481, Pl. XXXVI, 9, 10). 
III. In his description of Media, Polybius highlighted its unique location in the center of Asia, as well as the country’s wealth and military significance. According to him, there were many cities and villages in Media, and Ecbatana itself was surrounded by Greek cities (Plb 5.44; 10.27.1-3). When describing Media, Strabo mentions the earthquakes that were to destroy numerous cities and two thousand villages (Strab. 11.9.1). Even if those figures are exaggerated, this account indicates the wealth of the country. When Strabo moves on to describe the country under the Parthian dominion, he mentions multiple Greek cities founded by the Macedonians, which demonstrates the degree of Media’s urbanization (Strab. 11.13.6). Ecbatana, the capital of Media, was an important administrative center during the Seleucid period (Aperghis, 2004: 42).
IV. Antiochus III took over Armenia in the first place (Plb. 8.23.1-5, but his real target was the country of the Parni (Plb. 10.28-31), and Bactrian Greeks Plb 10.49; 11.34) . For Antiochus III’s eastern anabasis, see Grainger, 2015: 55-79; Kuhrt & Sherwin-White, 1993: 190-200; Lerner, 1999: 45-62; Wolski, 1996: 87-88; 1999, 75-78
V. The most famous horses of antiquity were named after the Nisaean plain in Media (Azzaroli, 1985: 89; Herzfeld, 1968: 8; Schmitt, 2002). In the New Assyrian Period, these horses were part of the tribute the Medes had to pay to the Assyrians (Shabani, 2005: 8). Herodotus wrote about Nisean horses taking note of their presence in the army of Xerxes I during the period of war against Greece (Hdt. 3.106.2; 7.40. 2-4). According to Strabo, these horses were used by the Persian kings (Strab.11.13.7; 11.14.9). When describing the parade of Antiochus IV Epiphanes in Daphne, Syria, Polybius lists Νισαῖοι as one of the horse units present (Plb. 30.25.6). The name, which clearly refers to Nisean horses, suggests that the unit was comprised of Iranian riders who came from Media (Sekunda, 1994: 22). According to another interpretation, they may not have been from Media, but were armed in a similar manner as the Medes (Bar-Kochva, 1979: 74). 
VI. The causes and course of Molon’s rebellion were described by Polybius (Plb 5.43-54).
VII. In order to memorialize his victory over Molon, Antiochus III struck coins at Susa featuring a female head in an elephant headdress on the obverse and the goddess Artemis with a bow on the reverse (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 454 cat. no. 1224-1225; Newell, 1938: 150, cat. no.  410-411). Nanaia from Susa and Anahita from Iran, who were identified with Artemis during the Hellenistic period, were probably also portrayed as the Greek goddess (de Jong, 1997: 273; Martinez-Sève, 2015; Le Rider, 1965: 293-296; Tarn, 1966: 69). The image of the goddess can be interpreted as an expression of the local deities’ support for Antiochus, similarly to an analogous image known from a coin of Seleucus II that wad also struck in Susa (Iossif & Lorber, 2009 109).
VIII. The image of a horned horse head is known from the obverse of silver tetradrachms that feature an elephant and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΕΛΕΥΚΟΥ on the obverse were struck at Pergamon (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 15, cat. no. 1.2.) and an uncertain mint likely located y in Asia Minor (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 15, cat. no. 2). A half of a horned horse appears on coins minted in the eastern part of the empire (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 474, add. 16, 18).
IX. A Syrian mint in Europos (Dura) struck bronze coins with a horned horse head on the obverse and a bow on the reverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 115, 136-137, cat. no. 367-368; Newell, 1941: 80, cat. 882-883, Pl. XIII 9-10). In Bactria (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 161, cat. no. 469, 471; Wright, 2010: 117-118, Fig. 67) and in Carrhae (Newell, 1941: 47-48, cat. no. 784-787), coins were struck with a horned horse head on the reverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΕΛΕΥΚΟΥ as well as the head of Seleucus I in a horned diadem. An identical set of images is featured on the coins from Sardes (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 124, cat. no. 322; Wright 2010: 117, Fig. 66) and, Europos (Dura) (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 136-137, cat. no. 363, Newell, 1941: 79, cat. no. 878-879), but with the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ. From Aï Khanoum (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 151-153, cat. no. 426-434) and an uncertain mint also located in the eastern part of the empire (Houghton, Lorber 2002: 475, add. 21) came coins with a horned horse head on the obverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ with the head of Antiochus I in a hornless diadem on the obverse.
X. For information on the motif of Alexander in an elephant headdress with ram horns in Lagid coinage see: Dahmen, 2007: 42; Mørkholm, 2001: 63-64; Meeus, 2009: 248.
XI. J. Wolski, when indicating the actual failure of Antiochus III’s expedition, referred to his activities in India and comeback to Seleucia through southern Iran as “a military parade”; in fact, Antiochus did not manage to dismantle the country of the Parni or the Bactrian Greeks (Wolski, 1999, 78).

Abstract
The motifs in Iranian art carry the concepts and themes that represent the worldview of human societies; the motifs that embody the seals reflect the legacy in which the context was created. The present study studies and analyzes animal motifs on lattice seals in southeastern Iran; one of the most interesting phenomena of the Bronze Age cultures in Iran is the prevalence of lattice seals in the southeast of Iran. These types of seals are generally made of bronze as well as silver in rare cases, and various alloys made with the missing wax method. The purpose of the present study is to identify their concepts and themes and to identify the factors that were involved in creation of the motifs of this period. It should be noted that these seals are made in the form of squares, circles and triangles and include geometric, plant, human and animal motifs. No substantiated theory has been put forward regarding the importance of substances on metal lattice seals. Obviously, information extracted from specimens used in the lattice seals of the southeast Iran during the Bronze Age can greatly shed lights on many of the ambiguities in this area. From this point on, we attempt to document the various conceptual and content dimensions of the design, based on a descriptive-analytical research method, relying on a library study method and assuming that the design of these designs is based on the surrounding nature and Indicates the importance of animals in the live hood of the people in this area, we discuss and analyze. The findings of the study indicate that these animals depicted on the seals have a significant influence on the lifestyle and status of these animals in the religious and intellectual beliefs that overwhelm in this area.. 
Keywords: Iran, South East, Seal, Compartmented Seal, Animal Motifs.

Introduction
Since the emergence of man on the scene, his attention has been focused on animals. animals have become an integral part of his life. This attention in the Paleolithic times was in the form of paintings on the caves wall, which somehow created a sense of power and superiority over these creatures, and somehow reflected his mastery over hunting. In this way, archaic man, without writing, only made the future known to his imagination and beliefs, instead of just visual arts. However, today’s human beings cannot experience their ancient culture and discover their mystery. Because some of the elements that today seem trivial and are part of human biological practices were once sacred and divine to them. Scientists and anthropologists have different views on the emergence, evolution, transformation, and diversity of the gods. But we can still draw a weak line from this. It may be somewhat plausible that it has a direct relationship with the production system and the environmental characteristics of humans in the emergence and development of gods. From the logic of practical philosophy, man has created gods at the shepherd stage that are different from the gods at the agricultural stage (Darwish, 65: 1355). During the Neolithic period, this dependence was inseparable from the extent to which humans were interested in domesticating animals and using them in their daily life (agriculture and animal husbandry). He also designed and used animal bones on his artifacts, including pottery. And it has benefited from agriculture and commerce. During the Bronze Age, the interest in animals was not only diminished, but also had a special place in the way that the role of animals was performed on reticular seals specific to southeastern Iran. Important questions that are addressed in this study are: What is the role of the applied seals and for what purpose? The purpose of this study is to determine the status and importance of these animals in the life cycle of these populations, and the hypothesis is that the function of animals is essential in the economic and livelihoods of these populations.

Animal Motifs
Thousands of years have passed, and humans have continued to ambush, trap, or hunt for their own livelihoods and for the survival of their generation. The hunter-gatherer thus established a long, intimate, unbroken bond with the animals through hunting, and owed his long life to them. It is not clear to us what kind of animal that human was feeding at that time, or what beliefs, beliefs, and beliefs they had. Our scant information only includes the remains of bones and the kind of tools that come from ancient sites and give a very clear picture of those communities. However, this little information suggests that from a Paleolithic perspective, everything was sacred. “Everything that human beings have used, felt, seen and loved, has become a holiness magazine,” says Mircha Eliade. Therefore, even the animal, which was all human, could not be sacred (Eliad, 32: 1372). The first evidence that we can find in the hunter-gatherer beliefs and ideas is the paintings they left in the dark caves. And. Perhaps these paintings “were a means of human control of the animal and of the animal being called to the hunt. In this way, the man was supposed to first capture the prey in the depths of the cave and to take his carcass out of the cave easily” (Asadian Khorramabadi, 58: 1358). Animals such as eagles, scorpions, cows, goats and fish are found in the lattice of southeastern Iran. It seems that due to the presence of such animals in this region, they have been engraved on the seals.

Conclusion
Thousands of years have passed and humans have been lurking for animals to feed themselves and their offspring, trapping them or hunting them with very simple and basic hand tools. The most important manifestation is the role of animals in their beliefs. Totem and totem worship. According to them, their great soul has become an animal or a bird after death, as a result of which all of them have been created from an animal or a bird. Therefore, this animal or bird was sanctified by them, and in all aspects of their lives, such as religion, magic, ordinary and everyday currents, especially artistic creations, it was manifested and found a significant presence. By examining the animal motifs used on the south-eastern lattice seals, their importance in the life of the people of this period can be achieved. This importance has been so highlighted and valuable that they have illustrated their artifacts. It is also possible to understand the existence of this type of animal in its bed and environment and its functional role in providing livelihood and subsistence economy of the people of this period. Animals whose importance and position are rooted in the thoughts, ideas, beliefs of these people.

Abstract
Pure religious and mystical thoughts in the minds of Muslim artists have led to the emergence of a common spirit in all Islamic artworks. Understanding the nature and purpose of Islamic art in the last century has attracted the attention of many scholars and researchers and their studies have led to various theories about the philosophy and wisdom of transcendent Islamic art. Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr, including intellectuals who use a traditional approach based on religious and mystical views to explain what, why and how Islamic art - architecture, applied arts and visual arts. The question is: Islamic miniature of Iran based on traditionalist thinkers such as Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr on what features are similar to other Islamic Arts? In this study, the visual and content characteristics of the Islamic miniature of Iran are explained based on the religious and mystical views of Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr and the degree of similarity of Iranian miniature in form, expression, and meaning with other Islamic arts has been studied. Accordingly, after collecting some of Titus Burckhardt’s and Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s theories on Islamic art and examining several Islamic era miniatures through surveying and documenting, the data obtained have been drafted in a descriptive and comparative method. Finally, data analysis was performed using inductive reasoning. Based on the findings of the research, elements such as form, color, specialization, non-representation and use of writing (in the form of poetry) have given Iranian miniature, like other forms of Iranian art and architecture, special meaning. On the other hand, the form, expression, and meaning of Islamic miniature in Iran are in line with the mystical and religious views of Titus Burkhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr, and these views are not only true about non-religious and court images. 
Keywords: Islamic Art, Burckhardt, Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Iranian miniature, Religious and Mystical Views.

Introduction
Pure religious and mystical thoughts in the minds of Muslim artists have led to the emergence of a common spirit in all Islamic artworks. Like most Islamic arts, Iranian miniature has been subject to the temporal and spatial requirements of each era and has passed developments. Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hussein Nasr are among the scholars whose in-depth studies of nature, why and how of Islamic art have led to theories of Islamic art. In their works, they have described the characteristics of Islamic arts in a mystical and religious approach, and in the meantime, they have sometimes explained them in the visual arts, sometimes in the applied arts and sometimes in architecture.
Research Objectives: The purpose of this paper is to first study and understand the characteristics of Islamic art from traditionalist thinkers (Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr), secondly to compare and analyze the features mentioned in Iranian miniature with other Islamic arts. And third, recognition of the consistency of miniature Iran in form, expression, and meaning to other Islamic arts.
Question: The question is: Islamic miniature of Iran based on traditionalist thinkers such as Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr on what features are similar to other Islamic Arts?
Research Methods: The research method is descriptive-analytic and research data (images and miniature and taking notes) to the style library (documents) collected. Data obtained by descriptive statistics and comparisons have been drafted. Finally, data analysis using inductive reasoning in terms of the miniature of painting, as an extension of the total is made. On this basis, a number of the miniature have been studied and analyzed and the result has been generalized to the whole miniature in Iran.

Identified Traces 
in this article, important points are explained in a separate heading, including Tradition and Traditionalism, the Relationship of Islamic Art with Pre-Islamic Art in Iran,  Burckhardt and Nasr’s View of the Nature of Islamic Art, the Human Position in Islamic Art and Iranian Painting, Paint in Islamic Art and Islamic Painting in Iran, Poetry in Islamic Art and Iranian Painting, Balance between form, Expression, and meaning in Islamic Art and Iranian Painting, Spaceship in Islamic Art and Iranian Painting, Lack of Views on Islamic Painting in Iran. For example: In Burckhardt’s view, the characteristic of Islamic art is to be consistent with the spirit of Islam, and this compatibility is at least evident in its core manifestations, such as the architecture of sacred places. Burkhardt states: “Islamic art itself is the concept that comes from its name, without ambiguity” (Burkhardt, 1986: 16).
Nasr also argues that the Islamic view of Islamic mysticism is “art for human” and since man is the caliph of God on earth and a central being at this level, it means that “art is for God” (Nasr, 2013: 291). According to Burckhardt: “Colors are the richness of the story’s inner illumination. Because they are confronted, they are blinding and in harmony with the harmony of the colors that we find in the true nature of the spectacle itself (“ Burkhardt, 1986: 88). According to Nasr: Every color has its allegory. As some mystics and poets have directly pointed out, such as the military sage, and every color has a connotation with one’s inner being and his soul, and its use in various aspects of life has a profound effect on the morale of the people (Nasr, 2004: 5).

Conclusion
According to traditionalist scholars such as Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr, elements such as form, color, specialization, and use of writing (in poetry form) have played an important role in Iranian art. Iranian miniature based on the mystical and religious beliefs of Islam does not merely portray the outward appearance of nature and, by combining tangible and intangible forms, goes beyond material nature.
Colors have also helped to instill Islamic mystical and religious notions in their symbolic and semantic functions in Iranian miniature. Literature, poetry, and written works in the nomadic culture have also had a prominent place, as the word of the revelation of the Qur’an was a written miracle in the Muslim community. Literature, poetry, and written works in Islamic culture have also had an important place, as the word of the Qur’an’s revelation was a written miracle in the Muslim community. The importance of writing culture was that painting was at the service of verses, literary poetry.
Thus, the form or form, color, spatiality and enjoyment of the text as illustrated by the views of Titus Burckhardt and Seyyed Hossein Nasr in the Iranian-Islamic miniatures also have more or less similar features. It should be emphasized that the above features are common to Islamic miniatures and Islamic art, and this cannot be generalized to non-religious and courtesy examples.

Abstract
According to the common chronology of the Bronze Age and Iron Age of Iran, the period (2000) 1900 to 1500 BC is known as the introduction of the new Bronze Age and about 1500 BC is known as the beginning of the Iron Age. Archaeological evidence does not provide a clear picture of the chronological and cultural sequence in most of the sites of this period in the northern half of Iran. This limitation is mostly due to the nature of the materials and documents of this period, which are often the result of excavations in cemeteries, and the information available about the exact sequence of stratigraphy in the settlements of this period is scarce. At the same time, the available evidence shows that most of the main centers of this period, especially in the eastern half of the Iranian plateau, southern Turkmenistan, northern Afghanistan to the Indus and Punjab valleys, between 1700 to 1500 BC. They are abandoned and there is an obvious cultural and chronological rupture in the settlement sequence of these areas. Hypotheses have been made regarding the causes of the abandonment of the sites of this period and the rupture created in the middle of the second millennium BC. Most of these hypotheses, with an archaeological approach to cultural materials, especially the study of changes in pottery traditions, have justified the causes of the rupture and factors such as migration and invasions of new peoples and cultures, environmental changes, and suggested a change in the way of subsistence economics as the reasons for the rupture. In this article, based on the results of linguistic studies of religious texts attributed to Vedic-Gahani Indo Iranian, a hypothesis has been proposed that the changes resulting from the religious reforms of Zoroaster in the period from about 1700 (1800) to 1500 BC. In the east of the Iranian plateau, alone or in combination with other factors can be the main driver or factor influencing and accelerating the process of abandonment of centers and areas of the end of the Bronze Age of the eastern half of the Iranian plateau and one of the main factors in the transition Communities from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age.
Keywords: Bronze Age, Iron Age, Transition, Northern Half of Iran, Northeast and East of Iran.

Introduction
One of the archaeological questions of the second millennium BC in the northern half of the Iranian plateau is how (and causes) societies transitioned from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age (Mousavi, 2008: 105). In this regard, some hypotheses have been proposed (Mousavi, 2001: 15). These hypotheses generally justify and interpret the trend of cultural developments at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age in the northern half of the Iranian plateau, and the nature and reasons for the phenomenon in the societies of this period have not been addressed.
The invasion hypothesis is one of these hypotheses that was based on changes in pottery traditions and other cultural materials between the Gian II (Bronze Age) and Gian I (Iron Age) periods (Contenau and Ghirshman, 1939: 76, Mousavi, 2001: 15). These studies led to the assumption that migratory cultures from the second half of the second millennium to the beginning of the first millennium BC entered the Iranian plateau from the northwestern regions (Caucasus crossing) and settled in the Kashan plain (Mousavi, 2005; 94, Ghirshman, 1939: 62). In general, the hypotheses based on displacement, invasion and cultural substitution are based on the results of “Indo-European linguistics” studies (Bahar, 1996: 135, Sankalia, 1963: 312, Weidengren, 1998: 10, Muscarella, 1966: 121).
Another hypothesis presented in this regard is the hypothesis of “gradual evolution” (Medvedeskaya, 1982: 96), which is based on the results of the excavations of Yaniq Tappeh (Burney, 1994: 50, Dyson, 1969: 15,). Based on this hypothesis, a special type of gray, black, and black pottery indicates the presence of new (Iranian) tribes from the beginning of the third millennium BC. In the northwestern regions of Iran and its gradual expansion through the Caucasus Pass (Burney and Lang, 1972: 116) or the northeastern routes into the Iranian plateau (Burney, 1994: 47 and Derakhshani, 1998: 33, Schmidt, 1937: 112).
The hypothesis of “cultural movement and substitution” is another hypothesis in this regard (Young, 1965: 59, Mousavi, 2001: 17). This hypothesis formed the basis of the theory of “cultural dynamism at the beginning of the Iron Age” (Young, 1967: 34, Dyson, 1989: 125). Based on this hypothesis, some researchers have suggested routes for ethnic and cultural migration at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age (Deshayes, 1969: 16, Muscarella, 1974: 140).
Hypotheses have also been made regarding the causes of chronological rupture at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age of the northern half of Iran. The theory of “urban crisis” is one of these hypotheses. According to this hypothesis, the imbalance between population growth and environmental capacities and increased utilization of natural resources led to population displacement and the resulting cultural disintegration (Young, 1985: 372).
Another hypothesis, emphasizing “change in the Method of economic production”, considers the extinction of Bronze Age cultures in northeastern Iran as a result of changes in the livelihood system of these cultures (Mousavi, 2005; 94 Ghirshman, 1977: 25 Ghirshman, 1939: 104). 
Zoroastrian Religious Reforms and Its effect on the Abandonment of the Bronze Age Areas of Northeast and East of the Iranian Plateau
According to the theory of linguistics, the religious reforms of Zoroaster took place in the eastern regions of Iran between the 18th and 15th centuries BC. In line with this hypothesis, the time and Locality of the emergence of Zoroaster and the social conditions of this period are examined as the basis for the formation of developments.
In relation to the time and Locality of Zoroaster, there are a total of three theories (Christiansan, 1997: 17) including the traditional theory of Zoroastrians, the theory of ancient Greek philosophers and sages, and the theory of linguistics and history (Ashtiani, 1987: 78).
In traditional theory, the time of Zarathustra is mentioned around the 6th century BC (late Median, early Achaemenid) and its Locality is in western Iran (Aria, 1997: 87, Khodadadian, 2000: 63, Vermazen, 1993: 21). According to the theory of ancient Greek philosophers and sages, the time of Zoroaster is mentioned 6000 years before Xerxes’s invasion of Greece (480 BC) (Razi, 1993: 3, Rajaei, 1993: 69). Linguistic and historical theory is also based on comparative studies of the remaining religious texts attributed to the Aryan tribes. The oldest of these texts is the Indian Rig Veda which most scholars believe belongs to the Vedic era (Khodadadian, 2000: 43, Abazari et al, 1993: 155, Aria, 1997: 86, Boyce, 1998: 43, Shaygan, 1966: 4, Ashtiani, 1987: 87). On the other hand, the Gathas are the oldest part of the Iranian Avesta (Celns, 2007: 12), which is attributed to the poems of Zoroaster himself (Dushan Gimen, 1984: 42, Pourdavoud, 2006: 63, Christiansan, 1997: 20, Binas, 1993: 450). From the point of view of comparative linguistic studies, the lexical connection and common linguistic roots between the Rig Vedas and the Gatas are very close (Widengeren, 1998: 95, Jalali Naeini, 1993: 4, Boyce, 1998: 93, Ashtiani, 1987: 83). However, Gataha and Rig Veda are almost simultaneous in terms of linguistic features and belong to the Vedic era, ie between 1700 and 1500 BC, and consequently the time of Zarathustra also belongs to the Vedic era. At the same time, linguists believe that the language of the Gataha is not Western Iranians, but Eastern Iranians (Moule, 1998: 112, Christiansan, 1997: 21, Vermazen, 1993: 16; Weidengren, 1998: 95) and consequently Zoroaster. He has lived and appeared in eastern Iran.
The social context of Zoroaster’s message, based on the ancient texts of the Avesta (especially the poems of the Gatha) shows that his teachings and message, especially in the beginning, were strongly opposed by important sections of society, especially the nomadic warrior tribes, affluent classes and followers of the clergy. The ancient Indo-Iranian religion (Kavis-Usigs and Karpans) was the result of civil wars and conflicts and social disintegration (Weidengeren, 1998: 99 and 102).

Conclusion
According to the Collection of documents presented, if we accept Zarathustra and his religious reforms belong to the Gataha or Vedic era (ie between 1800 and 1500 BC) and consequently accept the environment and social context in which Zarathustra appeared and religion It is the eastern regions of Iran. According to the image presented in the Avesta religious texts regarding the social, political and religious situation of this period, it is possible that Zoroastrian society in the Gataha era is a reflection of a society in transition. Imagined Basically, the emergence of social reformers is the product and result of a society whose stability and social system has lost its effectiveness and requires a new plan to create new social stability and get out of the current stalemate. According to religious texts, Zarathustra’s message inevitably went beyond social reform and approached a fundamental reform of the social, economic, and religious structure of society. However, it can be said that the society of the time of Zoroaster is really a society that has been at the peak of tension and has reached a dead end, and such a society evokes the characteristics of a society in transition in social, political and economic. A society that has lost its primary stability (Vedic-Gahan system) and is transitioning to secondary stability (Mazd-e Yasna system). Such a situation (willingly or unwillingly) puts society on a path called the “transition path.” The end of this path is either the achievement of re-stabilization (secondary stability) or chaos and collapse. From an archeological point of view, it may be possible to find an important part of the materials and documents of cemeteries such as Qeytariyeh, Khorvin, Sialk (period V), Sarm, etc. They have the Bronze Age of the Northeast, the product of such developments, and as cultures in transition in the period from about 1700 to 1500 BC. Cultures that are changing by keeping in touch with the previous period. Changes that develop over the next century or two (beginning of the Iron Age) as characteristics of a stable culture in large parts of the northern half of Iran. The culture that in the process of its evolution in the first half of the first millennium BC, was consolidated, stabilized, gained strength and finally was able to change the socio-political equations of the ancient East by presenting a new plan, after about a millennium of Semitic culture.

Abstract
Qal’eh Ganj is situated on the south of Kerman province, on the border of Sistan & Baluchistan and Hormozgan provinces. The first season of archaeological survey of this area has been carried out in 2016. This survey resulted in discovery of 66 archaeological localities dating from Palaeolithic to Islamic periods. In the present article, we try to determine cultural connection of study area with surrounding regions and it is the reason that we can present a relative dating for the prehistoric sites (Chalcolithic and Bronze Age sites). Based on the comparative dating, chalcolithic sites encompass two periods of fifth and fourth millennium BC that introduce cultural periods of southeastern Iran, respectively, Yahya VA, Mahtoutabad I and Aliabad. The Study of surface data from Bronze Age sites indicate a cultural connection between southern Jazmurian to areas of Halilrud Basin (Konar Sandal south), Soghun valley (Tepe Yahya) and Eastern Jazmurian (Bampur Tepe) and include a time range from late fourth millennium to early second millennium BC. There were found various stone structures in Bronze Age sites which suggests different functions including graves, residential spaces and water management systems. Based on dispersal of the Bronze Age sites and their strategic location as a connection between Bampur area and Persian Gulf, It assumes that the seasonal rivers and straits have had a role in bridging the two mentioned areas. The results of this research introduce the study area as an intermediate area for cultural linking between the eastern regions of Jazmourian and Halilrud Basin at Bronze Age and Chalcolithic period.
Keywords: Jazmurian Basin, Qaleh Ganj, Chalcolithic and Bronze Age, Southeastern Iran.

Introduction
Qal’eh Ganj is located on the most southern part of Kerman province. Chāh-e Khodādād is one of two districts of the present Qal’eh Ganj county, on the border of Sistan & Balouchestan and Hormozgan.
In 2016, the first season of archaeological survey and reconnaissance of county of Qal’eh Ganj has been carried out as a part of the Iranian National Archaeological Map Project in which the authors tried to clarify the cultural status of the region in different periods.
In addition to these purposes, the present research attempts to analyze the results of this research in order to identify regional and trans-regional connections and interactions with the neighboring areas. 
Geographically, this region has a strategic situation because it appears to link three significant cultural zones of southeast of Iran (Mokrān, Persian Gulf and Halīlrūd basin).
This survey resulted in the discovery of 66 archaeological localities dating from Palaeolithic to Islamic periods. The sites are morphologically influenced by the geographical factors of their places that can be categorized into two different types: plain areas and highlands (foothill and mountainous areas). 
Based on the surface data, 39 sites can be assigned to prehistoric times (Bronze Age and Chalcolithic period) matching the cultural sequence of southeastern Iran. Here, we aimed to answer two following questions: 1) what were the patterns of prehistoric settlements in this area? 2) How this area interacted with the other regions of southeastern Iran?   

Data and Materials
In southeastern Iran, our information about the prehistoric times is limited to the old excavations of Iblis and Yahya. Recent excavations in Jiroft (Konar Sandal sites and Varamin), Tepe Vakil Abad in Orzouiyeh, Tepe Dehno in Shahdad have revised our knowledge about the chronology of the region which made us able to form a chronological frame for relative dating of the study area materials.      
Based on this comparative dating, Chalcolithic sites include two periods of fifth and fourth millennium BC including three cultural periods of southeastern Iran. 
In spite of chalcolithic site locating on both of plain and highlands, no Bronze Age site was found in the plain. Bronze Age sites only dispersed on highlands and seasonal river beaches expanding from the southern Jazmurian to northern Persian Gulf shores.
The stone fences and platforms, graves and remains of great stone architectural complexes are the shared elements of all the Bronze Age sites. We can suggest different functions for theses structure including graves, residential spaces and water management systems.
Chronologically, Bronze Age in this area coincides to cultural periods of Yahya IVB and Bampur I-VI in south eastern Iran. Unlike the chalcolithic sites which are located on both plain and highlands, we found no Bronze Age site in the plain, they all were scattered in the highlands.
 
Conclusion 
Based on the relative dating, it is realized that the Chalcolithic settlements date back to fifth and fourth millennium BC presenting three cultural periods of southeastern Iran, respectively Yahya VA, Mahtoutabad I and Aliabad.
Bronze Age sites are dispersed on highlands and seasonal river beaches expanding from the southern Jazmourian to northern Persian Gulf hinterlands.
 Regarding to dispersion of the Bronze Age sites and their strategic locations, the straits and seasonal rivers are considered as the natural corridors to link Jazmurian to the northern bank of Persian Gulf.
Based on the pottery evidence, a cultural continuation is evident from Bronze Age to early second millennium BC. 

Abstract
The site of Narjuiyeh III is located on the eastern natural mounds of the Narjuiyeh village, from the west overlooking Halil River. Scattering of the fourth millennium BC, especially typical Aliabad type are visible on these mounds. Traces of illegal excavation are also available as pits and holes all over the site. Aliabad ceramics are pottery dating back to the fourth millennium BC (Chalcolithic) in the southeast of the Iranian plateau, first excavated and reported by Caldwell from Aliabad in Bardsir of Kerman, and then have been found and reported from fourth millennium layers of Tell Iblis (Iblis IV) which eventually became known as Aliabad Culture (Caldwell, 1967).      Ali-Abad culture potteries (Chalcolithic age) dates back to the 4th millennium BC in southeast of Iran which the distribution of its potteries include the regions of Kerman, Balouchistan and Pakistan. Aliabad pottery in the south-east of the Iranian plateau is one of the most important and prominent pottery types in the Chalcolithic period (Eskandari and Mollasalehi, 2017), which for more detail understanding about this culture in addition to archaeological studies, requires scientific archaeometric analysis and methods; therefore, the aim of the present study is to investigate, study and further understand the fourth millennium BC pottery of Aliabad culture from Jiroft’s Narjuiyeh III site and understanding the expansion of this culture by using structural and technical studies of pottery of this period. At the same time, it has been attempted to use the method of mineralogy (petrography) to get information about how to process the paste, clay type and used temper, conditions, heating and temperature of baking in the furnace, as well as the understanding of the origin of pottery of this area. Archaeological studies show that Aliabad culture in the southeast of the Iranian plateau was the dominant culture of the region in the fourth millennium BC. In this study, it has been attempted to obtain mineralogical information regarding pottery (Aliabad pottery) using library and thin section petrography studies. The polarized binocular microscope JamesSwift made in the United Kingdom at the Petrographic Laboratory of the Institute for Restoration and Conservation was used for microscopic study of the studied pottery.
Keywords: Archaeometry, Petrography, Aliabad Culture, Narjuiyeh in Jiroft, Southeast of Iran.

Introduction
From the textural point of view, the pottery was divided into two main categories of fine-grained and coarse-grained specimens. In fine-grained specimens, the components are less than 0.5 mm in size, and the components are finely crystallized in the texture of pottery. A group of pottery has immature silty texture. In the texture of these potteries, there are fragments of different sizes next to each other, and there is some clutter and disarrangement to the size of the minerals in the pottery. In terms of composition, all available pottery has the same composition and their difference are in the percentage of pieces in the pottery texture and their size. In all available ceramics, there are several minerals, including quartz, in the form of monocrystalline (monocrystalline) and polycrystalline, which are more abundant in monocrystalline form. This mineral has angular to semicircular margins indicating that quartz fragments have been added as secondary to the primary source. In some samples, minor amounts of plagioclase, pyroxene and amphibole with mica are observed. Mica minerals are mostly muscovite grains that are orange-colored, but sometimes orange-yellow muscovite grains can also be seen in the samples. This reaction is due to the change in the optical properties of the grains at a temperature of approximately 1000 degrees Celsius, which can be partially detected the temperature the pottery tolerated on during the heating process. In some samples igneous rock, chert and quartz rock fragments were used as fillers. In some pottery, calcite minerals can also be observed and used to detect its temperature range. Therefore, it can be concluded that due to the geology of the region and the presence of calcium carbonate in the sedimentary deposits of the region, the absence of calcite mineralization in some samples indicates that the temperature of the ceramics is higher than 800 °C, and in calcite-clay ceramics, the baking temperature of the clay is less than 800 °C (Reedy 2008; Riederer 2004). The two N9 and N7 specimens differ in composition from the other specimens. In these two samples calcite minerals are associated with the clay texture, whereas in the other samples this is not the case.

Conclusion
Based on the petrographic study of the pottery, it can be deduced that the source of the pottery studied was identical and their source material was from the same region in Kerman. However, the origin of manufacture and extracting of soil mines cannot be determined definitely, because the geology of the Kerman region is very large and vast especially the studied areas are in volcanic formations, which, the mineralogical composition and sequence of some of them are granite, granodiorite to quartz. Metamorphic, plagioclases, clinopyroxenes, and mica minerals and igneous and metamorphic rocks are within the geological family of the area, which exactly similar compounds can be found with the minerals in the pottery. There are also three different groups for these pottery: 1) Pottery with homogeneous texture. In this type of pottery, fragments and minerals are seen floating and scattering in the texture. 2) Pottery in the texture in addition to clay and fine minerals, phyllosilicate minerals (mica) exist in combination with the texture. 3) In these ceramics the combination of the texture of mineral carbonate calcium (calcite) together with the clay texture is visible, a situation not seen in the other samples. This indicates that the pottery used has different manufacturing techniques, therefore, several pottery makers have been involved in preparation and procurement of early paste and clay of the pottery. Pottery samples N5, N6, N7, N8 and N9 contain calcite minerals. It can be suggesting that the baking temperature of these pottery was less than 800 degrees Celsius. In the samples containing muscovite minerals, some of the grains show changes from orange to yellow, indicating that these ceramics have been sustain a temperature of approximately 950-1000 °C. Based on the results and even the buff-orange color of the ceramics, it should be noted that the analyzed pottery were baked in an oxidation condition and in a closed furnace. The type of baking and precision used in baking the pottery in high quality, especially the 4th millennium BC pottery, is very high, indicating that the technique used in baking pottery was also very professional. Some ceramics, such as (N1, N8, N9) have porphyry texture and in their texture quartz mineral, chert stone and igneous rock have been used as filler and temper. In most cases, the edges of quartz minerals are edged and sharp, which, indicates the use of primary soil and its paste processing and resultant of grinding of core and ore extractive mining because all fragments and sherds have sharp and angular angles as well. It should also be noted that there is no evidence of the use of organic materials as temper in pottery making.

Abstract
During the fourth millennium BCE similar wares used to produce and use in the extended area in Near East which is so-called Beveled rim bowls. Its importance is for high quantity and similarity in production techniques. Different studies on dating, function, and the main reason for the spread of this pottery style have been done. Although beveled rim bowls were found in many sites in west, south, south-eastern, and central plateau, hereby new finding from Kale Kub seems that this pottery style was spread in the more extended area than what we expect. Kale Kub is located in the eastern part of Iran, Southern Khorasan, and Sarayan county. In 2018, two trenches were opened in order to identify the stratigraphy of the high amount of beveled rim bowls in addition to other pottery styles belong to fourth millennium BCE which are already known in southwestern Iran. The current study would be clarifying the importance of the Kale Kub site for identifying the dispersal zone of Beveled rim bowl pottery style by an endeavor firstly foe the classification and typology of the potteries and then a comparison between the pottery style in this site with other sites related to this period. Also, we attempt to trace the possible routes for this pottery style to the East and the interaction between east and west of Iran. Pottery collection from the excavation in Kale Kub includes a high amount of beveled rim bowls, Banesh tray, and some other pottery styles which are well-known from fourth millennium BCE such as nose handle and spouted wares. Beveled rim bowls are over 15 percent of the pottery collection and other styles have a few quantities in the collection. In term of production techniques and style, Kale Kub finds are similar to those from southwest of Iran.
Keywords: Eastern Iran, Kaleh Kub II, Beveled Rim Bowls, Forth Millennium BCE.

Introduction
The first season of excavation at Kale Kub aimed to identify the stratigraphy sequence of this site, which has revealed the chronological sequence from fifth to late fourth millennium BCE. Cultivation and human activities in recent years resulted in disturbance in most parts of the site. Beveled rim bowls, Banesh tray, and other diagnostic pottery styles of fourth millennium BCE are the most important finds in this site. In addition to beveled rim bowls and Banesh tray, other diagnostic styles such as nose handle, spouted wares were found in Kale Kub that shows all styles belong to this millennium would have seen in the eastern part of the Iranian plateau. In modern Iran, these pottery styles are reported from the southwest, central Zagros, central plateau, and southeast, but from east and northeast just reported from Farhad Gerd which scholars believe that the reported pottery is not beveled rim bowl. Excavation in Kale Kub shows the extension of this culture to the east part of Iran. This site is located far from the well-known sites from this period in the west part of Iran and there are two deserts, Dasht-e Kavir and Lut desert, between this site and other known sites with similar pottery style increase the importance of finding the answer for this question that how this culture found its way to the east.

Conclusion
Inter-regional interactions had a significant effect on the movement of raw material and production in the extended area. Because of the geographical situation of Kale Kub at the east of Iran and the existence of metal mine in the region, this site possibly appeared as a supplier place in the interaction networks for the southwest of Iran during the fourth millennium BCE. The pottery culture which is prevalent in the southwest in this site shows clearly these interactions. To answer the question of how they were connected, we need more excavations and more information. The nearest sites with similar cultural features to the Kale Kub are Tepe Sofalin in Pishva, Varamin in central plateau; and in the southeast of Iran, Mahtout Abad in Jiroft, that both have about thousand kilometers are away from Kale Kub. This distance shows that there are highly probable some other sites between Sofalin and Kale Kub and also Mahtout Abad and Kale Kub that have not been identified yet. These two-direction routes (first, the southern boundary of Alborz mountain and north of Dasht-e Kavir; second, the southern part of Lut desert to the Sistan region and eastern parts of Iran), are the possible routes that connect the east to the fourth millennium BCE cultures of southwest in purpose of achieving the raw material. In the highlands around Kale Kub, copper mining evidence showing that these mines were used till late Islamic periods in the region as well. Also, this region has various types of opal. Kale Kub location between Afghanistan and inner part of Iranian plateau suggests that this site was formed on the way of lapis-lazuli movement routs from Afghanistan; also, the mines of turquoise at the Neishabur is near to the site. Although, finding the role of this site in the networks of fourth millennium BCE needs more information that will be revealed by more excavations but current evidence shows that this site had an exchange and production function in the trade in this period. It suggests that beveled rim bowls and other material culture from fourth millennium BCE (about 3600-3500 BCE) extended to the east from the central plateau and southern part of Alborz Mountain as well as northern side of Dasht-e Kavir.

Abstract
Most of our knowledge on the Palaeolithic of the Iranian Plateau derives from a scientific focus on the area of the Zagros Mountains. In recent years, several Palaeolithic research projects have been conducted in different parts of Iran, including southern piedmonts of the Alborz Mountains and the Iranian Central Plateau. The present paper is an introduction to the archaeological pieces of evidence of a Palaeolithic occupation on the southern slopes of the Alborz Mountains. Sorheh Rockshelter is the first site among a cluster of 8 caves and rock shelters located around 80 km northwest of Tehran. The Palaeolithic artifacts have been recovered from at least three looters’ pits at the center of the rock shelter. Sorheh is significant at least for two aspects: firstly, since the southern slopes of the Alborz Mountains have not yet been identified for the Palaeolithic, the site provides unique data on the Iranian Plateau. Secondly, the site’s location and the physiogeographic and lithic analyses of Sorheh are invaluable for the reconstruction of hominin behavior and settlement patterns in this under-researched area. 
Keywords: Central Iranian Plateau, Alborz Mountains, West-Central Zagros, Middle Palaeolithic, Levallois.

Introduction
Compared to the wealth of Palaeolithic data from the Zagros region, the piedmonts of the Alborz Mountains have received little scientific attention. The focus has been on the northern slopes, although the intermountain valleys of the southern Alborz Mountains could have been biogeographically suitable for hunter-gatherers. Since the first systematic efforts of the Palaeolithic research in the Alborz Mountains by Carlton Coon in 1949 (1951, 1957), a few Palaeolithic sites have been discovered in the northern and southern slopes of the Alborz Mountains. Moving from the southern slopes of the Alborz Mountains towards the center of the Iranian Plateau, the number of Palaeolithic sites increases. Especially in recent years, many critical Palaeolithic localities have been identified on the interior plains of the Central Iranian Plateau (Biglari 2003, Masoumi et al. 2010, Eskandari et al. 2010, Vahdati Nasab and Feyz 2014, Vahdati Nasab et al. 2009, 2013, 2014, 2016, Heydari-Guran and Ghasidian 2011, Heydari-Guran et al. 2015, Kaboli 1999).
From the physio-geographical point of view, it seems that the sites located on the southern slopes of Alborz Mountain are related to the inner parts of the Central Iranian Plateau (Heydari-Guran et al., 2015). However, it has always been questioned whether the southern slopes of Alborz, like the northern slopes, were an area of human presence during the Palaeolithic. If so, was there a connection between the inhabitants of the southern and northern Alborz slopes? What about the connections to the inhabitants of the interior plains of the Iranian Plateau? Such questions led the authors to study the valleys located in the Southern Alborz Mountain foothills around 80 km crow flies to Tehran’s northwest. The survey in this region has led to the discovery of a complex of caves and rock shelters. The lithic artifacts from one site, Sorheh Rockshelter, presents new insights into the study of human settlement and behavior during the Late Pleistocene in the Iranian Plateau. 

Sorheh in the Palaeolithic Context of the Iranian Plateau
The Sorheh complex consists of 6 caves, and rock shelters were firstly identified in 2018 by one of the authors (H.H.). The complex is formed in a deep drainage system within tuff, shale, and sandstone lithology along the Senj River. It is located around 19 km north of the modern city of Karaj, at a longitude of 50,957,183 and latitude of 35,992,211, and approximately 1900 m above sea level. The first site of this complex on the west side of the valley, Sorheh Rockshelter, revealed rich Palaeolithic depositions. Preliminary examining the exposed strata and accumulated soil confirmed that the site is rich in archaeological remains.
Five other shelters of the Sorheh complex are located between 20 and 70 m east of Sorheh Rockshelter. They mostly consist of a rocky surface with poor deposition; some were destroyed by the looters’ pits. The bedrock dip in two rock-shelters is towards the front slope caused no preservation of archaeological deposits. The last shelter of this complex is attached to the Senj River and is endangered by periodically river flooding, thus empty of archaeological deposits. The newly-constructed road between the villages of Baraghan at the west to Vamkouh at the east destroyed partly two rock shelters; however, it provided easier access to Sorheh Rockshelter.
In general, the lithic techno-typological characteristics of Sorheh presents significant Middle Palaeolithic elements. These lithic artifacts bear little resemblance to their counterparts from Zagros, such as Warwasi, Bisetun, and Kunji (Dibble and Holdaway 1993, Dibble 1984, Baumler and Speth, 1993). However, a comparison with Zagros sites is not plausible because of the considerable distance between these sites and the Alborz. The sites located in the interior regions of the Iranian Plateau, perhaps, provide more relevant information. Most of the Central Plateau open-air sites, including Chah-e Jam, Mirak, Zaviyeh, and Holabad, are flake-oriented, and Levallois technology has widely been used (Heydari-Guran and Ghasidian 2011, Heydari-Guran et al. 2015, Vahdati Nasab et al. 2013, Vahdati Nasab and Hashemi 2016). Levallois technology was observed abundantly among Sorheh collection, though heavily retouched tools, reminiscent of the Zagros Mousterian, are nearly absent.  
Sorheh’s collection reveals more similarities to two open-air sites of Moghanak and Otchounak. The lithic artifacts from these sites are mostly based on the production of blades and elongated flakes (Berillon et al. 2007). The Levallois technology was broadly practiced in Moghanak and Otchounak. The points from Moghanak are plain and unretouched, reminiscent of the Sorheh points. Due to the lack of characteristic retouched tools in Moghanak and Otchounak, no typological comparisons were possible.

Conclusion
The evidence from Sorheh, Zagros Mountains, and the Iranian Central Plateau indicate various subsistence strategies in different geographical regions. This issue put forward the idea of cultural variability among the Middle Palaeolithic populations (Heydari-Guran et al., 2015) in contrast to the notion of cultural homogeneity (Mousterian) throughout the Iranian Plateau (Rosenberg 1988, Biglari et al. 2009, Piperno 1972). 
Considering the high elevation of 1900 m asl., Sorheh Rockshelter, after Ghaleh Kurd with 2100 m asl., is one of the highest-elevated Palaeolithic sites on the Iranian Plateau. Ghaleh Kurd has revealed Middle Palaeolithic artifacts assigned to the Mousterian techno-complex (Soleimani and Alibeigi 2012). The study of the deposits from Sorheh will provide valuable information on the climatic changes during MIS 5 to 3 up to Holocene. It seems that the area, despite high altitude, periodically provided ideal settlement conditions. Climatic amelioration intervals made the region suitable for settlement. Therefore, the detailed physiogeographic study of the Sorheh complex may provide a wealth of information on late Pleistocene climate changes.
Due to the techno-typological similarities of Sorheh lithics to the sites in the Central Iranian Plateau (Vahdati Nasab et al. 2013, Heydari-Guran et al., 2015), we hypothesize the cultural exchange between late Pleistocene hunter-gatherers of Alborz and the interior parts of the Central Plateau during climatic deterioration periods. 
The discovery of this complex with a particular geographical location in a valley with difficult access and, most importantly, the rich Palaeolithic depositions is an essential step towards answering questions related to the human dispersal at the edge of the Iranian Plateau during Marine Isotope Stages of 5 to 3 stages.
Systematic excavation and acquisition of more data in Sorheh will allow more accurate and detailed comparisons to other Middle Palaeolithic sites of the Iranian Plateau.

Abstract
Using laboratory of XRD & XRF, this research project was performed to identify the component of the pottery related to Seleucid/ early Parthian period. In excavations performed in western Iran, a number of Seleucid & Parthian site were identified, regarding shape and technical formatting roughly homogenous pottery pieces were found. It could not exactly be determined how many of the discovered pottery pieces of the Seleucid/ Parthian period’s -whether found from surface or stratigraphy excavations- had a regional origin. Determining their homogeneity which was solely based on external similarities and typology has given rise to possibilities of widespread trading of pottery or major centers of production. The main problems in research include How was the selection of consumables for the production of stained glassware in western Iran in two periods of Seleucid and Parthian? How can one know about the similarity and difference between the soil elements and the percentage of pottery and logic soil, whether they are indigenous or imported? Despite the apparent similarities, is the conditions and technique of pottery baking types in the western region in two periods, or has it changed with the evolution of governance in the fabric of pottery? This research is qualitative and has a descriptive-analytical nature. The research method in this paper is a combination of archaeological field activities, laboratory studies, and librarian compilation. Awareness of the explorations carried out in the Seleucid-Parthian sites of the western part of Iran, as well as mineralogical studies based on library information. However, as no archaeological evidence has been found to indicate the existence of such centers, such hypotheses could not be considered. The XRD & XRF methods were used to study the building elements in the excavated pottery samples. Using these methods, the similarities and differences between the clay used in making Seleucid & Parthian period’s pottery and the clay found in the region were studied. Ten sample pieces collected from Delfan, Alashtar, and Nahavand regions, were studies. The samples were selected from archaeological site of Chogha Taghi, Pat-Koole, Zarin Deh Sefid tepe, Hassanabad Sanjabi, Cheshme-Kaboud tepe, Aliabad, Molaghala Adlabad, Shaelie (Shahian), and Laodicea. The 10-pottery sherd often have a bright red peppermint, a dense bubbled glaze, a soft mineral mixture, and geometric paintings and images of birds and animals that are painted in brown and black. The shape of the dishes often shows small bowls and small cups that are well polished and polished and cooked at a proper temperature. However, as these methods usually because a great damage and in most cases destroy the samples, smaller and less important pieces which had these componential characteristics were used. The results of this study indicates that, matching the raw materials of the pottery with the geological structure of the region, it can be noted that the pottery was produced in the studied area. Also, the type, technique, and their baking technique from pottery are similar to each other and confirm that its local production and it dismisses the change in the production process or the non-localization of the production of clay crowns during the Seleucid period.. 
Keywords: Seleucid Period’s, Parthian Period’s, Pottery, XRD, XRF, Western Iran.

Introduction
Our recognition of the western Iran Seleucid/ early Parthian painted pottery is so little in limited due to so many various reasons. The potteries as such are painted and fragile and belong to Seleucid era and early Parthian period party in the period in question is an outstanding type which sounds unobtainable or minimally scarce in considerations. The pieces as such mostly attain light red and beige natural disposition, light rose-colored mantle painted like similar to the metal, fine mineral allegation, geometrical paintings, and animals in birds’ pictures being drawn ocher brown and black. The Potteries shape almost always indicates soft, ting bowls and cups the surface of which is well polished well-furnished and baked in a convenient temperature. The external similitude between late Seleucid and early Parthian potteries nourishes the persisting thought of such a tradition from Seleucid to Parthian. This research is to examining the recognition of the absence/presence of the production and business tradition of the Western Iran area in Seleucid/ early Parthian era. Therefore, using XRF and XRD methods, attempts have been made to deal with the identification of the compounds and elements used in grain utilized conforming western Iran painted pottery.
The propounded hypothesis in this regard is that they did discovered pottery type/species in the west area is possibly none native and imported. The native inference or pottery’s being imported deeply depends upon its natural disposition minerals compound similitude percentage with the minerals present in the area’s soil. In line whit this debate, three questions are replied:
1- How much similar to and different from one another are the soil elements used in Seleucid/ early Parthian painted potteries, compounds, being discovered excavated from some of the Iran Zones? 2- How homogeneous are the elements, present in texture and composition of Seleucid/ early Parthian painted potteries -being discovered in the west of Iran-, whit the structure elements and area geology zone? 3- Are these potteries similar to/different from one another in terms of composition, elements type, and baking conditions?
The selected samples of this research are prominent pieces which are picked up from three areas of Delfan, Alashtar, and Nahavand on ten of which laboratory experiments have been implemented. Among these prominent samples the option of each environment has been done. The XRF experiment on powdered samples has been done in Tarbiat Modarres university and XRD experiment has been implemented in Hamedan Bu-Ali Sina University physics lab, Tehran. These potteries are named as follows: Samples number 1(L.CH.T) from Chogha Taghi in Noor Abad City; sample number 2 (L.P.K) from Pat-koole; sample number 3 (L.Z.D) from Zarrin Deh Sefid tepe; sample number 4 (L.H.A.S) from Hassanabad Sanjabi; sample number 5 (L.CH.K) from Cheshme-Kaboud tepe; sample number 6 (L.A.A) from northern district of Noor Abad city; sample 7 (L.M.GH) from Adl-Abad village; sample number 8 (L.SH) from village Shaeile in Qalaei City; sample numbers 9 & 10 (H.N.L.1) & (H.N.L.2) from Loudich of Nahavand. 

Discussion
The results show that the silicon (oxide) rate is high in the samples obtaining low calcite (like sample number 9, and in the samples with high calcite, the silica (oxide) rate is low. Regarding the composition’s present in potteries body, making use of XRD and XRF methods, it can be inferred that the samples productions are associated with the area itself. Moreover, it can be stated that there are compounds such as Quartz in all soils, which is one of components of soil. There is calcite in all samples because of the presence of the calcareous sediments’ presence. The presence of the calcium carbonate and diopside in the potteries body indicates that the temperature of these potteries is less than 750 degrees centigrade. Three compounds of Aluminum oxide, Silica in Calcium carbonate (SiO2, Al2O3, Cao). Additionally, the percentage of the scarce elements in sample number 3 is different from the other ones. Except for these two, it seems that all of the samples are more or less similar to one another. The pottery’s body color is due to this element (Iron) and its oxidation, and red patterns upon potteries contain Iron as well. Pondering upon most of the painted potteries samples of early Parthian / Seleucid era from  Western Iran, it seems that their color is not that beige in comparison with the Clinker pottery type from Parthian era, which are mostly related to the middle and late of this era, and less homogeneity is observed in their color in comparison white Clinker pottery. These results assert that the production of Seleucid/ early Parthian period painted pottery in comparison with Parthian period Clinker pottery should be considered from a different or perspective. There is Manganese in some of the samples number (7 & 9 and little rate in sample 3) the black color of which possibly contain such an element. The presence of Calcium can be because of the calcareous sediments (probably) or some gypsum in the sample. The presence of sediment on all of the samples stems from burial area, moisture, and its omission then, and formation of calcareous sediments as well. The other elements such as Sodium, Potassium Phosphorus, and Titanium are among the ones present in the soil, the rate of which is from some percentage to a few hundred percent.

Conclusion 
The results of XRF & XRD analysis show that the major part of the examined potteries samples including three compounds of Aluminum oxide, Silica in Calcium carbonate (CaO, Al2O3, SiO2). This compound indicates that there is a share of the soils of the transformations stones (SiO2) in the soil used in building mentioned potteries in addition to calcareous soils (Al2O3, CaO). There is Manganese in some of samples (number7, 9, and a little rate in number 3 simple) which possibly has been because of the pigments usage for decorating the potteries patterns. Moreover, the existence of calcium can be possibly due to calcareous sediments or some plaster in the sample which implies the presence of sediment on all of the samples because of the burial area moisture, and then it’s elimination and calcareous sediments formation. The results demonstrate that the Seleucid/ early Parthian period painted potteries obtain more silica (oxide) rate in comparison with Parthian period Clinker pottery (the late and middle of this period), bring analyzed in western Iran, and also it attains a lower Calcite rate in comparison with Clinker potteries type. According to the potteries external features in terms of color and patterns, the similarity between- the ingredients of raw material (soil) is obvious in making pottery, indicating the production of the Portway in research area of although these painted  potteries of Seleucid often there is less homogeneity in their color in western Iran; and also, their baking technique and mode from pottery are similar with one another, and improve their native and domestic production (it is worth mentioning that there has no analysis regarding  Seleucid/ Parthian period painted pottery in the other areas been done) and it eliminates the issue of importing production of  Seleucid/  early Parthian period painted potteries.