Abstract
This site is located 60 km southwest of Khalkhal, in Shahrood plane, in Khalkhal city and 180 km south of Ardabil city. In May 2006, during the implementation of the road construction project in Khanghah village, the remains of several graves were revealed. From this date onwards, four seasons of Archaeological studies were conducted on this site. The first season was carried out in the same year, and graves 12, 19 and 25 were explored, among them a grave to the Iron Age I and the other graves belonged to the Iron Age II. The trench B was also explored in order to identify of more tombs. Following the excavation, graves 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 and 24 were discovered in this trench. According to studies on these graves, 2 graves belonged to the middle Bronze Age, 1 grave to the Iron Age I, 9 graves to the Iron Age II, and 4 graves belonged to the Parthian period. The second season was explored in 2007. In this season, the trench C with dimensions 10 x 10 m on the west side of the trench A and trench D with dimensions of 5 × 5 m along the trench B was explored. As a result, in this season, the remains of the 5 ancient graves were obtained; one of them belonged to the Parthian period, 1 grave to the Middle Bronze Age and three other graves to the Iron Age I. Four scientific explorations have been conducted in which the results of the first season are fully published. In this study, the graves of the Iron Age of the second season of this site are discussed. The comparisons, such as the results of the grave studies of the first season of the cemetery, show a cultural connection with the mid and late bronze Age sites and the Iron Age I and II, indicating a cultural sequence from the Middle Bronze Age to the late Iron Age II, which contrasts with the theory of cultural dynamism. So, the main hypothesis of this study, it is: Theory of cultural dynamism in Iron Age I, in this area isn’t correct. 
Keywords: Northwest of Iran, Ardabil Province, Gilavan Cemetery, Iron Age Burials.

Introduction
Gilavan cemetery is located northwest of Khanghah village and adjoined to it. In terms of archaeological findings, this cemetery is one of the most prominent sites in the north-west of Iran, because of the burial of the three archaeological periods of the middle Ages, the Iron Age and the Parthian period. Four scientific explorations have been conducted in which the results of the first season are fully published. In this study, the graves of the Iron Age of the second season of this site are discussed. During this season, 5 ancient graves were explored, identified by numbers 26, 27, 28, 29 and 31. Grave No. 29 dated to the middle bronze age, graves 26, 28, and 31 dates to the Iron Age I and 27 to the Parthian period. The graves of this cemetery were in the form of a hole in which burials were carried out in single and double burials. In the present study, gravels of the Iron Age of second season were qualitatively, descriptively-analytic and comparative approach, and compared with the effects of other burial grounds of the north-west and neighboring areas. The comparisons, such as the results of the grave studies of the first season of the cemetery, show a cultural connection with the mid and late bronze Age sites and the Iron Age I and II, indicating a cultural sequence from the Middle Bronze Age to the late Iron Age II, which contrasts with the theory of cultural dynamism. The studies of Gilavan cemetery are important because in this area, in the burial findings of the graves, we witness a cultural sequence from the middle Bronze Age to the Iron Age II. Such results are of particular importance to the studies of the Iron Age, as well as the theory of cultural dynamism in the late period of the Bronze Age and the Iron Age, which some researchers believe it to be.

The tombs of Gilavan cemetery in this study
Tomb No. 26: This tomb is located in trench D, and in the northeast it, in a depth of -107 cm from bench mark. This tomb is from type of grave pit that after the burial from the rock has been used to highlighting the grave. This tomb has been belongs to man25 to 30 years old.
Tomb No. 28: This tomb is located in northwest corner of trench C, and highest level this tomb from the ground -149 cm. This tomb is from type of grave pit, and single burial. Tomb No. 28 has been belongs to female 25 to 30 years old. 
Tomb No. 31: This tomb is located in the northern part of trench C, and to form of double burial. Tomb No. 31 is from type of grave pit. 

Conclusion
The study of the graves of the Iron Age of this site indicates that there are many similarities in the burial findings of the northern-western areas of Iran during the bronze and iron period. In other words, the findings of this cemetery can be compared with the burial objects of many sites of the middle bronze, the late bronze and Iron Age I and II, and this represents a cultural sequence during a period to a period Another is in the north-west of Iran and even neighboring areas. It seems that many of the developments in the Iron Age region of Iran are rooted in the earlier period. Many of the forms and techniques of constructing objects represent a kind of evolved designs, and the subject matter that implies the emergence or sudden appearance of them is not visible.

Abstract
Migrant Scythian tribes were occupied many parts of the Eurasia following a move to the West in the first millennium B.C. The Scythian people were among the last Aryan tribes who, after the migration of other indo-European tribes, emerged from their mainland (Southern Russia) at the end of the Eighth century, and dispersed in Northern Central and Southern Siberia, the North of the Caspian Sea and its Western boundary, in the vast plains of the Caucasus Mountains. The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence area and cultural interactions of these ethnic groups in sixteen geographical zones of the Eurasia, from east to West. The present study in a historical method, with a qualitative approach and based on archaeological reports have studied dispersion of the Scythian type artifacts in the West Mongolia, Tuva region, the Altai region, Central Asia, Iran, South Caucasus, North Caucasus, Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, Crimea, southern Ukraine and South-East Europe, Egypt, Greece, West Mediterranean, Central and Western Europe. Because of the extent of the study area, in this research has been tried to be mentioned to the main of the Scythian areas in the each zone and its materials, so that be shown a detailed view of the extent of this culture in Eurasia. The present research has been carried out according to these main questions: How is the extent area of the Scythian culture? What is the type of their materials in each of these areas? The results point to the vastness of this culture in a wide area of geography. The culture has been able to influence many cultural and geographical areas and attract the cultures of many tribes, in the short time. In many of the areas studied, there are similar findings from this culture.
Keywords: Eurasia, Scythian Tribes, Scythian Cultural, Scythian Burial.

Intrudoction
When a tribe enter to an alien land as an immigrant or an invader, it develops its culture as an effective factor over time. Although immigrant or invading peoples may not pursue such a goal, undeniable impacts and cultural relations, as a factor in stimulating such processes, will accelerate. They seek to dominate human resources in the every part of the world, and change the cultural, political, and social equations of the conquered regions and, after consolidating their presence, propagate purposely their culture. In the meantime, due to cultural interactions, the art of these immigrant or invading generations also affects. This impact has been associated with war in most cases, and the outcome of such a struggle is the creation of a cohesive culture in a wide range. The more these wars continue and wider, the greater the culture of dominant folk; in this process, the power of the invading force is a major factor. The generators of homogeneity in this area act in the most common and similar cases. In other words, the cultural attributes of a people in two distant geographic districts show similar characteristics. The development of the culture of the Scychian peoples in a widespread zone, and in a short time, has almost followed such a mechanism. Scythian people at the beginning of the first millennium B.C in their movement were to the west, Central Asia, North and South Caucasus, the north of the Black Sea, East Europe, Northwest of Iran, East Anatolia, Mesopotamia and the vicinity of Egypt and the Mediterranean Sea and they left their cultural features in these areas. In these movement they, they left many traces such as unique burials, special techniques for decorating ornamental objects. The course of the movement and how they deal with the ruling powers in these regions, including Urartu, Med, Mana and Asshur, in historical sources have been described.

Discussion
Basically, what is attributed to the Scythian people, is specific cultural material that specific to them. In terms of burial data, the horse has been a special place in the sacred burial ground, so that this can be seen in most of the ancient Scythian sites. In terms of burial data, the existence of objects such as triangular and flat iron and bronze arrowheads (often with a reverse barb) interesting cheekpieces with three holes in the middle of them for passage of rope that in most cases they end up with animals such as horses, eagles and rams, iron and bronze bits for harness, special styles for decorating objects (that known as animal styles, stickers and Other war material specifically) are show the art and culture of the Scythian peoples in Eurasia. The materials of the Scythian tripes have been found in the west of Mongolia from Beiram Kurgan: In Tuva region from Aimyrlig, Arglykty and Shurmak-Tei Kurgans; in Altai zone from Pazirik, Ust-Kuyum, Kurtu II and Katanda Kurgans; in central Asia the Scythian material have been found from Tasmola, Chilikta valley, Irtysh, Alakul, Uigarak and Tagisken Kurgans. in Iran have been found from Khoram Abad cemetery, in the south of Caucasus from Kar Mirblur, Musa Yeri, Chitan Dagh, in the north of Caucasus from Kelermess, Kostromaskaya, Ulski, Voronezhskaya, Ust-Labinskaya and Elizavetovskaya, in Mesopotamia from Assur, Musel, Karkmish and Al Mina. Also, the materials of the Scythian tripes have been in Asia Minor from Alaja Huyuk, Kernes dagh, Pazarli, Yazili Kaya, Gurdion and Hesarlik, in Krimeh from Temir-Gora, Perekop Isthmus, Talayevskii, Bosporus, Zolotoi, in the south of Ukrain and southeast of Europ from Elizavetinskaya, Chertomlyk, Solokha, Melitopol and Gaimanova mogila Kurgans, in Egypt from Tel Defaneh, Nakratis, Elfantin, Teps, in Greece from Aten, Atika, Delfi and Missen, in central Europ from Zwolaki, Zakrzow, Chelm, Morawy, Miyniec and Villach sites, in the west of Mediterranean from Megara Hibela, Katania and Motye sites and in the west of Europ from Brussels and France.

Conclosion
The remarkable expansion of the culture of the Scythian peoples over a wide geographical range during the few hundred years has made it one of the rarest ancient cultures. These nomadic peoples (wherever they could) have been left their cultural influence. In the areas where they entered, the most important work of their ancestors, the magnificent burials, is reminiscent, and in other areas, under their influence, the Scythian culture in the artistic objects of manifestation has been transported from the land to another country. So, the extent of damage to the their culture have been in east area Mongolia, in west with France in Europe, in north with Russia, and the southernmost part in Shush and Marvdasht.

Abstract
The audience of every work of art is willing to receive its meaning, and the exact recognition of an image or image for its meaning and content requires reading and even interpretation, and iconography is essentially trying to express the meaning of the image.  In visual arts, a symbol is an image, a plant, an animal, or a sign that has a deeper meaning than what is seen. It is often not easy for us to get the meaning and interpretation of the symbols of the past centuries. Occasionally, symbols refer to an event or story, and a group of symbols replaces personalities and individuals. In this regard, the monastery of the Ghareh Kelisa is one of the most important Armenian churches in Iran, located in the northeastern part of Chaldoran. Throughout the northern and southern walls of the church, as well as the bell tower, it has unique and unique carvings. Sculptures This monument can be divided into five categories, including: human designs, animal motifs, plant designs, geometric patterns and mythological motifs. The designs are beautifully crafted, crafted, and beautifully crafted by experienced and experienced craftsmen, and the artist’s creative, abstract, decorative look is best illustrated in all designs and each role is a special symbol and symbol. Among the paintings of the Ghareh Kelisa, the role of animals is more than other motifs, both due to the variety of animal species in the surroundings and the symmetry of many animals such as milk, ram, cow, horse, etc. These motifs have no merely decorative aspect and offer higher meanings and concepts, and are one of the most diverse symbolism for symbolic aspects. In this article, it has been attempted to introduce and interpret the animal designs of this monument.
Keywords: Chaldoran, Ghareh Kelisa, Animal Figures, Symbols.

Introduction
Some ancient works bear the institutional values and messages that are embodied in the form of artwork and in the form of their roles based on the beliefs and beliefs of the ancient human body, and to understand the meaning of these ancient designs, one needs to know the symbolic components. That once, because the verbal language had a certain meaning in ancient cultures and somehow represented a mythical belief (Rafi Farr and Malek, 2014: 7). The motifs used in Iranian art from late to present, have always included symbolic meanings in addition to its decorative and aesthetic aspects (Sabagh pour and Shayestefar, 2010: 31).
The role of the elements in the art of Iran has been bearing the concepts and themes of interest of the people of different ages, and the continuation of their design reveals the visual changes of each period. One of the most important paintings that has always been considered in Iran and even continued with the change of religion is artifacts arranged in various arts (Mortezaei and Sedaghatzadeh, 2013: 47). 
In this regard, the construction of the Ghareh Kelisa is one of the most important and most representative Armenian churches in Iran, located in the northeast of Chaldoran. Throughout the northern and southern walls of the church, as well as the bell tower, it has unique and unique carvings. Sculptures This monument can be divided into five categories, including: human designs, animal motifs, plant designs, geometric patterns and mythical motifs. These designs are carved by artist and experience mastermanship with elegance, flair and beauty, and each role is a symbol and symbol.
 the Ghareh Kelisa sculptures actually reflect the culture and the arts, beliefs, cultural and social relations of ancient societies and have a special place in various studies and researches, especially archeology and anthropology. In this essay, it attempts to introduce and interpret the animal designs of this monument.

Ghareh Kelisa Animal Characters and Their Symbolism
Animal statues are one of the oldest paintings man has made in his works. These motifs in Iranian art (like other designs) were not merely decorative, but sometimes expressing hope, fear, or resort to a force to fight the dangers of nature and life, and sometimes express religious beliefs and myths. The same values and special expressions sometimes transformed motifs into symbolic and symbolic symbols that used them as a message transmission during the course of history (Khazaee and Samavaki, 2003: 8). Animal designs, including roles that have been dominant and frequent in many ancient civilizations, including Iran. Cassirer believes that in the course of the worship of primitive human beings, we see that a human beast has become and worships animals, such as worshiping a variety of phenomena and things encountered in its surroundings, and Kasier is referred to as gods It commemorates a moment and, through this worship, leads to functional gods (based on their interests and their function in life) (Kasier, 2012: 75-76).
In this regard, the structure of the Ghareh Kelisa, consisting of two parts of the eastern (black) and western (white), the eastern or black part, which is the oldest part of the building, does not have much role and only in the part of the side Northeastern and southern skylights are cross-linked and surrounded by chainsaws. But the western part (white) of the Ghareh Kelisa is divided into 5 rows by stripes of simple profile, which can be categorized into five groups: human designs, animal drawings, plant designs, geometric patterns and mythological motifs.
Most of the sculptures in the third row have been carved into the third row. These motifs are the ones directly hunted by humans or in some way related to the subject of predation and daily routine of hunters, or rooted in past religions, and most of the beliefs are that these images are abundantly and the numbers can be distinguished in the following order.
 

Conclusion
In the meantime, the archeology of Iran’s religious architecture, and in particular the  Ghareh Kelisa of God, is a rich treasure of motifs that, in addition to values and beauties, expresses the secret and need for cultural and religious secrets in themselves. This role of the motifs due to the deep roots in Iranian culture expresses the noble concepts that have remained in popular belief in the form of visual arts in simple and prolonged forms. 
Among the paintings of the Ghareh Kelisa, the role of animals is more than other motifs, both due to the variety of animal species in the surroundings and the symmetry of many animals such as milk, ram, cow, horse, etc. These motifs are associated with the continuation of some ancient Iranian art traditions and is one of the most important interconnected circles of Iranian art before and after Islam. Drawing Animals in a Dynamic Mode, Variety in the Size of Animals; Small, Large in Nature; Attention to Exposure; Increasing Naturalism; Variety in the Design of the Foot, Eye, Horn, Head and Neck, Wings and Body; Characteristics of Animal Drawings The Ghareh Kelisa is the artist’s most abstract, creative, decorative look, best illustrated in all designs, and each role is a special symbol and symbol.

Abstract
Evidences found from Archaeological explorations, rock reliefs and rock inscriptions, express immemorial connections between music art and Iranian societies and cultures in the historical age. The music of Mythic era (Pishdadians and Kayanids) and Historical era (Medians, Achaemenids, Parthians and Sassanians) is the most general division of music history of pre Islam. The flourish of Elamid music, before the Achaemids, can be noted as well. This research is a descriptive – analysis type, conducted to survey the position of music art in the societies and cultures of Iran at the Historical age. The research findings are gathered by documentary and field studies and analyzed in qualitative manner. The results of this research state that the upper and lower classes of the society had an important role in formation, transition and evolution of this art at the aforementioned time. Playing various instruments such as harp, reed (Ney), Drum, hornpipe, timpani, etc. in orisons, sacrifice, wedding and mourning ceremonies, indicating the association of this art with social life of people and closed connection between music and cultural, religious, social, economical and political characteristics of societies in ancient Iran. 
Keywords: Music, Historical Age, Dominant Class, Iranian Societies and Cultures.

Introduction
Music, art phenomena of human society from ancient times had an enormous impact on human life and the instruments used in each of the shapes and forms found. Some researchers, regardless of the place of music in ancient societies, conflicting views about the history and musical instruments proposed. Melody of emotions and human-induced internal interactions and represents sadness and joy, excitement and peace of mind of human beings. Clearly, music is a twin phenomenon and the essence of every nation in the world and part of the national identity and the culture of each society. Is that every nation and culture with its own music and is presented well and every nation has a special music from the distant past, a feature that the nation remained culturally distinct from the rest of the United Nations. Evidences found from Archaeological explorations, rock reliefs and rock inscriptions, express immemorial connections between music art and Iranian societies and cultures in the historical age. The music of Historical era (Elamites, Medians, Achaemenids, Parthians and Sassanians) is the most general division of music history of pre Islam. The flourish of Elamid music, before the Achaemids, can be noted as well. 

Discussion
This research is a descriptive – analysis type, conducted to survey the position of music art in the societies and cultures of Iran at the Historical age. The research findings are gathered by documentary and field studies and analyzed in qualitative manner.
Elamite period, the religious aspect is more art (probably due to lack of awareness of the use of this type of art, not a fact issue) of music and musicians in different events such as prayer to God (s) and sacrifice is used, although in that evening treated to music for celebrations. Choghamish seals in pre-historic and close to the Elamite era boom in the art show. Another important point in this era, there are three types of instruments (wind, percussion and string) in relief Kul-farah, Nineveh and Choghamish is obvious. The Medes also continued the tradition of singing the prayer ceremony. The art of this period are still among the lower class of society was not room for growth. Apparently the enthronement ceremony of the kings of the Medes, and continued playing music with ancient traditional shows. Another important point is that in this era, more music and religious aspects of the court official. In the Achaemenid era, a variety of martial music, festive and popular religious and because they Achaemenid Empire, many ethnic groups and was brought under the umbrella of its sovereignty, it is natural that people and communities benefit from these experiences. For example, the relative effects of Elamite and Achaemenid Persians in Mesopotamia the art of music is evident. There are a variety of instruments such as bass drum, horn, trumpet, harp, and trumpet and so does the variety of music in the evening. Although most economic activity in the state and was Clergymen and music is also closely associated with the court and Clergymen, but the bards and minstrels in ceremonies such as weddings and parties, it is reported that the ceremony might have the class and the ruling of is. Women who are part of every society, at court, continuing a long tradition, at least since Elam shows. Of military music show which direction the signal should not ignore the start and end of the war was used. In the Seleucid era by combining the theory of joint Iranian Persian music and Greek - Greek arose that its effects can be seen in the Western and Arabic music communities. The Parthian era, social security and qualitative progress in the industry, the development of the art of music. At this time a singer by the name of the party “gossan” was formed and it was probably the kind of song street market quotes were chest to chest. The importance of music in the Sassanid era, forced the king to appoint a minister for relations such art. Rank them in court Bahram Gur was promoted to second grade classes of the community court. Due to the rising value of the musicians in the court, there are special procedures for the ceremony music. In Sassanid period like the past, different types of music can be seen. Including a festive and happy, when hunting was hunting that deception, as well as the religious ceremony of singing used to comply with previous periods. In the course of the past continued to use some of the instruments. Also at this time the instruments were invented, how notation arose and skilled musicians and great musicians like Barbad, Bamshad, rebellious, Nakisa and others emerged and certain sounds like Ravshn or “way” was coined during this era. Poetry and music together in this land, and poet and musician is often a people. The music of this era is also quite popular among ordinary people and continued to Islamic periods.

Conclusions
The results of this research state that the music, as a general, was a special art for dominant ruler in the society which professional artists used to gather in their courts. Playing various instruments such as harp, reed (Ney), Drum, hornpipe, timpani, etc. Playing various instruments such as harp, reed (Ney), Drum, hornpipe, timpani, etc. in orisons, sacrifice, wedding and mourning ceremonies, indicating the association of this art with social life of people and closed connection between music and cultural, religious, social, economical and political characteristics of societies in ancient Iran.

Abstract
Northwestern Iran and the South Caucasus have relatively favorable environmental conditions for the formation of ancient settlements. These include the Urmia Lake basin and the Aras shores in northwestern Iran, and the Kura River, the Mil-Moghan (mountainous areas) in the South Caucasus region. The archaeological evidences and recent researches in two geographical areas illustrate the cultural shares and similarities of the period. The main purpose of this article is to introduce the areas and pottery traditions and to identify the sequence of chronology in the areas of study. The following questions will be raised in order to achieve cultural interactions in the geographical area studied in the Chalcolithic Period: How is the condition of chronology sequence in the two cultural domains? The main hypothesis in this regard is the existence of approximately the same chronology (the beginning and the end of the Chalcolithicperiod) in the two geographical locations. How do the layers of settlement and the sequences of residence from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic Periodin ancient sites indicate the theme of cultural continuity and transition? The present article is written by descriptive-analytical method. As a final result, it can be pointed to the similarities and differences of the archaeological data, including thepottery features, architectural structures, burials, etc. By studying the areas such as Dalma Tepe, Jolfa’s Kul Tepe, Khoy’s Davagöz, etc. in northwest of Iran and Leila Tepe, Galayeri, Puylu Tepe, Boyuk Kəsik, Soyuq Bulagh, Brikil Dibi, Kawtskhevy, Tekhvot have been obtained in the South Caucasus region and chronologically covers the millennium from 5000 BC to 3700/3600 BC. 
Keywords: Chalcolithic, Northwestern Iran, South Caucasus, Cultural Interactions, Chronology.

Introduction
The northwest of Iran and the Caucasus have long been a prominent site for archaeological studies due to their proximity to important cultural sites such as Anatolia, Zagros, Mesopotamia and Central Asia. Most of the ancient sites both in the Caucasus region and in the northwestern Iran, which were inhabited by the Chalcolithic period, were also inhabited during the Neolithic period, suggesting that the human and animal habitat conditions and the environmental conditions are favorable. The following questions will be raised in order to achieve the cultural interactions in the geographical area under study in the Chalcolithic Period: 1. What is the status of the chronologysequence in the two cultural areas? The main hypothesis in this regard is the existence of a same chronology (beginning and end of the Chalcolithic Period) at two geographical points. 2. How do the layers of settlement and settlement sequences from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic Periodsindicate ancient sites, cultural status, and the cultural continuity and transition themes? Most of the ancient sites both in the Caucasus region and in the northwestern Iran, which were inhabited by the Copper-Stone period, were also inhabited during the Neolithic period, indicating the existence of afavorablehabitat and environmental conditions for both human and animal. Although there are also single-period enclosures among them.

Discussion
In recent years, one of the most significant issues in introducing and studying the Chalcolithic culture of northwestern Iran havebeen the ambiguity and darkness in the timing chronology of the Chalcolithic Period of this region. Because, this period was introduced after the late Neolithic period, was identified in areas such as Haji Firouz, Hassanlu, Yaniq Tepe, etc., with a break of almost a thousand years. Dr Abedi’s recent years’ excavations atJolfa’s Kul Tepe and Khoy’sDəvə Göz have eliminated the gap in the timing of the Chalcolithic Period of northwestern Iran (Azarbaijan). The archaeological studies are divided in twostages; and its early stage dates back to the 19th century and is known as the Eneolit cultural period. The archaeologists in the North Caucasus geographical area of have identified two culturaltypes of Kura-Arax and Maikop in the Chalcolithic Period, hence, the two Kura and Araxrivers in the Caucasus Basin are named as the Mesopotamia of Caucasus.
One of the most important cultural data of the Chalcolithic Period is the rectangular architectural structures which are made of white raw clay. Inside the structure, large crumbs, food storage wells and numerous stoves, along with the data such as mortar, and grindstone, and burned remnants of grains such as barley, wheat and lentils have been obtained. The burial variety ofthe Chalcolithic Period is more diverse than the Neolithic period. The most repeated type of burial in the Chalcolithic Period is the pits burial, but more recently therehave also been found two other burial types such as burial in earthenware, and kurganburial.

Conclusion
One of the most important issues of Chalcolithic culture in the South Caucasus is anunbroken continuation of the Chalcolithic Period after the Neolithic period. This continuation can be seen in Mentesh Tepe, Aratashen, Khatun Ark- Aknashen, and theChalcolithic Period begins unbroken after the Neolithic periodin these areas. But after the Neolithic period, the Old Bronze Age beginsinNakhchivan’s Kul Tepe. Scientists consider the climate change as the main cause of cultural disruption. In the southern Caucasus, the earlyChalcolithic phasehas been dated from 4800/5000 to 4600 BC, and themiddle andthe lateChalcolithic phases from 4600 to 3200 BC, and some new areas, such as Nakhchivan Tepe, Uchan Aghil, Uzun Oba, is derived from the earlyChalcolithic Period that are closely related to Dalma culture.

Abstract
Khānqah-E Gilvan cemetery is located on the western skirt of the MT. Talesh approximately 60 km southeast Khalkhal. The cemetery lies between the villages of Gilvan and Khānqah, and is part of the administrative district of Khalkhal in Ardabil province.The cemetery was discovered in 2006 during the road construction project in village of Khānqah. It has been in use from Middle Bronze Age to Iron Age I, II and Parthian Period after a centuries of gap; it is not still clear whether the cemetery was used during the Late Bronze Age or not, but the funerary practices in the Iron Age I, II were continued. Pottery similarities with ceramics from the Middle Bronze Age allows us to suggest that the initial using phase of the cemetery can be attributed back to the last quarter of the 3rd millennium BC(Zabanband et al., 2021: forthcoming) In this research, our focus is mainly on the graves related to initial phase of cemetery. During the Middle Bronze Age of Khānqah-e Gilvan, a variety of funerary practices along with types of tombs such as kurgan, pit grave, etc. unknown in other Iranian northwestern sites such as Geoy Tepe, Dinkhah Tepe, can be seen. The funerary practices of the tombs discovered in the cemetery are more or less homogeneous. It is probable to reconstruct funerary behavior of these populations.The diameter of the 7 kurgans excavated at the Gilavan burial site varies roughly 2 to 5 m. circle stone alignment is a common feature these burials, that is carefully laid out, heaps of stone (pebble/slab…)covered the pit burials. In addition to a detailed description of the graves, we will also try to point out some of the hierarchical features of the cemetery according to structure and grave association of the tombs,
Keywords: Khānqah-E Gilvan Cemetery, Kurgan, Structure, Social Position, Grave Association. 

Introduction
By the Middle Bronze Age, there were two different painted pottery traditions in Urmia lake basin. The first tradition was black painted red ware with (monochrome) and black& red painted on white or polychrome pottery, as been described as “Urmia Ware” (Pl. 1). The chronology of this pottery tradition has primarily been based on the evidence from level VIB at Haftavan Tepe. This type of pottery was firstly found levels C&D at Geoy Tepe. Four stone-built/cist graves associated with Geoy Tepe settlement of this period have recognized (Brown 1951: 100-107) It suggests that perhaps it might be more accurate to assign these tombs to late VIB. Tomb B which has assigned to period D by Dyson, contains only late VIB pottery which indicates that all tombs are contemporary, and belong to Geoy C. This conclusion is supported by the structure of the tombs; tombs A, B are very similar (Edwards 1986: 60-61, Dyson 1968: 16-17). three stone-built tombs, together with a child burial and three simple inhumations, are the only excavated burial remains of the Dinkha IVC and D levels yet On the basis of C 14 dates (building level) and typological parallels, the tomb B10a B27 can be placed in the 17th to 16th century B.C. Both the Habur Ware assemblage and the metal objects in tomb described here demonstrate Dinkha’s ties to the west in the Old Assyrian and Babylonian periods (Robinson 1991; 1994)
In the last decade, archaeological excavations in Khānqah cemetery provide more knowledge on region’s MBA and identify a variety of funerary practices and grave types during the Middle Bronze Age and Iron Age I, II of northwestern Iran. According to artefacts related to graves, and the structure of graves, these two-mortuary treatment to what extent can reflect status distinctions among people buried in this cemetery? 

The Khānqah-e Gilvan Cemetery
Khānqah cemetery (48̊ 49ʹ 46ʺ E and 37 17ʹ 39ʺN; pl. 2) is located on the west of the Khānqah village and 60 km south east of the Khalkhal town. From a geographical perspective, Khalkhal is a mountainous region which is surrounded by the Talesh, Bozquş and Qarāvol dagh from the east, west, and south respectively. Steep terrain of these mountaines region, especially in summer, supply livestock forage production.
The graves in this cemetery are categorized in two groups; a) Kurgans with a Funerary Pit: The burial in these kurgans was funerary pit in shape as the dead person had buried after digging a pit. The dimension of funerary pit was depended on how the corpse is located in the grave as well as the space needed to put the burial goods. After the top of the graves were sealed, then, it filled with a 77-431cm layer of stony soil prior to the surrounding circular stone alignment precinct were built. The height of these kurgans were approximately 61-212 cm. Over time, the mound of kurgans has lost its height and the scatter of stone mounds has formed locus No.4.; surrounding circular stone alignment precinct of graves were identified inside this location and its size is varying from 2 to 4 m in diameter. The existence of sherds, complete containers and animal bones whitin the soil on the graves showes that it mighte be  some sacrifices had been distributed among the participants who attended in the burying. 29, 30, 32, 37, 38, 39 and 41 are placed in this group.
b) Pit graves: On these grave types, there is a pit grave covered with mass of rubble. It seems that this embankment was a signal clarifying the location of grave during the past. 14, 24 and 40 are classified in this group.   

Discussion
According to formal parallels with ceramic assemblages of the Early kurgans and Middle Bronze Age cultures, the burial site of Khānqah can be dated from the 3rd quarter of the 3rd millennium B.C. 
A Hiatus in the Late Bronze Age- to the 1st half of the 1st millennium B.C. Among excavated burials the wealth displayed by 30 and 32 kurgans reveal high social achieved status of their owners. This hierarchy also emphasized by extra efforts in the tomb construction.  

Conclusion
According to artefacts related to graves, the tradition of placing pottery vessels along with deceased was a common practice of cemetery, even if there was no skeleton. A greater quantity and higher quality of burial goods found in 14, 30 and 32 tombs show high status individuals were buried with vast amounts of funerary objects. The wealth displayed by these graves reveals high social achieved status of their owners. This hierarchy also emphasized by extra efforts in the tomb construction (30,32) and wealth (14) (Brown 1971: 29). ). Moreover, there were some forms of funerary behaviors in 30 grave; including animal and secondary burials, presumably both of them are related to status or wealth; another explanation may be this, due to the lack of settlement site adjacent to cemetery, it is possible to propose that the mobile groups buried their dead somewhere else in the vicinity of site and in return carried them which could indicate the significance of cemetery in this relatively long period. Brown (1981) points out that the buried people with a higher social status, more likely to be manipulated after death, and those with lower status receive the least manipulate. It is worth mentioning that in 30 multiple grave, the primary burial is in its anatomical position and is not displaced to contain secondary burial which could indicates individual social prestige. There are few differences in wealth and effort in other graves which represent little positional stratification among them. The presence of copper pins in the graves buried people more likely to be the standard of the period. There is no peculiar pattern in distribution of other metal artefacts depending on the location of the pins, it seems that they were a means of keeping clothes (Massa et al. 2017) found around the skull and shoulder

Abstract
From the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age, the eastern regions of northwestern Iran were involved in a series of large-scale ethnic migrations, the scope of which had previously extended to the Caucasus. Crossings in the Caucasus Mountains led these migrations to the Meshginshahr and Ardabil plains and the high and green areas of Savalan Mountain. Undoubtedly, nomadic immigrants, during several centuries of migration along the routes, had found a series of low-risk and easy-to-reach routes in which they traveled constantly. The constant traffic along this route has left countless cemeteries along with it. Today, the Shahsevan tribes of Ardabil province inherit some of these ancient routes and use them regularly. The adaptation of the routes of the Shahsevan tribes to the linear distribution of the Iron age sites on them, proves such a hypothesis. In the present study, which has been carried out by field studies with an ethnographic approach in the western parts of Meshginshahr plain and the western and northwestern slopes of Savalan Mountain, why and how to conformity of the ancient routes of the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age with the Shasevan tribe routes have been discussed. Extent of Iron Age sites located in the route of Shahsevan tribes, how the sites are distributed in the summer places of the western slopes of Savalan and determining the most important and main ancient migration routes based on the distribution of the sites and their extent is another issue that has been addressed in this research. The results of reviewing and analyzing the available data show the complete compliance of the Iron Age sites with the longitudinal line of the migration routes of Shahsevan nomadic tribes. Most of the identified sites along the routes are of the cemetery type, which are much larger in summer areas than other places.
Keywords: The Western Basin of Meshginshahr, Iron Age, Ethniarchaeology, Iron Age Migration Routes, Shahvevan Tribes.

Introduction
According to the studies in the northeastern half of northwestern Iran, ethnic migration to the plains of Meshginshahr and Ardabil intensified from about the beginning to the second half of the second millennium B.C, shortly before the beginning of the Iron Age; The existence of large central castles and small satellites, as well as the numerous cemeteries that exist in this area, most of which are unrelated to the settlements, is a reason for this. It is not clear what the reasons for these sudden and mass migrations and the human factors or geographical conditions involved were, but what is clear from archaeological evidence is the existence of a north-south migration line from the Caucasus towards the southern parts of Moghan plain, Meshginshahr plain and the northern parts of Ardabil plain. In the Meshginshahr plain, the areas around the foothills of Savalan have received so much attention that many of these nomadic tribes migrated to these areas and many others for whom sufficient resources were not available went to the Sarab, Mehraban areas. And the eastern regions of East Azerbaijan province, as well as the northern regions, have moved rapidly. In addition to archaeological studies, one of the best methods for identifying and studying the routes used by the Iron Age migratory tribes in the Meshginshahr plain is study the routes that use present or in a few centuries. In this plain of Shahsevan tribes, a clear example today is the same immigrant tribes that passed through this area several thousand years ago; Some of them have chosen temporary accommodation and others have been forced to migrate to better places. The Shahsevan are one of the most important nomadic tribes in Iran who have preserved many of their ancient traditions. These nomadic tribes are a living example of a dead tissue, tribes that in today’s machine world, like their ancestors, have maintained their nomadic way of life; In the cold season, they descend from the green slopes of Savalan and live in local winters or in their villages, and again in the summer season, they start moving towards the summer. The adaptation of the modern routes of these tribes to the distribution of Iron Age sites is an important point; That is, the Shahsevan use the same ancient tribes in most cases. Of course, there may be small changes in the path, which may be due to inevitable geographical and human factors.

Discussion 
So far, there has been no research on the origin of the ancient roads of Savalan Mountain or their distribution. The present study was carried out by conducting an extensive field study in the western basin of Meshginshahr plain, northwestern, western and northward slopes of Savalan Mountain. The area in which the field survey was conducted covers an area of 980 square kilometers. According to the studies conducted in the present study and field visits to all modern settlements that have been studied in the area, there were 5 main roads for the migration of Shahsevan nomads in this area. Although these routes are no longer used and transportation is done by vehicles, the traces of all these routes and even their old titles have been preserved. According to indigenous peoples, herds of cows, goats, and sheep passed through and around the villages, along with camels carrying the necessities of life. The first route starts from the border area between Meshginshahr and Ahar and the confluence of Qarasu with Ahar Chay, and the other routes located differently in the eastern regions, respectively. Among these routes, the longest route is way No. 4. It should be noted that in all these roads, the nomads, after entering the wide bed of Qarasu river, migrated there and after resting and watering the cattle, they moved to the foothills of Savalan; These routes are selected in such a way that they cross several important rivers and in some of them they rested temporarily, such as Qarasu, Khiavchai, Meshginchai, Habashichay and Aharchay. The nomads crossed at least two or three of these rivers in each of these five routes. In general, 207 ancient sites were recorded along these 5 main roads that lead the Shahsevan nomads to the slopes of Savalan, which indicates that these routes were also used by the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age. The number of 181 sites (87%) are the cemetery types, which, are unrelated to the settlement sites and clearly belong to the Iron Age nomadic tribes. Almost half of the cemeteries are located in the slopes of Savalan, in the present summer tents of the Shahsevan tribes. Other registered sites are the central and satellite castles and settlement sites, all of which without exception were in the plains and along the route, and no traces of this type of sites were seen on the slopes. About 31% of the sites have an extent between 1 and 2 hectares. 25% of them have an extent in about 0.5 to 1 hectare and about 21% of the sites have an extent in about 2 to 4 hectares. 

Conclusion
Undoubtedly, the establishment of a route as an easy access route for migration has taken place over several centuries and millennia. The routes that were constantly traveled and based on experience, their quality have been tested for a long time and the most appropriate ones have been selected in terms of life and financial security. Looking at the general map of all the routes and the distribution of the Iron Age sites, the location of these sites on the route of these roads is quite evident. As you advance from the paths to the sides, the number of the sites decreases. This way of distribution of the sites shows that the sites are in a longitudinal line, and this longitudinal line is the route of modern and ancient roads. Examining the roads of this field contains other points. In all the routes, as much as possible, moving inside the valleys and next to the cliffs and slopes has been avoided. Only in the cases where they had to enter the river bed to rest and water the cattle, longitudinal movement along the path and inside the river bed was avoided, and entering the river bed only vertically have taken place to pass through. In all the routes, until reaching the low and steep slopes of Savalan, continuous movement has been made on the level of the plain and areas that have a full view of the surrounding environment. It seems that this was done to ward off possible natural, animal and human dangers. In general, the following can be obtained from the present study: Today’s routes are in line with the distribution of Iron Age sites; Most of the Iron Age sites located in the path and summer places of Savalan slopes are of the cemetery type; The located in the summer area and between them are more extensive; Many routes are interconnected and it was possible to change the route in all of them easily; Towards higher slopes, the number of ancient sites has been significantly reduced; Both along the route and in the summer places, the density of areas near and where water sources are much higher; In summer places, concentrated cemeteries or the accumulation of large graves in a small area, is rarely seen and many cemeteries, despite their large area, have low grave densities. The graves are scattered at a distance from the summers and their distance.

Abstract
Agriculture played a significant role in the economic prosperity and development during the Sassanid era. The Sassanid facilitated economic, social, and political growth by constructing water structures tailored to the environmental landscape of the region and establishing laws for water utilization. The presence of perennial rivers like the Dez and Karkheh in Khuzestan created conditions not only to supply the water needs of local settlements but also to address the shortage of drinking, industrial, and agricultural water in other areas distant from rivers that had fertile soil. This was achieved through the construction of structures such as weirs, canals, Qanats, and other water facilities. Specifically, the water supply for the city and agricultural lands of Gondishapur, located 15 kilometers from the Dez River, was accomplished through various water bodies; among these, river Qanats played a fundamental role in transferring reliable water from the Dez River to the city and its farmlands. Archaeological field studies conducted by the authors have led to the identification of new water structures, including weirs, Qanats, and related canals, which had previously been recognized only in part. A considerable portion of these structures is located on the eastern side of the Dez River, and some extend near Gondishapur, suggesting the hypothesis that river Qanats were the main source of water supply for this city-a notion traceable in historical writings. The primary question of this research is how the permanent water required by the city of Gondishapur was supplied, what role the river Qanats played, and what the physical relationship between the Qanats and the city was. The methodology of this research is historical-analytical, and the information gathering is based on field data and historical sources. Satellite imagery analysis indicates the prominent role of Qanats utilization in transferring water to Gondishapur from the Dez River during the Sassanid period, although some of the Dezful Qanats can be attributed to a later period, even the Safavid era.
Keywords: Aqueduct - Canal, Sater Structure, Dez River, Gondishapur, Dezful, Sasanian.

Introduction
Water, as a vital element, has played a central role in the development of civilizations. In Iran, a country with water limitations, this issue has gained double significance, and water engineering has been recognized as one of the most prominent aspects of Iranian technology and skill from ancient times to the present. The Qanats, one of the most astonishing achievements of water engineering in Iran, is regarded not only as a solution for managing scarce water resources but also as a valuable cultural symbol. These irrigation systems, some of which extend over a hundred kilometers, are renowned not only in Iran but also worldwide.
In this text, the author examines the engineering system and exploitation of underground waters in Dezful and its connection with the water supply of the city of Gondishapur and its surrounding lands. It is emphasized that a more accurate understanding of these systems can contribute to a better comprehension of the subsistence economy and economic development during the Sassanid and Islamic periods. Furthermore, analytical-comparative studies can demonstrate the level of creativity and the impact of these systems on the life of the city of Gondishapur.
The author has used descriptive-analytical methods and tools such as remote sensing, aerial and satellite imagery, maps, and digital elevation models to analyze the data. This research seeks to answer questions about the role of river Qanats in providing drinking, agricultural, and industrial water for the city of Gondishapur and how the technology and construction methods of these Qanats were.
The research hypotheses state that the water needed for the city of Gondishapur was supplied through the construction of weirs, Qanats chains, and open canals from the Dez River. Tangible evidence such as the Dezful weir, river Qanats, open canals, the siphon bridge of the Siyah-Mansur River, and the city’s piping with ceramic pipes are presented as examples of this technology.
This research not only assesses the historical and archaeological aspects of these systems but also pays attention to their importance in sustainable development and the preservation of cultural heritage. Ultimately, this study can serve as an important resource for researchers interested in the history and technology of water in Iran.

Discussion
The central question of the current research is how the perennial water supply needed by the city of Gondishapur was secured, what role the River Qanats played in this, and what the physical relationship between the Qanats and the city was like. The methodology of this research is historical-analytical, and the information gathering is based on field data and historical sources. Therefore, the forthcoming article examines and analyzes the engineering system and exploitation of underground waters in Dezful and how it relates to the water supply of the city of Gondishapur and its surrounding lands. It specifically seeks to answer the following questions: Based on historical and archaeological documents, how are the River Qanats evaluated in terms of providing drinking, agricultural, and industrial water for the city of Gondishapur? And what was the technology and construction method of the River Qanats of Dezful and their various components? Following these questions, the hypotheses of this research have been organized as follows: The water needed by the city of Gondishapur was supplied through the construction of weirs, Qanats chains, and open canals from the Dez River as a permanent water source. This action has been evidenced by the construction of the Dezful weir, river Qanats, open canals, the siphon bridge of the Siyah-Mansur River, and the city’s piping with ceramic pipes as tangible proofs of water transfer to the city of Gondishapur.

Conclusion
Field research and analysis of Corona aerial imagery have revealed numerous water structures in the northern, western, eastern, and southern areas surrounding Dezful. Among these, the Qanats located on the eastern bank of the Dez River hold particular significance due to their direct relevance to this study. For instance, no traces of Qanats are identifiable in the Yaqub-e Leyth region in the 1968 Corona images, yet two Qanats shafts were discovered during field investigations. A primary deficiency in the initial plan was the failure to identify the Qanats chains in the Benuarshami area. Following the discovery of ancient Qanats and canals, research began on their history, indicating that some Dezful Qanats, such as Qamish-e Momenun, might date back to the Safavid era. It appears that parts of these Qanats, ancient canals, and water structures supplying the city of Gondishapur were constructed at least in the latter half of the Sassanid period, or it cannot be said that all Dezful Qanats branches belong to a specific era.
It seems that in the first half of the Sassanid period, open earthen canals were responsible for supplying water to Gondishapur, and in the latter half, the introduction of new crops such as rice and sugarcane increased water demand, rendering the canals connected to the Dez River insufficient. This situation partly justifies the creation of Qanats. After the abandonment of the city in the 7th or 8th century AH, it is likely that the water supply structures of Gondishapur became ineffective. Consequently, the Qanats, whose water discharge was recorded until 1966 AD, transferred water to the western lands of Gondishapur or directed it downstream via the Siyah Mansur River.

Abstract
Archaeological excavations in Yelsuie Germi Castle, very rich findings and valuable documents such as pottery, architecture and other handicrafts were identified and excavated from under a mound of soil that can play an important role in the detailed analysis of this area. One of these landmarks is an unknown structure with complex architecture and building elements located on the hills of the castle near the Sambur Chay River. This building has sections and spaces of four corners that the presence of water conduction paths into the building on the walls and water outlet channels in the floor, has increased the importance of the building and has made it more difficult to identify and evaluate the main function of the building. In this regard, the present research is descriptive-analytical and based on field studies and review of library documents, while identifying and introducing the mentioned building, seeks to find a logical answer to the following questions: What is the usage of the unknown building of Yelsuie Castle and how did it work? What era does the unknown building of Yelsuie Castle belong to? Studies were carried out show that the unknown building is due to the presence of ponds and inlets and outlets water conduction paths was in association with water usage, which is probably used for the preparation and processing of clay, and accordingly by the authors, The name of the building is called “clay processing building”. On the other hand, the study of pottery obtained from different spaces of this building and its comparison with other areas, confirms that this building belongs to the Islamic Middle Ages and the Seljuk period.
Keywords: Germi, Yelsuie Castle, Clay Processing Building, Pottery, Medieval Islam.

Introduction
The current research method is based on a descriptive-analytical and historical approach and its data collection is in the form of library and field studies and archaeological excavations in the area. According to this, at first, the whole building and its various spaces have been drawn, designed and three-dimensional with the help of various software; Also, in order to achieve the most accurate information and general analysis of the building, the obtained pottery from inside the brick building has been compared and matched with the pottery works of other areas of the Islamic era. The ancient place of Yelsuie Castle in the Ingot section of Germi city consists of a small castle on top of a high natural hill and a residential area located in its southwestern part. Yelsuie Castle is located in the watercourse of Sambur Chay River. Easy access to river water resources as well as the precipice situation in the southern and eastern part of the hill on which the castle was built, is one of the most important strategic features that has been influential in choosing this place to form such an area. In general, this area can be considered as one of the most key Islamic area in northwestern Iran. The brick building is located on the eastern side of the castle and on the watercourse of the Sambur Chay River. In this regard, in order to identify this brick building, a workshop called Workshop No. 4 was created in this part of the area by the excavation team. While continuing the excavation process, a brick building with special architecture and unknown usage was discovered. The mentioned building has an almost rectangular plan that includes several spaces inside. The main materials used in the structure of this building are bricks with gypsum and lime mortar, and in some parts, especially in the outer parts of the building, river rubble has been used. The walls of the brick building are completely smooth and flat and are made with an average width of 50 cm and the height of all of them is the same and is about 70 cm.

Discussion
In general, according to the general structure of the brick building, the most reasonable usage for this architecture is being a pottery workshop and processing and preparing clay in it. One of the most important steps before making pottery is to find the right clay or grinding clay, without clods and other materials. Therefore, for this purpose, it is necessary for the pottery clay to be well shaped, sifted, cleaned and prepared. It seems that small ponds that are embedded lengthwise in different parts of the brick building; Along with water inlet and outlet channels, they are made for just such a use.  In fact, in this building, water is directed into these ponds and collected in them through small canals that are embedded on the walls. After filling them, in the next stage, the clay, which was suitable for pottery, was mixed with water inside these basins and became a slurry. While mixing the clay with water, the water flow is redirected into these ponds again, and during this operation, the excess material inside of the soil as well as other additional materials are poured out of the ponds along with the excess water into large side spaces. And was led out  of the building by floor channels. Also, the grains of sand that may have been inside the clay, due to the weight of the bottom of the ponds and the parts that are embedded in the bottom of the floor, were deposited. After doing this, the water flow was cut off and the produced clay was deposited in the ponds for a few days and remained there until it was soft and smooth and so-called settled. After a few days, the prepared clay was collected and transferred to pottery workshops and then to pottery kilns. 

Conclusion
In fact, it should be added that the existence of various pottery in various forms, styles and techniques in Yelsuie Castle indicates the possible presence of pottery kilns in this site, which also confirms the fact that the brick building is a workshop for producing high quality clay. On the surface of Yelsuie Castle, there are limited traces of pottery balls that indicate the presence of pottery kilns in the area, so that with the help of these balls, the temperature of the kilns was regulated. In this article, 3 maps and 13 images including the castle itself, its geographical location, as well as the brick building and its various parts are given. Also, in two tables, the types of obtained pottery from the brick building are displayed, and in another table, similar samples of obtained pottery from other sites of the Islamic period in other parts of Iran have been compared and matched. According to potteries and other artifacts, the date and time of construction of this building should be belong to the Middle Ages of Islam and the Seljuk era.