Abstract
The western Lut desert is well-known in the archaeology of Southwest Asia because of the existence of an early urban center (Shahdad) that dates back to the 3rd millennium BC. The site of Shahdad, as one of the major urban centers of the Bronze Age of Southeastern Iran, plays an important role in the Near Eastern archaeological studies. After half a century of Shahdad excavations, it is time to have a new look at Shahdad and its objects in light of our present knowledge from the archeology of southeast Iran. Here is an assessment of Shahdad data obtained from Shahdad excavations such as seals, metal and clay objects. In another article, we discussed the rest of finds of Shahdad. In this study we tried to present a revised chronology for Shahdad. This article also provides information on the status of the regional and trans-regional cultural interactions of Shahdad.
Keywords: Shahdad, Chronology, Metal Objects, Seals, Cultural Interactions.

Introduction
The site of Shahdad is located at the base of an alluvial fan where it was in antiquity surrounded by the Shahdad River and a number of streams flowing east from their origin in the western mountains. In 1968, during a general geographical reconnaissance of the Lut depression, the Early Bronze Age site of Shahdad was identified. Excavations lead by Ali Hakemi of the Archaeological Service of Iran began in the following year and continued until 1978. The work concentered on a necropolis in which 383 graves were cleared including many with spectacular grave goods, including impressive human statuettes, elaborate metal objects such as a bronze standard, numerous stone and ceramic containers and ornamental finds. Hakemi also did some excavations in the east of the site, Operation D, which he identified as an industrial area of the urban center of Shahdad. Overall, excavations in necropolis and industrial area provided evidence for local craft activities and cross-regional contact. This article reevaluates the results of Shahdad excavations conducted by Hakemi.

Chronology, Seals, Metal and Clay Objects
The comparative study of the metal artifacts of Shahdad with those of the sites of Southwestern Asia revealed some results. First, the interactions of Shahdad with long-distance areas such as Indus valley, Central Asia, East, West and southwest of Iran were identified, then the evidence of the existence of a very homogenous style in metal objects in a wide geographical area was revealed and third, Shahdad was a metal production center with its own characteristics. Due to the comparative chronology, Shahdad metal artifacts date back from the mid third millennium BC to the early second millennium BC.
According to the comparative studies, Shahdad seals share some similarities and characteristic with those of Early Bronze Age sites such as Shahr-e Sokhta, Jiroft, Tepe Yahya and the remote areas such as Central Asia and the Indo-Iranian borderlands. It was also revealed that most of Shahdad seals are not comparable with those found from other regions and they had their own local characteristics. One-cylinder seal was also uncovered from workshop D that is not yet published. Due to erosion, its motif is not very clear. It seems to represent a winged goddess.
Two unique artifacts were found from Shahdad; one human statues and one house models. In total, 24 human clay statues were discovered from Shahdad cemetery which had ritual functions. The clay house models were uncovered from 33 graves of the cemetery of Shahdad. They are cubical and 20-30 centimeters long. Some researchers take them as a 3D example of house motifs on chlorite vessels. Hakemi called them shrines.
The comparative analysis of the funerary goods reveals that the cemetery A of Shahdad dates to the mid third millennium BC and lasts until the late third millennium BC (2500-2000). This dating is based on the comparative studies on pottery, chlorite and marble vessels, bronze objects and seals of Shahdad with the contemporaneous areas of southeastern Iran and neighboring regions such as Shahr-i Sokhta, Jiroft, Bampur, Tepe Yahya, Mundigak, Umm-al Nar, Susa and the sites of the central Asia. Also, the dating of the second half of the third millennium BC was proposed for the artisans ‘area (area D), the residential areas excavated by Kaboli and, in general, the entire area of the city of Shahdad. In other words, the flourishing period of this city is the second half of the third millennium BC. Furthermore, the early 2nd millennium BC was proposed for the culture after the collapse of the urbanization of Shahdad (cemeteries B and C).

Conclusion
The revision of Shahdad data yielded some new information. Shahdad had been inhabited for a long period from the middle third millennium BC to the early second millennium BC and it was flourished during the second half of the third millennium BC. By studying cultural materials found from Shahdad area, one can find cultural interactions of Shahdad with other regions. The impact of Shahdad on Central Asia through the Bronze and chlorite materials can be easily observed. Despite all the cultural interactions with all these regions, the local and regional cultural traditions dominated in Shahdad and it has all the characteristics of a city with local cultural character in 3rd millennium BC. In general, the similarity and harmony between the cultural materials of Shahdad and different parts of the Southwest Asia, from Mesopotamia and Southwest Iran to Central Asia, the Indus valley and the south of the Persian Gulf indicate the existence of a cultural interaction sphere in the west of Asia during the early and middle Bronze Age.

Abstract
The site of Narjuiyeh III is located on the eastern natural mounds of the Narjuiyeh village, from the west overlooking Halil River. Scattering of the fourth millennium BC, especially typical Aliabad type are visible on these mounds. Traces of illegal excavation are also available as pits and holes all over the site. Aliabad ceramics are pottery dating back to the fourth millennium BC (Chalcolithic) in the southeast of the Iranian plateau, first excavated and reported by Caldwell from Aliabad in Bardsir of Kerman, and then have been found and reported from fourth millennium layers of Tell Iblis (Iblis IV) which eventually became known as Aliabad Culture (Caldwell, 1967).      Ali-Abad culture potteries (Chalcolithic age) dates back to the 4th millennium BC in southeast of Iran which the distribution of its potteries include the regions of Kerman, Balouchistan and Pakistan. Aliabad pottery in the south-east of the Iranian plateau is one of the most important and prominent pottery types in the Chalcolithic period (Eskandari and Mollasalehi, 2017), which for more detail understanding about this culture in addition to archaeological studies, requires scientific archaeometric analysis and methods; therefore, the aim of the present study is to investigate, study and further understand the fourth millennium BC pottery of Aliabad culture from Jiroft’s Narjuiyeh III site and understanding the expansion of this culture by using structural and technical studies of pottery of this period. At the same time, it has been attempted to use the method of mineralogy (petrography) to get information about how to process the paste, clay type and used temper, conditions, heating and temperature of baking in the furnace, as well as the understanding of the origin of pottery of this area. Archaeological studies show that Aliabad culture in the southeast of the Iranian plateau was the dominant culture of the region in the fourth millennium BC. In this study, it has been attempted to obtain mineralogical information regarding pottery (Aliabad pottery) using library and thin section petrography studies. The polarized binocular microscope JamesSwift made in the United Kingdom at the Petrographic Laboratory of the Institute for Restoration and Conservation was used for microscopic study of the studied pottery.
Keywords: Archaeometry, Petrography, Aliabad Culture, Narjuiyeh in Jiroft, Southeast of Iran.

Introduction
From the textural point of view, the pottery was divided into two main categories of fine-grained and coarse-grained specimens. In fine-grained specimens, the components are less than 0.5 mm in size, and the components are finely crystallized in the texture of pottery. A group of pottery has immature silty texture. In the texture of these potteries, there are fragments of different sizes next to each other, and there is some clutter and disarrangement to the size of the minerals in the pottery. In terms of composition, all available pottery has the same composition and their difference are in the percentage of pieces in the pottery texture and their size. In all available ceramics, there are several minerals, including quartz, in the form of monocrystalline (monocrystalline) and polycrystalline, which are more abundant in monocrystalline form. This mineral has angular to semicircular margins indicating that quartz fragments have been added as secondary to the primary source. In some samples, minor amounts of plagioclase, pyroxene and amphibole with mica are observed. Mica minerals are mostly muscovite grains that are orange-colored, but sometimes orange-yellow muscovite grains can also be seen in the samples. This reaction is due to the change in the optical properties of the grains at a temperature of approximately 1000 degrees Celsius, which can be partially detected the temperature the pottery tolerated on during the heating process. In some samples igneous rock, chert and quartz rock fragments were used as fillers. In some pottery, calcite minerals can also be observed and used to detect its temperature range. Therefore, it can be concluded that due to the geology of the region and the presence of calcium carbonate in the sedimentary deposits of the region, the absence of calcite mineralization in some samples indicates that the temperature of the ceramics is higher than 800 °C, and in calcite-clay ceramics, the baking temperature of the clay is less than 800 °C (Reedy 2008; Riederer 2004). The two N9 and N7 specimens differ in composition from the other specimens. In these two samples calcite minerals are associated with the clay texture, whereas in the other samples this is not the case.

Conclusion
Based on the petrographic study of the pottery, it can be deduced that the source of the pottery studied was identical and their source material was from the same region in Kerman. However, the origin of manufacture and extracting of soil mines cannot be determined definitely, because the geology of the Kerman region is very large and vast especially the studied areas are in volcanic formations, which, the mineralogical composition and sequence of some of them are granite, granodiorite to quartz. Metamorphic, plagioclases, clinopyroxenes, and mica minerals and igneous and metamorphic rocks are within the geological family of the area, which exactly similar compounds can be found with the minerals in the pottery. There are also three different groups for these pottery: 1) Pottery with homogeneous texture. In this type of pottery, fragments and minerals are seen floating and scattering in the texture. 2) Pottery in the texture in addition to clay and fine minerals, phyllosilicate minerals (mica) exist in combination with the texture. 3) In these ceramics the combination of the texture of mineral carbonate calcium (calcite) together with the clay texture is visible, a situation not seen in the other samples. This indicates that the pottery used has different manufacturing techniques, therefore, several pottery makers have been involved in preparation and procurement of early paste and clay of the pottery. Pottery samples N5, N6, N7, N8 and N9 contain calcite minerals. It can be suggesting that the baking temperature of these pottery was less than 800 degrees Celsius. In the samples containing muscovite minerals, some of the grains show changes from orange to yellow, indicating that these ceramics have been sustain a temperature of approximately 950-1000 °C. Based on the results and even the buff-orange color of the ceramics, it should be noted that the analyzed pottery were baked in an oxidation condition and in a closed furnace. The type of baking and precision used in baking the pottery in high quality, especially the 4th millennium BC pottery, is very high, indicating that the technique used in baking pottery was also very professional. Some ceramics, such as (N1, N8, N9) have porphyry texture and in their texture quartz mineral, chert stone and igneous rock have been used as filler and temper. In most cases, the edges of quartz minerals are edged and sharp, which, indicates the use of primary soil and its paste processing and resultant of grinding of core and ore extractive mining because all fragments and sherds have sharp and angular angles as well. It should also be noted that there is no evidence of the use of organic materials as temper in pottery making.

Abstract
The site of Varamin is a key-site to understand the chronology and cultural development of the Jiroft region during the 4th and 3rd millennia BC. Thus, the project seeks to address one of the fundamental questions of the archaeology of the Halil Rud Basin, i.e. the transition process from the Late Chalcolithic to the Early Bronze Age and the emergence of the Jiroft culture of the 3rd millennium BC. This periodization system for the Jiroft region is backed by twelve 14C AMS radiocarbon dates. Furthermore, a rich burial (grave 1), which contained 78 complete pottery vessels and six metal objects. The tomb is attributed to the Varamin Period and dates between 3100 and 2900 BC. It is one of the few burials in the Halil Rud Basin which was found unlooted and could be investigated in a stratigraphically controlled manner. It furnishes invaluable insight into funerary customs of the Jiroft region at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age. Indeed, Varamin offers new insights into the formation of the Jiroft civilization based on developments of the 4th millennium BC. Here, we also present the preliminary results of a survey, accompanied by limited test trenches, at the large prehistoric site of Varamin. Occupied from the late 5th to the second half of the 3rd millennium BC, this site, part of a much wider settlement network, provides crucial evidence on the local processes of early urbanization and the evolution of the Halil Rud or Marḫaši civilization. In spite of intensive erosion and the impact of older and recent agricultural earthworks, the available archaeological record is quite rich, with evidence of monumental architecture, of two different cemeteries, and of important craft production areas (for Aliabad pottery firing, and for producing beads and stone vessels in different kinds of valuable stones). In addition, we will report the discovery of a hoard of copper artifacts exposed by erosion. 
Keywords: Halilrud Basin, Jiroft, Konar Sandal, Varamin Period.

Introduction
Recent archaeological discoveries in the Halil Rud Basin (Kerman province, Iran) brought to light a hitherto unknown culture, the so-called “Jiroft culture” which generally dates back to the third millennium BC. Jiroft became famous after 2000-2001 when thousands of confiscated burial goods, especially elaborated carved chlorite vessels, from a dozen of looted necropolises of Halil Rud impacted the media. This drew the attention of many scholars to Jiroft. Most of them refer to it as the core of the production and probably distribution of the widely distributed chlorite artefacts of the so-called “intercultural style”, while Steinkeller attributed the toponym of Marḫaši to Jiroft. In 2003, Youssef Madjidzadeh started archaeological excavations at the Konar Sandal archaeological complex in Jiroft plain. Excavations at Konar Sandal South have revealed the character of an Early Bronze Age large mud-brick citadel which was surrounded by a massive defensive wall in the centre of a large lower town. Although there is still much to learn about this centre, the results are a clear testimony to the power, wealth and social stratification of this urban centre. According to absolute dates that come from well-controlled contexts at the site of Konar Sandal South (KSS), an absolute range between 2880 and 2140 BC has been proposed for the site. However, the radiocarbon dates for the citadel of KSS fall in the second half of third millennium BC. In contrast, the protohistoric site of Varamin seems to have reached its maximum extension in the late 4th/early 3rd millennium BC, at a time before Konar Sandal South started to be the main centre of the valley. Varamin gives us, after more than 15 years of work in the Halil Rud valley, a more comprehensive view on the chronology of the Halil Rud basin from the late 5th to the late 3rd millennium BC (to be refined for the 3rd millennium BC or Konar Sandal South period) and the typological evolution of its ceramics. 

Excavations and Surveys at Varamin
In February 2017, two trenches were opened in the site of Hajjiabad-Varamin, 5 km south-west of the site complex of Konar Sandal South. Trench I uncovered a stratigraphic sequence well dated by radiocarbon to the mid-4th – early 3rd millennium BC. Trench II brought to light a well preserved grave dated, on the basis of the pottery, to the same and newly defined Varamin period. In 2019, in order to determine the extent of the site, 13 small test trenches (1.5 x 1.5 m in size) were opened all around the outer border of the site. Variable in depth (but usually less than 1 m deep), these operations generally unearthed erosive secondary lenses on top, variously altered by recent soil formation or recent agricultural impact, then followed by natural subsoil. We thus enclosed the site (including all the occupations of various periods) within a total area of about 80 ha. 
In the upper levels of Trench I, came to light the walls of a massive construction in mudbricks and other three architectural levels linked to a stratigraphic sequence, well dated by the means of eight 14C dates, which span from 3300 to 2900 BC. The small and not very abundant pottery found in the later levels of Trench I, painted with a limited repertory of simple geometric patterns, looked comparable with the local black-on-buff ceramics accompanying the Mahtoutabad III or Uruk-related ceramic assemblages found at Mahtoutabad (late 4th millennium BC), where it followed 1 m thick deposits of Aliabad ware. The deeper occupation layers of Trench I, down to the virgin soil, contained amounts of the same pottery. Trench II was excavated on the southern slopes of the same mounded area. It brought to light Grave 1, a well preserved “catacomb”- like grave dated, on the basis of the style of the pots, to the same general period. In February 2019, Trench III, in the southern edge of the site, explored one of earliest settlement cores. Trenches IV and VII were opened in the north-eastern part of the site. Here, the first operation exposed the natural soil, while in Trench VII came to light Grave 2, another large catacomb grave coeval to Grave 1, and equally rich in offerings (at present, in the course of restoration and documentation). The style of the black-on-buff ceramics with geometric patterns of the two graves, again, was very similar, as it was coherent with the sherds generally linked with the life and abandonment of the walls of the massive building exposed on top of the Main Mound.  Trenches V, VI and VIII were dug in the center of the site, west of the Main Mound. In the first two, archaeological deposits were not preserved for more than 40-60 cm of thickness. In Trench VIII, a better preserved stratigraphy included living surfaces and pits of the mid-3rd millennium BC, currently in course of study; the virgin soil was not reached. Trench X, finally, partially explored the uppermost layers of a mound at south-east, dating to the Islamic period.

Conclusion
This site appears as a complicated patchwork of discrete minor occupations which followed in time for more than two millennia (here labeled, in sequence, Gaz Saleh, Mahtoutabad I, Aliabad, Varamin and Konar Sandal South periods). Thus, they represent a continuous cultural development from the late 5th to the mid-3rd millennium BC in the Halil Rud Basin. This development appears to have been a purely indigenous process not affected by foreign elements, such as Uruk or Uruk-derived potteries. Varamin seems to have played an important role in this autochthonous development. The site was a major center of the Jiroft Plain from the mid-4th millennium onwards until around 2700 BC. At which point in time, Konar Sandal South, only 6 km away from Varamin, took over as it became the dominant and single center of the Jiroft Plain. The later role of Konar Sandal South, however, cannot be properly understood without acknowledging the long, gradual developments which took place in the region before the Jiroft Period. Thus, the Late Aliabad Period and the Varamin A and B Periods, extending from the mid-4th millennium BC to around 2900 BC, can be seen as the formative phases of the flourishing Jiroft Period of the 3rd millennium BC.

Abstract
Persian Gulf, as a main trade route, has played an important role in the third millennium BCE cultural sphere of Southwest Asia. According to archaeological evidence, at least from the 5th millennium BCE, this waterway appeared to function as a channel for social interaction and exchange of material culture in the region. It seems that the Jiroft region as the hinterland of the Persian Gulf has been interacted with the contemporaneous civilizations from Indus to Babylonia via the maritime routes. The chlorite vessels produced in Jiroft have been obtained over a wide geographical range from the Indus valley to the north of Mesopotamia. The existence of the production workshops at Tepe Yahya, Hajjiabad- Varamin and Konar Sandal, and thousands of complete objects from the looted cemeteries of Jiroft, as well as their mines in Jiroft have made Halilrud region the center of production of these objects in the third millennium BCE. Tarut Island in Saudi Arabia is known as one of the ancient ports in the Persian Gulf trade sphere. More than several hundreds of fragments and complete chlorite vessels have been discovered in Tarut Island mostly from destroyed graves. Due to the large number of chlorite vessels as well as semi-finished objects, researchers of the Persian Gulf Archaeology refer to this island as a center for the production of chlorite vessels. In terms of iconography and raw material, chlorite vessels of Tarut are comparable with those recovered from the Halilrud Basin, Kerman province, Iran. In this paper, we will examine the hypothesis that Tarut was the production center of the chlorite vessels. In addition, we will discuss the relation of the Tarut and the Southeastern Iran, in particular the Jiroft region. 
Keywords: Persian Gulf, Jiroft Civilization, Tarut Island, Chlorite Vessels, Marhashi.

Introduction
This study aims to investigate the interactions between Tarut Island in Saudi Arabia and the Jiroft region in southeastern Iran through the chlorite objects in the Bronze Age. This island was a very important commercial port on the southern coast of the Persian Gulf during the third millennium BCE, when the newly known Jiroft Civilization prospered in southeastern Iran. Most scholars, notably Piotr Steinkeller, believe that the Halil Rud/ Jiroft region was probably known as the land of Marhaši (in Sumerian) or Parahšum (in Akkadian), the most important political counterpart of ancient Mesopotamia in the 3rd millennium BCE. 
 One of the most significant cultural characteristics of the Jiroft civilization is notoriously the production and distribution, sometimes on long distances, of carved soft stone vessels with a quite distinct iconography, previously labeled “intercultural style”. These often beautiful and intriguing objects have been widely discussed. These artefacts actually appeared, although sometimes in limited amounts, in a very large corridor from Mesopotamia in Iraq via the Iranian plateau into the Indus valley. Mineralogical analyses on some of the ancient vessels as well as on the mines in the Jiroft highlands have confirmed their production in the southern Kerman.  
The chlorite vessels’ inventory can be subdivided in two different productions, namely a “série ancienne” datable to pre-early Akkadian times (with elaborate figurative patterns), and a later “série recente”. Holly Pittman (2018) believes that the earlier group would be made exclusively with Iranian chloritic rocks, while the later one would have been made in the Arabian Peninsula from Omani rocks. 

Materials and Methods  
The materials of this study are mainly Bronze Age chlorite objects from both Tarut island in Saudi Arabia and the Jiroft region in SE Iran. In this study, chlorite assemblages of both regions were compared in terms of iconography and object forms to explore the cultural connections of this island with the Kerman region as the main center of production and consumption of the chlorite in the third millennium BCE. In addition, an attempt was made to explain the existence of Halil Rud/ Jiroft stone objects in Tarut island. Discovery of such a quantity of the Jiroft material in the small island of Tarut raises these important questions: Movement of people from the Jiroft region of the Tarut island happened as a colonizing group to take control of the Persian Gulf trade network in the mid third millennium BCE? Or a group of Marhashian/Jiroftian were settled in the Island as trade diasporas?

Discussion 
There is still ongoing discussion regarding the chronology of the cultural artifacts discovered on Tarut Island. The artifacts discovered on Tarut Island suggest that, in the early part of the third millennium BC, the island harbor was consistently used as an important hub in the Persian Gulf region. Judging from the Babylonian pottery of Early Dynastic I and II date found on Tarut, this strategically located island must have already at this time assumed a position of some significance in the exchange networks. However, even if inscribed, sculpted chlorite vessels compatible to types found on Tarut are known to date from the Early Dynastic II period onward, it appears more likely that the sculpted chlorite traded into Tarut date to the Early Dynastic III and Sargonic periods (Laursen and Steinkeller 2017:10). Various artifacts found on Tarut Island provide evidence of trade with Babylonia. Among these artifacts, the limestone statue depicting a standing nude male with clasped hands in a traditional Sumerian devotional posture is particularly noteworthy. Experts have suggested different dates for this statue, ranging from the Jemdat Nasr period (around 3000 BC) to a more plausible dating in the Early Dynastic period. Other Babylonian-made artifacts found on Tarut Island with a broad Early Dynastic I-III date include a marble macehead and a copper bull’s head that is similar to the examples found on lyres from the Royal Tombs of Ur (For more, see Laursen and Steinkeller 2017). From southeastern Iran perspective, the most noteworthy discoveries from Tarut Island are the sculpted vessels and fragments made of chlorite. These were discovered by chance by local gardeners, likely from disturbed burials. Interestingly, there is a striking difference between the amount of sculpted chlorite vessels found on Tarut Island and the small quantities that have been discovered on the Oman peninsula. Apart from the chlorite vessels, another imported finds from southeastern Iran are painted ceramics, so-called Bampur black on grey ware. They have been found in limited quantities on Tarut Island as well as in mainland Saudi Arabia. It is noteworthy that the imports from southeastern Iran ceased to appear on Tarut Island by the end of the third millennium BCE, which coincides with the decline of the Marhashi Kingdom. The available evidence from Tarut Island indicates that this harbor played a significant role in linking the neighboring civilized regions within the Persian Gulf area during the Early Bronze Age. In other words, Tarut Island served as a meeting point in the commercial networks that facilitated trade in the Persian Gulf region. 

Conclusion 
The presence of many chlorite objects in the small island of Tarut in the southern part of the Persian Gulf shows that population groups of Jiroft civilization settled in this island for some time (at least one to two centuries) in the mid-late third millennium BCE. According to the fact that the mentioned chlorite objects were obtained from the destroyed cemetery of Tarut, it is clear that these objects were placed inside the grave as the burial goods and were not brought there to be displayed and sold in the Tarut market.
Despite the fact that most of the chlorite objects obtained from Tarut are exactly the same as the samples obtained in the Halil Rud Basin, there are a number of objects with motifs that are rooted in Mesopotamian mythology, among which the image of Anzu is the most obvious. This shows that Jiroft chlorite vessels were also produced on Tarot Island, or at least on the undecorated samples of Jiroft vessels, engraving with Mesopotamian themes was done on this island.
The main issue is the reason for the presence of Jiroft civilization people in Tarut Island in the Persian Gulf. Considering that in the middle to late 3rd millennium BCE, a wide maritime trade network was formed in the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea, it seems logical to imagine that a group of inhabitants of Jiroft / Marhashi civilization in the mid-late 3rd millennium BCE, as trade diasporas, have settled in this island to have control over sea trade and the movement of goods in the strategic waterway of the Persian Gulf. It is worth mentioning that in the first half of the third millennium BCE, this role was played by the Mesopotamians in Tarut Island. The provenance of Tarut artefacts has been a source of debate among archaeologists. Some scholars suggested their provenance in the southern part of the Persian Gulf even based on the chemical analyses. While the Jiroftian motifs on the vessels tell another story which makes this hypothesis questionable. More physical and chemical analyses are needed to investigate the provenance of Tarut materials.
 

Abstract
The potential vulnerability of primitive societies to natural disasters, such as droughts, floods, and famines caused by climate change, is an important issue that requires careful study. The main aim of this research is to investigate the possible effects of ancient environmental and climatic changes on Bronze Age settlements in southeastern Iran, as well as the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on archaeological and historical evidence of territorial boundaries, economic and political prosperity. Adaptation of climatic and cultural changes in the southeast of Iran can provide valuable information for researchers. In this regard, this article aims to answer the question of whether climate change has affected the ancient societies of Jiroft, and to what extent climate change has affected the economic prosperity and political influence of the ruling dynasties that have affected Iran. In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine paleoclimatic changes of the southeastern plateau of Iran during the past 4000 years. Significant agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 years ago in the southeast of Iran during moderate climatic conditions. Dry conditions with increased dust prevailed over the region from 3300 to 2900 years ago. Wet conditions from about 2900 to 2300 years ago facilitated extensive agriculture and coincided with the flourishing of regional governments such as the Medes, Urartos, and Mannas in the western Iran, and after that the Achaemenid Empire throughout Greater Iran. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft for nearly 200 years. Southeast Iran experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 years ago, which coincided with the economic prosperity of the middle to late Sassanid Empire.
Keywords: Climate change, Sassanid, Bronze Age, Sediment core, Achaemenids.

Introduction
This study aims to reconstruct the paleoclimate history in southeastern Iran by tracing the landscape changes and climate fluctuations since the Late Bronze Age and their impacts on human societies based on palaeo-environmental analysis of a wetland system. It will further evaluate the possible impacts of climate change on major ruling dynasties of Iran since the Late Bronze Age. An example of the latter would be following the territorial extent of major ruling dynasties from historical records, which would have been quintessential to society’s prosperity and growth coeval to favorable climatic conditions for agriculture and trade, and the development of city-states. The study involves a multi-proxy palaeo-environmental reconstruction using geochemical, and paleoecological proxies in a 250-cm long peat sequence near the archaeological complex at Konar Sandal near Jiroft, covering the last 4000 cal yr BP. The different proxies suggest changes in elemental concentrations, stable isotopes, and pollen records. 

Materials and methods
Palynological analysis were done in Thirty-five subsamples at intervals of 1-10 cm at the Institut Méditerranéen de Biodiversité et d’Ecologie, Aix-en-Provence, France by procedure described by Gurjazkaite et al. (2018). 

Geographical setting
Konar Sandal (25 km south of Jiroft in southeast Iran) is the main excavation site in the Jiroft Valley. Several high mountain chains surround it, some of them rising to 3700 m asl (Fig. 1). The Halil Rud stretches from north to southeast for almost 400 km through fertile agricultural land before draining into the Jazmurian playa south of Konar Sandal. The water level in the river fluctuates throughout the year.

Results
The sediment core was divided into six major units based on the sedimentological, geochemical, and palynological characteristics (Fig 2 and Fig. 3). The elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al) had relatively low values in Unit 1 (U 1; 250-189 cm; 4011-3548 cal yr BP). The first significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen occurred in this unit extending from 3880-3700 cal yr BP (230-207 cm). The δ13COM showed a distinct increase in Unit 2 (U 2; 189-164 cm; 3548-3293 cal yr BP). Unit 3 (U 3; 164-134 cm; 3293-2897 cal yr BP) was characterized by high elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al). The K/Ti ratio had the highest values in the entire core in Unit 4 (U 4; 134-106 cm; 2897-2302 cal yr BP). δ13COM values were more negative in Unit 5 (U 5; 106-61 cm; 2302-1540 cal yr BP). Unit 6 (U 6; 61-10 cm; 1540-854 cal yr BP) was characterized by moderate values of different elemental ratios. 


Discussion
Around 3950 cal yr BP a wet period prevailed based on elemental ratios, stable C isotope, and pollen (Fig. 3). Between 3900 and 3300 cal yr BP, mild climate conditions developed. significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen and agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 cal yr BP. Dry and windy conditions followed from ca. 3300-2900 cal yr BP with the driest conditions around 3200 cal yr BP coinciding with the regional Late Bronze Age cultural collapse. The driest conditions in this dry period occurred around 3200 cal yr BP, coinciding with the decline of the Jiraft Bronze Age civilization at the end of the Bronze Age. The long wet period extending from 2900 to 2300 cal yr BP with a high presence of Sparganium-type and intensive agricultural practices. Wet conditions in the Jiroft valley from about during this period, simultaneously with the flourishing of the powerful Medes and Achaemenid empires, facilitated extensive agriculture. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft Valley for nearly 200 years. The highest Ti/Al values coeval with the lowest δ13COM values suggest an increase in Aeolian activity and dry conditions between 2100 and 1650 cal yr BP. The Jiroft Valley once again experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which coincides with the economic prosperity of the mid to late Sassanid Empire (Fig. 4). 

Conclusion
In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine the paleo-environmental changes of the ancient Jiroft valley in the southeast of Iran during the past 4000 years and their possible effects on the settlements of the Bronze Age and the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on records. 
The Jiroft Valley experienced wet conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which overlapped with one of the most extensive territorial boundaries in Iran’s imperial history (the Sassanid Empire in the early 7th century C.E.). Although mild conditions prevailed between 1315 and 854 cal yr BP, agricultural activities declined, probably due to weak succession and political instability. We evaluate the archeology and history of territorial borders, economic and political prosperity. Paleo-environmental reconstruction shows that the wet periods and increased agriculture in the Jiroft Valley coincided with the peak of political influence and economic wealth of the Achaemenid and Sassanid empires. Therefore, more detailed paleoclimatic records would be helpful for investigating the interplay of political and climatic factors in the development and decline of ancient settlements and imperial powers in Eurasian history.

Abstract
A series of field activities including two seasons of survey and excavation at the Shahneh Poshte cemetery of Babol on the northern slopes of the Alborz Mountains in central Mazandaran in 2018 and 2019 resulted in the discovery of a collection of human graves and burials scattered throughout this 11-hectare site. Due to the mass of destruction caused by unauthorized excavations in the cemetery, several disturbed graves were observed without any classifiable information. In contrast, by conducting scientific excavations in the 16 trenches, a total of 39 identifiable and Readable human burials were found and then the collection of information and archaeological findings related to each burial was recorded and classified. In this study, we attempt to answer questions about the existence of possible burial methods and patterns and the meaningful characteristics of these variables by studying a set of different aspects including burial practices such as the position and orientation of the body, position of face of hands, architectural structure of the graves, gender and age of skeletons, individual and group burials, and burials with and without objects. The results of absolute dating and comparative studies indicate that this cemetery belongs to a long time span from the 11th and 12th centuries BC (Iron I) to the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, i.e. the Achaemenid to the early Parthian period (Iron IV), and therefore cultural materials of this cemetery are comparable to intra-regional ancient sites in Mazandaran as well as trans-regional sites in the Gorgan Plain, the Central Plateau, and especially the Gilan region. Our research also shows that the Shahneh Poshte graves follow a specific pattern in some burial aspects including the supine position and the direction of the face to the south and therefore have long-term burial traditions. 
Keywords: Shahneh Poshte Cemetery, Burial Practices, Iron Age, Mazandaran, Cultural Communications.

Introduction
The Shahneh Pashte cemetery is located adjacent to village of Kamikola and southwest of the Khoshrudpey city and 21 kilometers south of the Babol (Fig. 1) (Saedian, 2014: 321). This cemetery was excavated over two seasons in 2018 and 2019 by Hassan Fazeli Nashli. The result of these excavations was the identification of 39 human burials in situ (28 graves) (Fig. 2) which provide a set of valuable archaeological data such as absolute and relative dating, burial methods including the position and orientation of the bodies and faces, the position of the hands and the structure of graves. Based on the whole of archaeological data, the site can be dated to the late 2nd millennium B.C (late Iron I) to the mid-1st millennium B.C (Iron IV, 3rd - 4th centuries B.C / Achaemenid to early Parthian). More precisely, the absolute dating on 5 skeletons uphold this period. Based on archaeological studies between 39 burials, 29 burials belong to the late Iron I (late 2nd millennium BC) to Iron III (burials 1-11 and 22-39) are called “Iron age I - III Group” and the other 10 burials (burials 12-21) can be dated to the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C (late Achaemenid to early Parthian) that are called “Iron age IV Group”, considering the absolute dates of the two burials and their spatial relationship.

Discussion
The study of the Shahneh Poshte burials shows that a set of methods were used to place the deceased in grave which are divided into two general categories: lying on the sides and supine. These two general modes include a total of 11 sub-modes. In general, in the entire Iron Age in this site (I-IV), the lying on the sides includes 13 burials (33.3%) including 4 burials on the right and 9 burials on the left, supine 15 burials (38.5%) and also 11 burials (28.2%) lack any recognizable signs. In more detail, during the Iron I-III period, there were 8 contracted burials (28% of total) of which 4 were on the right and 4 on the left. In addition, 12 burials (41% of total) were buried in supine. Also, 9 burials (31% of total) were of unknown status. In the Iron IV, there were 5 contracted burials (50% of total) all of which were on the left and no right-sided burials were found. Moreover, 3 burials (30% of total) were buried in supine. Finally, 2 burials (20% of period) were classified as undetermined burials due to extensive damages (Fig. 3-5). Regarding the position of the hands of the skeletons, during the Iron I-IV, a total of 16 positions were observed which can be classified into three general groups: lying on the sides, supine and unknown. In addition, the first group includes 6 subgroups (25% of all), the second group is divided into 9 subgroups (54% of all) and the third group is divided into 9 cases (21% of all) as unknown (Fig. 6-7). In Shahneh Poshte, three types of grave architecture have been identified. The first is a simple pit, second is a simple pit with a clay cover and the third is a pithos. Of the 28 graves in site, 26 graves (93% of all) are simple oval pits, of which 20 graves belong to the Iron I-III (71.6%) and 6 graves (21.4%) belong to the Iron IV. The second method, a simple pit covered with big clay fragments includes only 1 is from Iron Age I-III (3.5% of total). Also the pithos burial consists of only 1 grave (3.5% of total) from Iron Age IV (Fig. 8-10). In terms of gender and age of the deceased in this cemetery, total of 9 burials (23% of all) were identified as male, including 8 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 1 burial (10%) in Iron IV. In addition, there were 14 burials (36% of total) as female including 12 burials (27.6%) in Iron I-III and 2 burials (20%) in Iron IV. Also, of the total burials, 16 burials (41% of total) were disturbed (Fig. 11-17). In addition, 7 different positions of the bodies were identified in relation to geographical directions including: south-north 5% of all, east-west 2.5%, west-east 23%, northeast-southwest 10.5% of all, southwest-northeast 10.5%, southeast-northwest 10.5%, northwest-southeast 15% and also an unknown direction 23% of all burials (Fig. 18-19). It is worth noting that for the orientation of face, during all periods, the dominant method was the south direction with a total of 23% of all burials, and especially 20.5% of all in Iron I-III, it was certainly the most common burial method. It seems that this method was not a priority in the Iron IV and was used less often. After that, the north direction was the most common method with 15.3% including 10.2% in Iron IV and 5.1% in Iron I-III (Fig. 20-21). Regarding other study characteristics, 67.8% of the total graves are individual and 32.2% are group graves. Among the first group, 53.5% of the total is related to Iron I-III and 14.6% are related to Iron IV. In addition, group graves comprise 32.2% of the total graves of which 621.5% are related to Iron I-III and 310.5% are related to Iron IV (Fig. 22-25). Finally, about the possession of objects, in total, 70% of all burials were buried with burial objects and 30% did not contain any goods (Fig. 26-27). Finally, regarding the amount of possession of objects, in total, 27 burials (70% of all) were buried with burial objects, and only 12 burials (30% of total) did not contain any burial objects or grave goods.

Discussion 
Human skeletons in Shahneh Poshte cemetery are mostly buried in individual and group graves, including 28 graves which mostly include simple pits, one case of a simple pit with a clay cover and one pithos. In fact, the architectural of the graves was mostly in form of simple pits. A simple pit grave with a clay cover is quite unique in this site and a similar the grave has apparently been found only in one grave in the Lefork cemetery of Savadkuh which has been dated to Iron Age III (Abedini, 2017: 154). Third group of tombs is pithos type that has many similar older and contemporary examples in Mazandaran county. Among the numerous similar examples in the Iron Age of Mazandaran, can mention the children’s tombs in Gohar Tepe (Piller and Mahfroozi, 2009: 19) and cemetery Amirkola in Savadkuh (Abedini, 2017: 154), as well as Qaleh Kuti I cemetery (Fukai and Ikeda, 1971: Pl. XIX, Fig. 2) and Kaluraz in Gilan (Fahimi, 2002: 106-107), Tepe Gyan (Contenau and Girshman, 1935: 12), Maral Tepe of Uzbeki (Majidzadeh, 2008: 135-136) and Dinkhah Tepe (Muscaerella, 1974: 75). In addition, this method reached its peak of use during the Parthian period such as Taq bustan in Kermanshah (Kambakh Fard, 1998: 45), Liarsang-Ben cemetery in Gilan (Jahani et al., 2023: 38; Jahani et al., 2018: 114), and especially in the central Zagros basin (Mohammadi Far and Hojabari Nobari, 2004) such as Sanandaj (Khosravi et al., 2018: 317), Marivan (Mohammadi Far and Sarraf, 2006; Masoumian and Rahimi-Galugahi, 2012: 428) and several points in the city of Hamadan and its surrounding areas (Azarnoush, 1975: 56, vol. 7; Dailer et al., 2013). The graves of Shahneh Poshte are scattered in different parts of the cemetery and it does not seem that a specific space of the cemetery was dedicated to a specific group or class of people in this society. The group graves are in the form of two-burial and three-burial graves with a slight difference in depth and space compared to each other, although the attribution of some of these group burials to each other has been ambiguous. However, the spatial proximity of the skeletons and their burial objects and the difficulty in distinguishing them from each other led to the attribution of some of them to a single grave and it seems that even despite a slight difference in depth, there was a clear awareness in creating a single grave for multiple skeletons. Usually, the deceased were placed in the grave in various positions, either contracted (lying on their sides) or supine with different positions inclined to the right or left. The positions of the hands are usually in front of the chest and face and sometimes in line with the body and the legs are also bent in three different degrees: less than a 90-degree angle (high, inclined inward towards the abdomen and spine: grade 1), 90-degree angle (medium, perpendicular angle to the spine: grade 2), and more than 90-degree angle (low, open angle to the spine: grade 3). A few are also supine and extended in line with the body.

Conclusion
The study of the burials of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery shows that there were a group of methods and rituals related to the burial of the dead, some of which were used more than others and, in other words, became a burial tradition. Regarding the position of the dead during the Iron Age and during the use of this cemetery, all the conventional methods of placing the deceased in the grave were used in the Shahneh Poshte area and despite the slightly higher number of supine method, it does not have a significant advantage over the lying on sides method and both methods can be seen as burial methods and traditions in great abundance. Also, the supine method was the most common burial method among women with 71% and men did not have any dominant method. In the discussion of the architectural structure of the tomb, the common tradition and method, the usual method is a simple oval pit but there are two unique methods, one is a simple pit grave covered with pottery fragments and the other is a pithos burial, each of which was used in the form of a grave only as a specific method, not a burial tradition. Finally, based on the set of burial characteristics of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery, it can be seen that this site is comparable in many aspects to sites within the region in Mazandaran and adjacent the region especially Gilan and the Central Plateau. It can also be considered that the set of burial methods and traditions of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery is homogeneous and identical to other contemporary sites in Mazandaran and to some extent a continuation of some pre-Iron Age burial methods in this region.