Abstract
The discovery of three outstanding Achaemenid buildings in Borazdjan Plain territory, such as “Charkhab”, “Sang-Siyah” and “Bardak-Siyah”, unveiled a new domain in the archaeological study of the Persian Gulf hinterlands and in the Achaemenid era. Excavation in the surrounding areas of these three buildings in two courses in the years of the decades 1350s and 1380s, led to the expsition of their different parts and architectural details. The presence of remarkable Achaemenid architectural elements including the central columned hall, lateral pillared porches and stone column pedestals, as well as the locality situations of the palaces on the plain and peripheral areas of the permanent “Dalaki” and “Shapur” and the seasonal “Ardu”rivers, made new theories possible about the quality and the reason of choosing the location and the erection of a government edifice in the Achaemenid era, while putting forward some general questions about the spatial structure of each palace. Because of the roughcast excavations, our information about the spatial extent of the unearthed collections is quite incomplete. In “Charkhab” site, for being in the vicinity of the seasonal “Ardu” river, there has been more than 1.5 meters of sedimentation which makes it difficult to access Achaemenid findings. So we decided to use new archaeological methods especially archeo-geophysical survey to study around the site and then continue the excavation around the palace according to the results obtained. So, in the first step, the western and north-western fronts with the extent of 13 hectares were surveyed archeo-geophysically using a magnetometric method and according to the outputs and the final produced map and the scatteration of exposed anomalies, some locations were determined for trenches and excavation. According to the maps obtained through magnetometry, some trenches were selected in zones where the abundance of anomalies was evident. In total, two trenches CH II and CH III, each with the dimension of 10×10 were excavated, while most findings were obtained from an Achaemenid leyer in trench CH III in the depth of 153 cm, where items such as baked bricks with the dimension 32×32×8 with bitumen mortar similar to those of Charkhab Palace, gate-pivot stones and pillar foundations worked with raw stone, pieces of cream colored pedestal stones and the most important of all, pieces of cornoture with horizontal strings similar to that of “Bardak-Siyah” Palace and  the specific palace of Cyrus at Pasargadae, can be mentioned
Keywords: Borazjan, Charkhab Palace, Archaeogeophysical Survey, Magnetometry, Excavation of Charkhab Site.

Introduction
Describing the importance of the Persian Gulf and its geopolitical role in the Achaemenid period, Herodotus describes the actions of “Scyllax Cariandi” and the order of Darius II to identify a sea route from the Indus River in India to Egypt, which was used by Indians and Iranians (Herodoutus, 1828: 289). 
In addition, other well-known historians and geographers of the early Christian centuries, such as Strabo, Arian, and Ptolemy, mentioned the Persian Gulf with titles such as “Persicon Kitas” and “Sinus Persicus”. 
The commercial prosperity of its shores is described in interaction with the West and the East. (Bayat, 1988: 28). 
Generally speaking, it can be inferred that the northern shores of the Persian Gulf inspecial, were of great importance during the Achaemenid period and later, and the construction of magnificent architectural works and government landmarks have not been unexpected.
The discovery of the remains of three outstanding Achaemenid landmarks in Borazjan plain titled “Charkhab”, “Sang-e Siah” and “Bardak-Siah”, opened a new chapter in the archaeological studies of the Persian Gulf and the Achaemenid history as well.
Excavation of these buildings during two seasons in the 1350s and 1380s, led to the discovery of various sections and their architectural components. 
Considering the presence of prominent elements of Achaemenid architecture, including the central columned hall, the side columned porches and stone pillars, along with the location of these palaces in the plains and the banks of Dalki and Shapur rivers and the seasonal Ardo valley, it has been tried to provide a definitive answer to existing questions and hypotheses based on current studies in this article. 
Asking general questions about the spatial structure of each of these palaces, provided new insights into how and why to choose a location and build a government building during the Achaemenid period. 
An important question in this field is whether these palaces were only used as summer accommodation facilities or they have been used as government seats.
Hypotheses in this study, basically suggest that the development of maritime trade, offshore communication routes, as well as suitable environmental structures and facilities, have led to the Achaemenid settlements in Borazjan plain. 
Achaemenid palaces discovered in Borazjan plain are part of the urban structures in that period. Some Achaemenid relics discovered, such as the Charkhab Palace, might have been left incomplete due to improper site selection and unsuitable location.
Architectural structures and spatial analyzes of the sites discovered in the Borazjan plain, are probably modeled on the architecture of the earlier Achaemenid culture in Pasargadae.
Studies of the surroundings of these sites show that there are other spaces related to the palaces. Based on geophysical studies as well as archaeological surveys around the sites, it can be imagined that these palaces were a collection. Further information on this subject, needs further archeological excavations and research.
One of the most important Achaemenid buildings on the northern hinterlands of the Persian Gulf is Charkhab Palace, which was accidentally discovered in 1350, during the bulldozing operations of water transfer pipeline from Borazjan to Bushehr, through the date palm groves on the western suburb outskirts of Borazjan and in the so-called “Charkhab area”.  
After preliminary investigations and the similarity of the discovered structure with the stone columns used in Pasargadae, it was decided to explore the place of discovery. The result of this excavation led to the appearance of different parts of the remains of a magnificent Achaemenid building (Sarfaraz, 1350 and 1351; Ebrahimi, 1391). Simultaneously with the excavation of Charkhab site and following the public reports that similar relics were found close a nearby village called Jatut / Jatal; Sarfaraz was able to discover another building on the banks of Dalaki River called Sang-e Siyah, about nine kilometers north of Charkhab. 
This site was excavated in 1977 by Ismail (Ehsan) Yaghmaei (Yaghmaei, 2005: 9-11; 2018: 191-196; Ebrahimi, 2012). 
During the exploration of the Sang-e Siyah remains and in the surrounding areas and palm groves, the excavations led to the discovery of another building called “Bardak Siyah” which means “the black stone”, among the palm groves of Dorudgah village. 
Yaghmaei explored the building and continued his excavations during the winter and the spring of 1978 (Yaghmaei, 2005; 1397; Ebrahimi, 2012). 
In the 2001s, with the resumption of archeological activities in Bushehr province, the Charkhab building, which had been buried under the flood deposits after the first exploration period, was excavated again by Sarfaraz in five consecutive seasons. 
In addition to the sections that were appeared earlier, some other new parts of the building became visible again. (Sarfaraz, 2001; 2003; 2004; 2005; 2006).
Due to unfinished excavations, our knowledge of the spatial extent of these collections is very limited. 
In the Charkhab area, the settled sediments are more than 1.5 meters high, due to its proximity to the Ardo seasonal river. This has made it difficult to obtain necessary findings from the Achaemenid period.
The study of archeogeophysics today, plays a crucial role in identifying the points and structures of ancient layers.
Using this methodology, saves time and also achieves the desired results much faster, much easier and much more accurately.
Therefore, we decided to use these new archeological methods, especially archaeogeophysical surveys, to conduct research around this area, and based on the results of these studies, to continue exploring around the palace.
Therefore, in the first place, the western and northwestern fronts of the palace, with an area of 13 hectares, were examined by magnetometric archeogeophysics, which revealed the dispersion of anomalies according to the output and finalized maps, and places for trenches and excavations were determined.
According to magnetic output maps, trenches were selected in areas where the abundance of anomalies was apparent.
Totally, two trenches ChII and ChIII with dimensions of 10 x 10 were excavated and most findings were obtained in trench ChIII at a depth of 153 cm and in an Achaemenid layer. 
In the cultural findings of the recent excavation in Charkhab, paddy parts of the columns with cream-colored strings are important.
Examples found in Bardak Siyah and Sang-e Siyah, are also comparable to the example of the private palace of Cyrus the Great in Pasargadae.
These paddy parts are quite different from the paddy parts obtained in Charkhab Palace (ChI), which are round and black without any carvings.
It seems that this collection (ChIII) is similar in architectural elements to those of Bardak Siyah and Sang-e Siyah palaces and those of the private palace of Cyrus the Great in Pasargadae.
The cream-colored base stone of the gateway as well as the foundations of the columns found in the ChIII trench are similar to those of Charkhab(ChI) and Bardak Siyah palaces.
The bricks obtained with  the dimensions of 33 x 33 x 8 cm and bitumen mortar in this trench are comparable to those found in the palaces discovered in Borazjan.
Given the architectural elements obtained, it is possible that this complex had been built earlier than the Charkhab Palace (ChI) itself.
Undoubtedly, more studies and more extensive research are needed to answer all the hypotheses and questions.

Abstract
The present descriptive-analytical study and its findings are based on field and document studies, and examines and analyzes the tombstones of the Qajar period of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in Shiraz, and tries to study and understand the designs of the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz, their symbolic themes, and their traces of mythical and religious beliefs of each historical or cultural period. Studies on tombstones related to the Qajar era of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in Shiraz prove that these tombstones contain various designs of human, animal, plant, geometric, and inscriptions. In general, most of these motifs, while having special meanings and symbols, are influenced by the culture of the region, beliefs, and their temporal and spatial place. On the other hand, due to the predominance of nationalist thought in the Qajar period, the images of these tombstones show a continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid eras, which were created with a relatively different form and content. On the other hand, due to the predominance of nationalist thought in the Qajar period, the images of these tombstones show a continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid eras, which were created with a relatively different form and content.
Keywords: Shiraz, Daral-Salam Cemetery, Tombstone, Nationalism, Achaemenid, Sassanian.

Introduction
Fars province, like other regions of the Iranian plateau, has been inhabited by various groups and ethnic groups since ancient times, and in this regard, several cemeteries have been established to bury their dead. Dar al-Salam Shiraz is one of the seven old cemeteries in Shiraz that Moinuddin Abolghasem Junaid Shirazi mentioned in his book. There are tombstones from the early Islamic centuries to recent times, which indicate the importance of this cemetery. There are several designs on the tombstones of Dar al-Salam cemetery. Including human motifs, animal motifs, plant motifs, geometric motifs, calligraphy, and inscriptions. In general, discovering the meaning and concept of the designs created on tombstones and their symbolic nature can unify many of the forgotten secrets and points of regional and national history, art, and culture with more unity and meaning. In this regard, the present study examines and analyzes the tombstone motifs of Shiraz Dar al-Salam Cemetery, especially the tombstones of the Qajar period, and by examining them, in addition to identifying the created motifs and their symbolism, seeks to trace the motifs through periods and among the mythical beliefs and religions of past periods.
Research & Hypotheses Questions: 1- What are the designs of the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz and what are their symbolic themes? 2- The designs created on the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz shows which traces of mythical and religious beliefs of the historical or cultural period of Iran?
1. These tombstones contain various designs of human, animal, plant, geometric, and inscription images. In general, most of these motifs, while having special meanings and symbols, are influenced by the culture of the region, beliefs, and their temporal and spatial place. 2. Considering the predominance of nationalist thought in the Qajar period, the images of these tombstones show the continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid periods, which was created with a relatively different form and content.

Classification of Tombstones of the Qajar Period of Dar al-Salam Shiraz
In general, the images engraved on the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz, except lines and inscriptions, can be divided into a general category into the following groups: 1- Plant motifs, 2- Human motifs, 3- Animals and birds Motif, 4- Patterns of objects and geometric and abstract shapes

Conclusion
The study of the tombstones of the Qajar period of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in Shiraz proves that these tombstones have various designs, including anthropogenic images, animal, plant, geometric, calligraphy, and inscription. Studying the motifs of this group of works and examining the social, political, and religious situation of the Qajar era, shows that most of these motifs are symbolic and rooted in the history and culture of Iran and are influenced by the region’s culture, beliefs, and temporal and spatial position. Also, the images of these tombstones are a kind of continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid periods, which have been created with a relatively different form and content. The motifs of cypress trees and lotus flowers are among the main paintings of Persepolis and the human images with lotus flowers in his hands, in a way reminiscent of the role of the Achaemenid kings in Persepolis and palace paintings. Sassanid monuments such as Bishapour Palace, which are among the first examples of images in Iran with a flower in hand. Horsemen and hunting scenes of animals such as lions, which are often seen on the tombstones of the Qajar period Dar al-Salam Dar al-Salam Shiraz; It has its roots in the history and culture of Iran, especially in the Persian region; Such patterns can be seen on Achaemenid seals found in Persepolis and other places, as well as on Sassanid gold and silver vessels. Finally, it should be acknowledged that among the reasons for creating these common themes between the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz and the remnants of ancient civilizations of Iran such as the Achaemenids and Sassanians, in addition to the rule of nationalist thought in the Qajar period and the influence of the Persian climate (from The cypress tree, which is one of the special trees and vegetation of the region and is found in abundance in the region (especially Shiraz), is the location of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in a place that was once the center of the rule of the Achaemenid and Sassanid states, which itself is the main The most influential factors on the thoughts of the people of the Qajar period and the continuity of the designs of the past.

Abstract
In premodern societies, cemeteries were formed next to human settlements. The distribution of graves in these cemeteries depended on the size of the population and the use of these settlements. One of the difficulties in modern archaeological research in identifying cemeteries is determining their core and buffer zones. Due to the dispersion of graves, the density of graves in cemeteries can sometimes vary considerably. Determining the core and buffer zone in these areas is therefore always done with great caution. With the advancement of science and various new methods in archaeological fieldwork, the core and buffer zones of archaeological sites can now be done more precisely. One of the more efficient and effective methods in identifying, and consequently, determining the core and buffer zone of sites, is the geophysical survey. A geophysical survey with the magnetic method in the archeological site of Mehdiabad-e Olia in the cultural landscape of Bam was carried out to determine the distribution of archaeological graves and determine the core zone of this ancient cemetery in 2018.
Keywords: Archaeological Cemetery, Geophysical Survey, Core Zone, Buffer Zone, Mehdiabad-e Olia Cultural Landscape of Bam.

Introduction
Archaeological sites are spaces where physical and material artifacts of past human life entangle. These sites can be investigated by various types of archaeological fieldwork. Archaeologists identify the ancient sites by using remote sensing studies, aerial photography and satellite imagery, and pedestrian surveys. Most of the time, when we move from the center to the outside of the sites, the density of cultural finds such as sherds of pottery, artifacts, stone tools, bones, or architectural remains decreases. Sometimes, around the ancient sites, the topography, geomorphology, and landform, as well as sediments during different periods, cause cultural materials and artifacts to remain under these sediments and be hidden from view. Therefore, archaeologists often need to excavate to determine the presence or absence of materials below the surface. Areas, where the remains of ancient materials are present and can be reached with confidence by survey and excavation, are called the core zones of an archaeological site. From a legal point of view, it is forbidden to do any modern changes in the core zone of an archaeological site. A buffer zone is often added to protect ancient sites. The buffer zone is defined concerning the core zone and depends on the topography, geomorphology, environmental conditions, and elements related to the site. One field where the density of artifacts is very uncertain is the ancient cemeteries, which were generally built next to the settlements. The graves were mostly solitary and sometimes included secondary burial or mass burials.
Sometimes, due to the lack of obvious evidence of these graves, it is difficult and impossible to identify them, and determining their density and dispersion and the core zone of the cemetery. Determining the core zone and suggestion of the buffer zone traditionally is by using archaeological surveys and digging experimental sondages around the ancient site with special methods. Sometimes in ancient cemeteries, determine the core zone is not accurate, because maybe the archaeologist dig the experimental sondages between two graves and he doesn’t identify the graves, and due to the lack of awareness of the existence of graves, he doesn’t put this sections in the core zone, and this part should be outside the scope of the laws of the core zone of the archaeological site, and due to the lack of awareness of the existence of graves, this section not be included in the core zone of the site and will be outside the scope of the laws of the core zone of the archaeological site. But by geophysical methods, archaeologists can identify the location of all the graves and determine exactly the core zone of the ancient cemetery.
 

The ancient cemetery of Mehdiabad-e Olia is located 3 km south of the village of Mehdiabad-e Olia. The cemetery expands on both sides of a branch of the seasonal River of Bandenesa, 90 km from the city of Bam. In winter 2016, after a flood event, several pits with ancient pottery fragments were found. Based on a preliminary analysis of the ceramics by the archaeologists of the research center of the citadel of Bam they were able to identify these to be of Achaemenid or Parthian date. Most of the graves are rectangular and they are only about 90 to 120 cm below the surface. The large extent of the site is ideal for geophysical studies to determine the distribution of graves and identify the core zone of this ancient cemetery. A magnetic survey is a fast and efficient method for the first approach of an archaeological site. The principle of the magnetic method is to measure the local variations of the Earth magnetic field due to the presence of iron oxides in the soils and the archeological structures. Surface soil is magnetically stronger than underground soils. Its properties are further enhanced by human activities. This makes identification of different archaeological structures possible: graves, pits, and holes prove a higher magnetic record after they were filled with soil and surface sediments. The difference in the intensity of the magnetic field causes graves and pits can be identified as point anomalies with the surrounding context on magnetic maps.
The magnetic survey on the site was carried out with a cesium gradiometer G858 with a mesh grid of 1 m x 0.10 m interpolated at 0.50 m. Our survey covered an area of 8 hectares and focused on both sides of the road and the river by which several graves had been found. The magnetic map showed several anomalies: linear anomalies and positive and bipolar point anomalies. The strong linear anomaly on the south of the map was linked to the recently made modern canal. Another linear anomaly corresponding to the road in the southwestern part of this area. Other linear anomalies were related to artificial water passages. The majority of point anomalies are related to the graves, however. Our magnetic map identified approximately 800 graves. Some of these point anomalies are located on the surface graves that were found in the flood. 

Conclusion
According to the magnetic map, the density of point anomalies decreases in the east, south, and southeast of the area surveyed. This means that the limit of the cemetery is specified in this section and the core zone line of the site can be well defined here. The highest density of cemetery graves is in the central part of the studied area. The anomalies of graves continue in the north and west of the section, but the density of these anomalies decreases, and the line of the core zone of the cemetery can be identified in this part of the area. Our magnetic survey shows that the core zone of the ancient cemetery is well recognizable without actual excavation. Any excavation and opening of sondages in this region are dangerous and would pave the way for the looting of these sites. A geophysical survey, however, will protect this ancient cemetery. After our survey, an Iranian archaeological mission directed by Shahram Zare found a large Achaemenid building near 650 m west of the cemetery. Archaeological research on this site is continuing.

Abstract
Terminology is a group of specialized words and respective implications in a specific field, additionally, the consideration of such terms and their utilization. Terminology is one of the most essential aspects of any field of study. This gives an understanding of the concepts and contextual information to how you will be using those concepts. In archaeology, like all other sciences, we need to create and revise some concepts. This article proposes to establish a universal definition of the phenomenon of Domestication. Domestication is the adaptation of a plant or animal from a wild or natural state to life in close association with humans. In this research, the etymology and definitions of the phenomenon of Domestication are considered, followed by its evolution across the literature. This article defines some specialized terms of the Neolithic process in domestication, which is the driving force behind the dynamics of archaeological patterns and the transition from historical-cultural archeology to processual archaeology following the change from threshold to process and long-term formations. However, Iranian archeology has not yet kept pace with this dynamic. The picture provided for the users of archeology is a static image of science, and it is implied that science is a fixed and unchanging reality. This essay aims to demonstrate the difficulties and flaws in archaeological information transmission when scientific language is not prepared. The need to disseminate new knowledge and technology is one motivation for solving this problem. Archaeological research in Iran is now undergoing a crucial shift from traditional to processual methods. Studies of the Neolithic process are only starting in many locations, and terminology-related issues must be addressed. The result of this research is the ascertainment that adopting a universal definition of the phenomenon of Domestication is absolutely paramount in order to progress on all animal and plant-related matters.
Keywords: Terminology, Neolithic, Domestication, Evolutionary, Process.

Introduction
Terminology is the foundation of science; the words we use to describe the world around us substantially impact how we conceptualize study issues.
Neolithic and, subsequently, domestication is one of the most contentious among prehistorians. The term Neolithic, according to researchers, is insufficient. They now attempt to argue that Neolithic technology and economic growth are social constructs and that what matters more than what was created during the Neolithic era is how and in what method it was produced (Çilingiroğlu, 2005: 1). Terms like the Neolithic Package and Neolithization were created to comprehend the challenges during the Neolithic era. Neolithization refers to the process rather than the cultural phenomenon’s cross-sectional character. 
The Neolithic was a process of transition from a nomadic lifestyle of hunter-gatherer communities to one of agriculture and pastoralism. The crucial factor which contributed to the advent of the Neolithic process was the invention of domestication.
This process takes place between the two poles designated by ‘wild’ and ‘domestic’. Consequently, one can talk about various stages or levels of domestication. These factors can have either a rapid or a gradual impact on living organisms. Domestication consists of a number of clearly discernible intermediate stages.
 As a result, we now know that terminology like agriculture, farming, and cultivation originated behind the dynamics of archaeological patterns and the shift from historical-cultural archeology with a threshold perspective to process archeology with a processual perspective. In other words, the agricultural event has assumed numerous forms throughout several thousand years, for which we have a name, or in the domestication of animals, we have the terms Husbandry, Pastoralism, Taming, and Herding Domestic, signifying changes in time and development in a phenomenon. This is a long-lasting trend.
The historical-cultural threshold approach is still present in Iranian archeology, and we continue to refer to all kinds of agriculture, animal husbandry, and settlement patterns as agricultural or animal husbandry for thousands of years.
The article aims to define the language of many forms of agriculture and animal husbandry that have particular identities and have evolved into full-fledged agriculture and animal husbandry via an evolutionary process.
In the published literature on early agriculture, there is a tendency for the word agriculture and many of its subsidiary terms to be used vaguely without precise definitions, and sometimes their connotations overlap, for example, proto/incipient and shifting/extensive. There is a need to clarify much agricultural terminology to avoid confusion.

Discussion
As a result of various ponders, researchers have displayed a number of terms with the see of clarifying the root of agriculture. At the initial, ‘wild’ stage of domestication, a given population of organisms generally has no experience of any direct or indirect impact on the part of man. Domestication ends at the ‘domestic’ arrangement when a given populace is completely subordinate to people with respect to such issues as survival, reproduction, and nutrition. The most famous terms among those include the following: 

Domestication of Plant
There is an evolutionary process of terminology on the way of plant domestication.
Management: Management is the control of wild species (plants or animals) without cultivation or morphological alterations (Price & Yosef, 2011: 165).
Cultivation: Cultivation is the deliberate preparation of the land, planting, reaping, and storing seeds or other plant components.
Farming: Farming is the practice of using plants and domestic animals as food or other resources (Price & Yosef, 2011: 165).
Agriculture: The phrase is occasionally confined to crop cultıvation and excludes livestock farming; however, it is often used to refer to both (Harris, 2007: 22).

Domestication of Animals
There is an evolutionary process of terminology on the way of animal domestication. It provides a number of clearly discernible intermediate stages.
Domestic: The animal maintained in the home is referred to as domestic. Domesticated animals may be wild, tamed, or feral (Décory, 2019: 47). A domestic animal is kept in captivity by humans, regardless if it is a wild, tame, domesticated, or feral animal.
Taming: The domesticated animal might be a wild animal acquired from the wild, i.e., the first or second generation of wild animals maintained in captivity (Décory, 2019: 47).
Herding: This term should be evaluated from a biological standpoint. The herd/pasture interaction is connected to herding. Herding entails controlling and caring for the animals on the ground. (Paine, 1972: 78).
Breeding: This phrase refers to a technical notion. Animals with predefined traits may be altered through selective breeding (Ingold, 1980: 82).
Husbandry: Owners’ attempts to capitalize and make profits are referred to as husbandry (Paine, 1972: 79). According to the Oxford English Dictionary, husbandry is the “business or occupation “of a husbandman or farmer, tillage or cultivation of the soil (including also the rearing of livestock)’ 
Pastoralism: Pastoralists rely on their livestock herds for most of their income (Ingold, 1980: 82).

Conclusion
The Neolithic was a process of transition from hunter-gatherer communities to one of agriculture and pastoralism. The crucial factor which contributed to the advent of the Neolithic process was the invention of domestication. The domestication of plants and animals marks a major evolutionary transition in human history. The pathways that humans and target species follow from initial management into domestication are shaped by a number of contingencies affecting both partners and can be broadly classified into several types. There is a continuum between these types, although these terms have overlapping elements, they are nonetheless distinct phenomena. Agriculture is used to define many forms of subsistence in this process but they have their own descriptive terms, such as cultivation, domestication, as well as forms of livestock. 
In this article an evolutionary model from foraging to agriculture, in which the transitions to cultivation, domestication, and agriculture are separated and potential archaeological indicators are suggested. And from Taming to husbandry, in which the transitions to, domestication, and husbandry are separated and potential archaeological indicators are suggested. 
The historical-cultural threshold perspective is still present in Iranian archeology, and we still refer to all types of agriculture, animal husbandry, and settlement patterns that occurred throughout thousands of years as agriculture or animal husbandry. To define the distance between pre-domestic, and agriculture, detailed scientific research, including time-consuming and costly experiments, is required by precise chronologies. A practice that is still uncommon in Iranian archeology. In Iranian archeology, only sites containing the latter stage of the Neolithic are excavated, and other kinds of agriculture (e.g., gathering wild plants) or animal husbandry (e.g., taming) are not recognized, or researchers are still looking for spectacular Neolithic evidence from the period’s end. They are now investigating what is being created, not its significance and no label can be developed to describe them. Alternatively, if they are studying the Neolithic transition and, in fact, the Neolithic process, they approach the data using threshold and cultural-historical thinking. At the outset of Neolithic studies, it is necessary to provide the theoretical and terminological groundwork because they are process-oriented and long-term. If this does not occur, the picture formed for the users of archeology is a static image of science, leading to the belief that science is a phenomenon that does not change. As a result, efforts should be undertaken to investigate and clarify words connected to domestication research in an evolutionary framework.

Acknowledgments
I thank Dr. Mozhgan Jayez and Dr. Hojjat Darabi for their helpful comments on this paper.

Conflict of Interest
The Author, while observing the publishing ethics, declares that there is no conflict of interest and no financial support from any government center.