Abstract
Using the column element provided the necessary context to extend the architecture spaces. According the archeology findings the north-west area of Iran, due to the existence of abundant wood and stone resources has been leading using this element. In view of the remaining of the ancient columned buildings, the importance of column in the past is understood. Also during the Islamic era the element play a key role in the buildings of this region. In the Ilkhanid and Safavid era due to the climatic and cultural reasons, stony and wooden columns were used with abundant decorations with capital and base plinth in some mosques of Azerbaijan. It seems that Asnagh and Jamalabad Mehrban mosques are the start point of columned architecture with laborious decoration that in the following they reach to peak beauty in the Safavid columned palaces. The present article, on one hand, studies the process of column evolution in this region and, on the other hand, looks for the origin of the architecture tradition of decorative columns used in the mosques and palaces of Safavid era such as Ali Ghapoo in Isfahan, Bonab and Maragheh. The data gathering method include field visits, recording and documenting the data that finally was analyzed using descriptive-analytical method and using library studies. 
Keywords: Architecture, Azerbaijan, Column, Asnagh Mosque, Jamalabad Mosque.

Introduction
Architecture of every nation is a reflection of its thought and economic situations. The climate circumstances, beside these factors, also play a role an essential role in the formation of architecture. Materials and decorations also have a close relationship with these factors. Using column in the great building has a long history. Column is designed mainly to support the heavy load of roof and generally plays the role of strength and beauty of a building. In the ancient hills such as Yaniq Tapeh probably to cover the ceiling of the circular rooms the central columns have been used. The columned halls of Hasanlloo (Dyson: 1989), Nooshijan (Stronach:1978), Goodin Tapeh (Young: 1969), Babajan (Goff: 1969), the Mad’s catacombs and Achaemendis palaces (Sarfaraz and Firoozmandi, 2006), Parthian and Sassanid temples (Herman, 2008) and palaces represent the use of column in the past architecture that shows the importance of column in the pre-Islamic architecture. In the Azerbaijan area due to the mountainous climatic conditions, the architecture features of Iranian mosques such as porch and central courtyard are less observed. And the central courtyard in this climate is converted in harem (shabestan) through covering the ceiling and using column (Omrani, 2007: 18).  
In the Ilkhanid and Timurid era the element of column was applied in stony form with moqarnas capitals in the mosques of Azerbaijan. By the beginning of Safavid era, we observe changing the material of column and capital from stone to wood in the mosques. In this period, the procedure of using column was maximized and in the following affected on the columns and capitals of Safavid palaces as well as the buildings of Qajar era, particularly in the bathrooms and mosques. This article studies the background and evolution of applying column and its function in the architecture of Azerbaijan and the role that played in the architecture of the columned palaces of Safavid era. 

Review and Analysis 
The main element in the columned buildings to construct column and ceiling coverage is wood. Probably one of the reasons that in the early centuries of Islam the normal form of dome and porch becomes the most common architecture method is lack of wooden resources in some regions (Ukan, 2002: 203). But in Azerbaijan due to the suitable environmental conditions for growth of trees and availability of them, the columned architecture continues its life more or less during the medieval Islamic centuries. Entering the Ilkhani era and transferring centrality to Azerbaijan, the old procedure of columned architecture appeared again and was represented in the local mosques of Asnagh and Jamalabad and then became the architecture pattern of mosques of Safavid era in Azerbaijan and columned palaces of this era. 
The most important feature of Asnagh and Jamalabad mosques is stony walls and columns and using timber to cover ceiling and also the decorations of capitals and columns that continues to exist in Safavid era in the columned mosques of Maragheh, Bonab and columned palaces of this era. The height of the stony columns of these mosques is consistent completely with the height tendency of Azeri style of Ilkhanid era. The stony columns of Mollarostam and Sheykhbaba mosques that are related to the Timurid era are the climax of the art of column carving. They are implemented by the same procedure of Asnagh and Jamalabad mosques with the difference that inscriptions have been made on the columns body. Given the remaining of these columns it seems that in the Timurid era, construction of columned buildings was in Ilkhanid method with the same materials. 
In Safavid era due to developing many buildings and acceleration in architecture, the stony columns were substituted by wooden columns with the same dimension and decorations in order to speed up the construction of buildings. In this era the high wooden columns were put on the stony plinths. The capitals were made from timber and moqarnases were decorated by inscription and painting. 
Among the most famous wooden-columned mosques of the early Safavid era affected by Ilkhanid and Timurid stony-columned mosques are: Mollarostam, sheykhbaba, Rihan, sheykhtaj, Zarir, Mehrabad, Zargaran, Ajabshir etc. among the most important decorative features of these mosques can refer to the moqarnas decorations and paintings on the plinths, high wooden narrow columns, stony plinths as well as the painted wooden ceilings that in the continuation of their evolution process effect on Safavid palaces of Isfahan including Chehel Sotoon and Ali Ghapoo palaces and other columned buildings of this era. 

Conclusion
Column in architecture is used mostly in the regions in which the resources of wood and stone are available sufficiently. Azerbaijan is among these regions. Existence of sufficient wood and stone resources has resulted in construction of columned mosques in this region of which most prominent examples are Asnagh and Jamalabad mosques. The columns of these mosques represent the peak of column carving in the Islamic era. How these mosques are constructed and ceiled affected on the architecture of the next periods throughout Iran, such that a close similarity is observed in the columns of these mosques with the Safavid and Qajar era. Further, it can be concluded that construction of Safavid columned palaces somehow complement Ilkhani columned architecture that was represented in Asnagh and Jamalabad mosques and after its evolution period in Safavid wooden mosques of era was utilized in the construction of palaces. 

Abstract
The anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been manifested in various forms in archeological findings and written sources in the Eslamic eras. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. The anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility The current research tries to answer these questions that what are the most important factors of temporal and spatial expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture of anthropomorphic monoliths? And what are the concepts used in the anthropomorphic monoliths, culture in the prehistoric and Eslamic eras? The present study, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates the meaning of the erection of the anthropomorphic monoliths This type of research is of a cultural-historical analytical type, the information of which is collected based on documentary and library studies The results of the present research show that the most important factors in the temporal expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture were due to their relationship with traditions and religious rituals, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. Also, over time, the anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility, which in many cases have been manifested in the form of the deceased person in connection with his burial. The results of the present research show that although there is no chronological and archaeological connection between the pre-historical and AD samples, all the samples are related to the ritual burial of religious rituals and represent a person who probably has a high social rank. This issue has been reflected in the archaeological texts. 
Keywords: Anthropomorphic Monoliths, Northwest of Iran, Cultural Communication, Caucasus, Anatolia.

Introduction
A stele refers to raised anthropomorphic monoliths or stones that are erected vertically in the ground and have a memorial status and are related to burial ceremonies (Darvil, 2008). Stone steles in the shape of humans or with human motifs have been reported in a wide geographical area from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain (Tryjarski, 1971: 127). Russian and Azerbaijani archaeologists have carried out preliminary research activities in the direction of identifying anthropomorphic monoliths in the Caucasus in the meantime, some sources have studied the culture anthropomorphic monoliths in different regions in a monograph form (Schachner, 2001, 115, 142; Sevin, 2005; Ngrahamn-Summer, 1979: 68, 70; Burney, 1979: 155-156). Shahryeri site as one of the most important sites for the development of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture was explored by Alireza Hojabri-Nobari during three seasons (Hojabri-Nobari et al., 1379). The anthropomorphic monoliths of the Tabriz Museum were probably obtained from Qara Dagh region in the northwest of Iran. These anthropomorphic monoliths were first visited by the German researcher Gert Grupp (Torabi Tabatabai 490: 1355). The anthropomorphic monoliths of the Tabriz Museum were recently introduced and reviewed by Adel Yilmaz in 2012 (Yilmaz 2012). Therefore, the latest research has been carried out in Iran regarding the anthropomorphic monoliths in the Shahryeri area and the cultural relations between northwest Iran and the Caucasus (Khanali, 1379). So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is, although it is not far from the mind that these memorial stones were erected in different human societies with religious, promotional and social purposes. (Sevin, 2005: 89). It is necessary to explain that this culture has been exhibited in many graves in different societies from prehistoric times (Agasioglo, 2013) to recent centuries (Yilmaz, 2003: 44). Although the relationship between the anthropomorphic monoliths in the Shahryeri area and the burial graves was previously denied (In: Graham & Summers, 1979), the author’s recent research shows that this culture has a direct connection with the burial graves in this area. The anthropomorphic monoliths culture is one of the cultures that can be seen in the northwest of Iran due to the cultural connection between Iran and the Caucasus. The present research, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates what and why based on the anthropomorphic monoliths Undoubtedly, traditions and burial rituals in human societies do not undergo changes easily, so it seems that the most important reason for the spread of this culture from the third millennium to the end of the first millennium BC in a time span of more than 2000 years in the vast geographical area of Anatolia is probably the Caucasus. It has been related to commercial exchanges and cultural exchanges as a result.

Investigating the concepts and scope of the temporal and spatial expansion of the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths
At the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, the anthropomorphic monoliths culture appears in connection with Nomads tribes in different regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan (Fig. 1) (Schachner, 2001: 132). The anthropomorphic monoliths of Dobandi village in the north of Baku was found in connection with Gori cultural materials belonging to the late Maykop culture period (Ibid: 123). The second example from this period was found around Astara city in Azerbaijan in the second millennium BC in Syria and Anatolia, anthropomorphic monoliths a special respect, so that they were often placed in front of the gates and protected the place from the entry of evil spirits. At Tell Chana in Antioch and at Tell Rimah, anthropomorphic monoliths slab similar to examples from the Caucasus region and northwestern Iran have been found (Carter, 1970: 22). 
Since the end of the second millennium, 13 stelae have been obtained from the carving site of Turkey (Ozfirat, 2002: 299). In the first millennium BC, we see the number of anthropomorphic monoliths in the region This importance is undoubtedly directly related to the increase in the skill level of using metals, especially the use of iron metal (Khanali, 2017: 461). The samples belonging to this period were obtained in Shahryeri area and Qara Dagh region of East Azerbaijan Considering the sanctity of the Shahryeri area, it seems that different people have prepared memorial stones for themselves or their deceased relatives to have a memorial in this sacred area. An example of burials without corpses in the geographical scope of the Balkhi-Marvi culture (Tughluq, Ganor) (Sarianidi, 2007: 51) in the city of Sokhteh in the southeast of Iran in the period (2500-3000 BC) (Seyd Sajjadi, 2005: 31) (Hojabri-Nubari, 2009: 112-125) has been reported in other words, it seems that the Shahryeri complex is a type of cenotaph, or “empty tomb”, “empty tomb”, “tomb of the unknown soldier”. As mentioned in detail in the previous section, in the centuries of AD, anthropomorphic monoliths with different characteristics such as monuments of warriors, heroes and symbols of fertility have emerged in connection with the burial of people. Human statues are mentioned in the texts according to different situations in AD periods with titles such as Dash Baba, Bal Bal and Badiz (Yilmaz, 2003: 45-40). It can be said that Balbal is the stone of the captured soul of the enemy and it is not in good shape, but the deceased himself or his relatives put it on his grave as a memorial stone. In recent centuries, in a wide area in the Near East, stones in the shape of a ram (image 10), a horse (Fig. 11), a turtle (Fig. 12), and in some areas, male (Fig. 13) and female genitals (Fig. 14) were placed on graves as Grave markers are used, which in general seem to be related to fertility symbols Investigations show that in the millennia discussed in this research, no findings have been found on worshiping the dead and making allegories of people and animals with the aim of praying to them. It seems that these anthropomorphic monoliths were generally built to commemorate prominent people and symbols of fertility, and their association with burial sites indicates that this culture was associated with the belief in the world after death. So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is, although it is not far from the mind that these memorial stones were erected in different human societies with religious, promotional and social purposes (Svin, 2005: 89).
But what can be understood from the study of the development of the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths is their relationship with traditions and rituals that are manifested in the form of the embodiment of the deceased person in relation to his burial. It is necessary to explain that this culture has been exhibited in many graves in different societies from the prehistoric period (Agasioglu, 2013) to the recent centuries (Yilmaz, 2003: 44) in the form of different symbols, and in general, their evolution can be seen. From memorial stones to fertility symbols Among the other concepts that are shown on the anthropomorphic monoliths is the ritual of sacrifice. This ritual is shown in the form of animals on the anthropomorphic monoliths of Hakkari and Astara. It seems that the example of humans with smaller dimensions who are unbalanced and fallen on the ground on the edge of the central person to whom the stele belongs are carved on the stele. be an example of human sacrifice.

Conclusion
The main topic of this research is to investigate what and why the anthropomorphic monoliths are erected In this regard, at first, the area of temporal and spatial expansion of this culture was explained In the prehistoric period, this culture generally spread in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, and among the most important traditions related to burial during the 3rd, 2nd and 1st millennia BC in the geographical area of northwestern Iran, the Caucasus, and eastern Anatolia has been In recent times, this culture has spread from the western borders of China to Europe In centuries AD, the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths has been mentioned in the texts of poems and archeological findings with different names such as Balbal, Badiz, Dash Baba, etc., which shows many characteristics in the traditions of their beliefs and other In terms of historical and geographical sequence, there is no connection between the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths before history and the beginning of history and AD, or at least it is not known so far. However, the written sources about Balbal and Badiz are among the most important semantic data of this culture. anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been reflected in archeological findings and written sources in the periods after AD. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen over time in human and animal forms and fertility symbols This culture in the mentioned areas, although there are visual differences in some details, but in many cases, they have common features. The level of visual and technical similarities is such that it emphasizes the connection of this culture during the time under investigation in a wide geographical area. So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is in this regard, religious, promotional and social goals were mentioned, but the investigation of the development of anthropomorphic monoliths culture in the context of time and space shows that this culture is related to the burial of traditions and religious rituals. This issue has also appeared in archaeological texts and findings.

Abstract
Material remains bearing figurative representations constitute one of the most significant repositories of historical-cultural information within archaeology and art history. Among such remains, artefacts depicting the cheetah are of particular importance. The interpretation of surviving cheetah imagery in ancient artefacts undoubtedly yields a deeper understanding of coexistence and confrontation between human societies and this predatory animal. Archaeological findings and iconographic analyses conducted thus far on the cheetah indicate that variables such as geographical distribution, temporal multiplicity, and the frequency of cultural interactions have played a considerable role in explaining the transformation of cheetah motifs across different historical periods. Accordingly, after examining the history of studies on the cheetah, as well as investigating the developmental trajectory of cheetah images among coeval cultural horizons in Iran—which have predominantly confined the origin of cheetah motifs from prehistoric times to the late Islamic period to two interpretive models, namely the narrative-mythological and the ritual-ideological—the present study seeks to examine visual examples of the cheetah, while emphasizing the role of predatory hunting animals in human societies, and furthermore to highlight the importance of the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model. This model is grounded in historical texts, specifically hunting manuals, as one of the fundamental causes for the representation of cheetah images, in contrast to the two aforementioned models. For this purpose, archaeological evidence together with comparative studies of historical texts, through an analytical-comparative method, have been re-examined to demonstrate that functionalist interpretations concerning the capture and domestication of this predatory animal by cheetah-keepers in the natural world are of equal or even greater importance than prevalent mythological and ideological interpretations, which are exclusively concerned with political authority and ritual legitimation within the cultural sphere.
Keywords: Hunting Cheetah (Cheetah as a Hunting Auxiliary), Archaeological Findings, Historical Texts, Functionalist-Subsistence Interpretive Models, Mythological and Ideological Interpretive Models.

Introduction
Material remains featuring cheetah depictions are vital sources for understanding the coexistence of human societies and this predator. Previous iconographic analyses suggest that geographical distribution, temporal shifts, and cultural interactions have shaped the evolution of cheetah motifs across rock reliefs, seals, and pottery. While researchers typically attribute these stylistic transformations to decorative, mythological, or ritual concepts, this study proposes a “functionalist -economic” interpretive model as a fundamental driver for these representations.
Tracing cheetah imagery from prehistory to the late Islamic period through archaeological evidence and historical texts—such as hunting treatises (šikār-nāmes) and training manuals (bāz-nāmes) like the Bazname-ye Nasavi—this research challenges purely symbolic readings. The central hypothesis is that the domestication and control of the wild cheetah in Iran were primarily pragmatic processes tied to survival. Ancient humans first harnessed the animal’s hunting abilities to secure food and mitigate risks in the open landscapes of the Iranian plateau, only later embodying these functional roles in mythical and ideological discourses.
By employing an analytical-comparative method across field data from various Iranian regions and reliable library sources, the findings indicate that functionalist interpretations (related to capture and taming) hold equal or greater significance than purely ideological motifs of political authority. Ultimately, this research emphasizes that cheetah representations in ancient Iranian artifacts reflect humanity’s core subsistence concerns and evolutionary adaptation. The functionalist model of human-cheetah coexistence is a long-standing reality that should not be overlooked in favor of purely symbolic or mythical interpretations.

Discussion
This article examines the representation of the cheetah in two principal categories of historical written sources: literary texts (hunting poetry and travel narratives) and technical manuals (bāznāmas/šikārnāmas). Findings indicate that in literary sources, the cheetah is predominantly depicted with attributes such as speed, agility, and ceremonial status within the royal court. Poetic examples from Ferdowsi (“one hundred and sixty cheetah handlers”) and Gorgani (“you think we are the deer and he is the cheetah”) suggest that the cheetah served not only as a hunting companion but also as a symbol of royal authority over nature. Travel accounts, such as Chardin’s, provide tangible details regarding the practice of carrying the cheetah on horseback and removing its blindfold at the moment of the hunt.
The analytical turning point, however, lies in the examination of technical manuals, particularly the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. This monumental work constitutes the most comprehensive historical document concerning the capture, domestication, and training of cheetahs. Nasavi details a seven-stage process: digging pits for live capture, transferring the animal to royal facilities, sleep and food deprivation, training on a “clay donkey,” mounting a horse, entering the hunting ground, and ultimately achieving hunting success.
The principal contribution of this article resides in its systematic correlation of these technical texts with six visual specimens. The Jiroft image (Fig. 12), depicting a human holding a cheetah’s tail, corresponds precisely with the role of the “tail-holder” (domdār) described in the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. The Sanandaj Museum bowl (Fig. 13), showing a cheetah springing onto the back of a clay bull, directly represents the “clay donkey” training stage. The Samanid-era vessel (Fig. 14), portraying a cheetah seated on a horse, aligns perfectly with descriptions found in hunting manuals.
In conclusion, this article demonstrates that a functionalist-biological reading of cheetah imagery—grounded in written evidence from bāznāmas—possesses equal validity and fundamentality to mythic and ideological interpretations, and may, in certain historical contexts, constitute the very foundational basis for these representations.

Conclusion
The history of studies and interpretations of the visual evolution of the cheetah indicates that cheetah motifs from the fourth millennium BCE to the Islamic period developed gradually, moving from a “decorative singular depiction” toward “mythological-ritual narrations” and finally to “political-ideological symbols.” As demonstrated, most of these studies have predominantly considered the mythological-ritual and political-ideological approaches as the main foundations of the cheetah motif’s evolution, and within their interpretive framework, they have frequently referred to the cheetah as a symbol of power, mastery over nature, and political authority. The present study, through an examination of case studies and their correspondence with historical written documents, has shown that the factors underlying the visual representation of the cheetah, in addition to the above interpretive models, are primarily based on functionalist-biological interpretations, in which the predatory animal was utilized by ancient humans for the purpose of fulfilling their subsistence and biological needs, aiding and facilitating the hunting process, and thus constitutes one of the most important factors in the visual representation of the cheetah.
Accordingly, since the simultaneous re-examination of archaeological evidence and technical-historical texts such as the Bazname-ye Nasavi demonstrates that the stages of capture, domestication, and training of the cheetah for hunting are rooted more in subsistence necessities and human survival than in mythological or ideological representational models, the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model is not only equivalent to the two narrative-mythological and ritual-ideological models, but also temporally and causally precedes them. In other words, before humans embodied the cheetah as a manifestation of supernatural power or political legitimacy, they had mastered it as a “hunting assistant” and employed it in their encounter with the natural world. This very mastery and essential coexistence between humans and cheetahs provided the necessary material and behavioral foundation for the formation of subsequent symbolic layers. Therefore, reducing the evolution of cheetah imagery to two interpretive models—mythological and ideological—without considering its biological-subsistence context is a limited and highly reductive reading.