Abstract
The two most prominent types of material cultures in eastern Zagros are Bronze Age black burnished pottery (3rd millennium BC) and grey Iron Age pottery (second and first millennium BC) that were dog out during archaeological expeditions are being investigated and reconstructed. The technique of firing these two types of pottery will be analyzed in the present study. The main objective of this research was to reconstruct the similar conditions and techniques of these two pottery class using experimental archaeological methods and practical reconstruction of traditional kilns. Along this route, the technical similarities and differences are discussed, relying on archaeological data and comparing it with reconstructed samples. In this regard, two samples of each of the Bronze Age and Iron Age potteries were reconstructed and samples were produced and refurbished by traditional kiln that utilize modern laboratory facilities and precise temperature-measuring devices and are heated in the firing process. The results of the try and error tests indicated that baking with chemical reduction and emergence of gray color is the most important common feature of difference of gray pottery with other pottery assemblages. The firing technique and the structure of the kilns are the most important factors in distinguishing the two types of bronze age and iron age pottery assemblages. What is certain is that with the evolution of the furnace structure, the heat generated from about 700 ° C in the gray Yanniq period of the Bronze Age has increased to about 1000 ° C in the Iron Age specimens, resulting in a higher firing quality as well as a complete and complete chemical reduction of the vessels. Practical comparison of the reconstructed samples showed complete conformity of their characteristics with the ancient specimens (Pisa Tepe, Tushmalan Tepe and Ahmadabad Tepe) and also revealed the secret of producing these two species of gray pottery.
Keywords: Eastern Zagros Central Regions, Bronze Age Pottery, Iron Age Gray Pottery, Experimental Archeology, Kiln, Firing and Reduction.

Introduction
In modern archeology, the scientific question is not what we know, but how we know it. This point of view is one of the most important and at the same time the simplest modern archeological approach to past phenomena (Alizadeh, 2004: 91). Therefore, the idea of reconstructing the conditions and the environment in analogy with what was reported in the reports and data was presented. In response to such ambiguities, it can be said that using more modern methods in research such as “experimental archeology” will increase the accuracy of the premises. Early sections of this study have followed up on existing data and library studies of past sources and reports; therefore, in the next section, reconstructing the conditions and environment consistent with the information provided, has been the author’s main goal. In this section, the “kiln making” and the experience of firing the pottery in these kilns were practically achieved, leading to new information on the evolution of the gray pottery production; Proved the assumptions to be true, so that by producing products that were quite similar to ancient data, the key role of the resuscitation process in the firing process and the important role of kiln design and structure in the specific type of firing were demonstrated However, in some sources (Majidzadeh, 1370: 9-7), general references to the reasons for the pottery being grayed out as interfering with elements such as oxygen, iron, and carbon, and in other research, the reduction process was the main reason ( Kambakhshfard, 2010: 296). Finally, it can be added that according to the comparisons and studies of the samples, the firing of the Iron Age gray pottery somehow evolved into conscious firing methods during the first millennium BC. Although in the early Bronze Age achieved to somehow the technique of reduction firing, but only in Iron Age pottery assembladges, the correct pottery reduction firing can be clearly seen.

Discussion 
After the pottery kiln reconstruction operation and the success of the production of the specimens, only by a very simple comparison, the accuracy of the existing probabilities, which were the unknowns of the equation, can be easily ascertained; however, accurate and scientific recordings of the work confirmed these results. Based on these empirical findings for the Bronze Age gray pottery, although previous findings indicate that the potter accessed the firing process may be regenerated, it is due to the amount of carbon accumulated in the samples (carbonization) that is due to its proximity to heavy smoke and firewood. It can be said it was still not possible to control precisely the firing conditions by the potters.
According to existing reports and objective observations of the Bronze Age pottery assemblages, such pottery has much thicker bodies than the gray Iron Age pottery, and empirical indications indicate lower firing temperatures; There are some other features that have been ignored because of their relevance to the subject of this study, that is, firing techniques. As for its firing technique, most of the existing documents refer to the possibility of a ditched type kilns, which is not far-fetched from the evidence.
Reconstruction of the firing conditions of the Bronze Age pottery indicated that the kiln was probably a small-size oven shaped hole that provided a relatively primitive chamber for controlling fire and firing in the vicinity of heavy smoke from firewood and fuel. Reconstructed furnace firing sector were able to provide similar conditions for oven-kilns. In this oven shape kiln, pottery was quite similar to the Bronze Age specimens, especially the Yaniqe or Godin IV pottery, but due to physical limitations and initial quality and reduction facilities, they were never comparable to those found in the Iron Age.
In fact, despite efforts to create optimum conditions, these types of kilns are not capable of achieving a higher quality product such as gray ceramics of the Iron Age, even though due to the excessive energy loss of the maximum heat produced in the oven by about 700 Centigrade did not exceed that production of higher quality pottery in these conditions is almost unlikely.
As the kiln construction techniques expands and evolves, the reconstituted kiln will eventually move closer to the plan of the kilns in the Iron Age, and after a complete overhaul, the result also confirms this claim. In this kiln, reasons such as the separation of the firing chamber, the dominance of proper flame allocation to the vessels, the closure of the pipes and the non-collision of the pipes with the air, made it easier to obtain the appropriate chemical reduction conditions.
In fact, the gray color of the potteries reconstituted with the conditions of the Iron Age kilns are mostly due to the correct reduction and dependence of the carbon chemical interactions and the consumption and replacement of the oxygen present in the composite iron oxide in the ceramic body soil. The technical differences in these two species, which are mainly due to differences in the structure of the kiln structure, are evident in the firing quality of the bodies and the difference in the intensity of carbon accumulation and the color difference between the surface and the body depth.

Conclusion 
After examining the documentation available in the time and location of interested research subject, it can be said that the gray pottery has two major variations, both of which have significant differences in terms of time of occurrence, originating culture, and specific production and reduction techniques. In terms of firing technique characteristics, it can be said that the only similarity between these two cultural products is the presence of a “different gray color” in the body of both types of pottery, which has brought them closer together because of the differences in the characteristics of the other species.
The characteristics of the Early Bronze Age gray pottery that distinguishes it from the Iron Age gray pottery lie in the presence of two main factors, namely the type of kilns and the pottery body features. According to the comparison and examination of samples, firing gray pottery assembladges of the Iron Age somehow evolves conscious firing methods and only in the examples of the Iron Age pottery can a complete and correct chemical reduction of a pottery be clearly seen.
In fact, both of these types of potteries are common in creating an atmosphere of chemical reduction in firing, both of which are interesting in their quality and type of performance, which can be attributed to the progressive evolution of the kiln structure and the facilities and knowledge necessary for its construction and observance for centuries.

Abstract
The rock art heritages all across Iran have a exceptional importance compared to the rock arts of the world. For example, the Bistoon rock art complex is listed on the World Heritage Sites and some others, like Naghsh-e-Rustam, are located in the cultural landscape of World Heritage. The entities of such rock heritages to an evolving environment, have been threatened, especially with the increase in air pollutants. Threats of Environmental Pollutants might have endangered the Integration of these Cultural Landscapes. The presence of these pollutants is due to the presence of large and small pollutant industries, especially petrochemical complexes. For the first step, it is necessary to evaluate different methods of monitoring air pollutants on rock cultural heritage. Various methods of environmental measurements have been used to assess the condition of the rock heritage. These monitoring techniques can be divided into direct and indirect methods. The main research question is about the advantages and disadvantages of each of these two methods for choosing the suitable rock heritage monitoring system. In this article, next to gathering information from objective observations and theoretical studies, the data were obtained through qualitative analysis. In this article, after examining the characteristics of these two methods, the type of direct monitoring required has been identified to identify air pollutants and control the rock heritage. Meanwhile, new conservation experiences in historic sites can reduce concerns about energy infrastructure constraints and reduce the cost of continuous monitoring of rock heritage. Therefore, the results will be applied in addition to having fundamental and theoretical values.
Keywords: Rocky Heritage, Air Pollution, Environmental Monitoring, Naqsh-e Rostam.

Introduction
Monitoring is the periodic measurement of the environment that compared to the data obtained and the predetermined characteristics (Thomson, 1965). In cultural heritage sites, it is necessary to examine the process of environmental change over the short, medium and long terms, in relation to the historical impact and development centers. It also analyzes whether the two issues of conservation and economic development have been compromised (Íñigo et al., 2006). Continuous monitoring can be considered as a criterion for decision-making in the conservation of cultural heritage and provide shared benefits to heritage sites with the goal of improving site management and preventive conservation (Smith, 1991).
Research Objectives and Necessity: The main objective of this paper is to evaluate air pollutant monitoring methods in rock heritage. The gradual expansion of cities and industries has made it unavoidable to change historic and ancient spaces even in the most remoted areas. This has become a challenging debate about the World Heritage Sites and the cultural landscape around the, and more and more important is how to control the side effects of this condition, so environmental measurements are certainly the first step.
Research Questions and Hypothesis: In the present study, while reviewing the advantages and disadvantages of direct and indirect monitoring methods in rock heritage, has been analyzed a more appropriate system for monitoring of such heritages. It seems that in order to select an effective monitoring method, should be evaluated their impact on measuring the quality of changes in the site and to determine its scale and method according to the objective.
Methodology: In this paper, while classifying environmental pollutants, it is emphasized the necessity of choosing an appropriate monitoring approach. Also have been investigated different methods and experiences of measuring and monitoring air pollutants and have been analyzed the advantages and disadvantages of direct and indirect monitoring techniques for selecting the most suitable rocky heritage monitoring system.

Context
Generally, environmental pollutants are divided into several major categories Which include: 
1) Small and Large Industries 2) Large Scale Agriculture and 3) Road Vehicles, that each of these sources produce all kinds of environmental pollutants and can damage the rock structures (Likens Gene E., 2013: 259). Large groups of pollutants are SOx, NOx and COx that have been identified and measured for many years by sensor monitoring (Frassoldati et al., 2005). Monitoring sensor are continuously developing and they are advanced enough to be able to detect the type and concentration of different types of Nitrogen oxides, Sulfur and Carbon oxides both in situ (without the need for a laboratory) and at time (not after time) (Yu et al., 2015: 250 ؛Zhang Y. et al., 2018: 224). In this respect, techniques SPME (Solid Phase Microextraction), DLLME (Dispersive Liquid-Liquid Microextraction) and etc., have been very effective in extracting environmental pollutants (Tang et al., 2011; Farré et al, 2010). There are two main options for monitoring: direct monitoring (active or passive methods) or indirect monitoring (structurally or using extraction methods). Direct monitoring measures and records the amount of air pollutants at specific time periods. In contrast, passive monitoring measures the effect of air pollutants on monuments indirectly at specified times, which are usually longer.

Conclusion
Choosing an effective strategy for rock heritage management with the objective of preventive conservation against air pollutants, it needs to understand the structure of the object, the environment around it and the relationship between the two. In addition to scientific studies, this  is partly dependent on the value and significance of the object from a social and cultural point of view. The advantages and disadvantages of using direct and indirect monitoring methods for selecting the appropriate rock heritage monitoring system and its measurable variables are presented and summarized in Table 1. Therefore, it would be far more useful to have a direct monitoring system for rocky heritage and it is a strategy for treatment and preventive conservation. It should be noted that any strategy definition does not necessarily mean conservation of the objects and it is necessary to continue the environmental monitoring after adopting preventive conservation, in order to determine the effectiveness of the methods and, if necessary, to revise and correct the methods.

Abstract
Mahabad or formerly Savojbolagh Mukri is one of the most important cities in northwestern Iran in the southern basin of Lake Urmia It was founded by Budaq Sultan, one of the Mukri rulers, during the reign of Shah Suleiman the Safavid and for four centuries was the center of Mukrian province. In the past decades, several copper coins have been found in the city of Mahabad by the local people, which according to the inscription have been minted in this city. In the present article, an attempt is made to investigate the reasons and grounds for minting coins in this city and to show their belonging to the Savojbolagh Mint. It is assumed that the location of Savojbolagh in the communication route between Baghdad and Tabriz has led to the development of the market and its commercial centers and has necessitated the establishment of a multiplication center there. Also, the discovery and identification of copper coins in the city of Mahabad and the surrounding areas indicate that they were minted at the Dar al-Zarb in Savojbolagh. Leading research has been completed by library and field methods and by descriptive and analytical methods. The result of this research confirms that in comparing the multiplied shapes on these coins and other samples, they can be attributed to the reign of the Mukri rulers until the middle of the Qajar period and the reign of Sheikh Ali Khan, Budaq Khan, and Abdullah Khan. The existence of a mint in this city also indicates its political, military, and economic importance in the past centuries. 
Keywords: Fells, Dar Al-Zarb Savojbolagh Mukri, Mukriyan. Mahabad.

Introduction
In the city of Mahabad in the past decades, copper coins with various animal motifs with the phrase “multiplication in Savojbolagh” along with “history of coinage” have been obtained (Ramidinia, 2005: 56-59; 1394: 54). These coins were first minted by the ruler in Savojbolagh and their minting continued until the time of another ruler for various unclear reasons, including the limited date of minting, the absence of the name on the coins, their distribution in the hands of the people, and private museums, inside and even outside Iran. One of the most obvious examples of Qajar rule is the granting of more powers to the rulers and provinces of different parts of the country to mint copper coins. During this period, in most provinces of Iran, copper coins were minted by local authorities and used only for a specific area. The design of this type of coin was a combination of text with many types of sculptural and ornamental designs whose text indicated the place of their minting while the design of gold and silver coins were inscriptions, and their coinage was under the authority of the central government (Soucek, 2001: 51-87). One of these provinces is Mokrian province in northwestern Iran and the southern basin of Lake Urmia with the center of Daryas, which was initially and later Savojbolagh and the Ottomans played an important role in it (Salimi, 1396: 331). In the city of Savojbolagh, a number of copper coins were found by the locals, which, according to the inscription, were minted in the same city. The necessity of conducting this research is because so far no coherent and comprehensive study has been done concerning the multiplicative flows of Savojbolagh Mukri, and their study can provide a broader understanding of the political and economic position of Savojbolagh Mukri in recent centuries of the Islamic era.

Text
Copper coinage has been going on since the Safavids until Nasser al-Din Shah. In the Safavid era, 40 copper coins were equivalent to one silver abbey. These coins were minted locally by the governors of the states, and outside the central government authority, they were less valuable, and to prevent abuse by the rulers, the minted copper coins did not bear the name of the rulers. These coins were collected every year by the order of the ruler or the tax agents of the government and re-minted in the new year so that the old coins were no longer worth their place (Olearius, 2006: 245; Severi et al., 2011: 171-172; Philosophy, 1353: 259-260). In the present study, 17 samples of Savojblag coinage were studied, documented, 5 of which were directly observed by the authors, and 10 others, some of which were kept in Mahabad and other places. They were published previously in the book of Mahabad Civilization (Pedram, 1994) and Mahabad Journal (Ramydnia, 2005; Ramydnia, 2015) with their images and their features. Also, through a Qajar-era Jewish cemetery, the writers discovered and identified a copper object, most likely a phallus. Generally, these coins are copper and circularly irregular and do not conform to the size of the governorate. Savojbolagh scales are also likely to have been repeatedly struck multiple times because of the effects of tearing and role-playing on one another. Mahabad coins are created on both sides of the role. On the main side of the coin is the phrase “Beat it Savojbalagh” and a few “Beat it Date” with Nastaliq writing style, and behind them are drawn various motifs including the role of the sun, the plant, the fish, the cattle, the lion and the sun, the lion, the peacock, the bluebirds, and the eagle.

Conclusion
Because of the scattered scales, the multiplication date, as well as their corrosion on the coins, cannot be accurately deduced. But as it has been noted, it is likely that in the late Safavid and early Afshariyah periods up to the middle Qajar rulers of Mukrian province, including Sheikh Ali khan, Budaq Khan, and Abdullah Khan, attempted to beat Foles in Savojbalagh. Among the coins studied, the minting dates of 1156, 1224, 1240, and 1242 Ah. can be seen. In the year 1138 to 1160. Ah. Alinaghi Khan Mukri (Sheikh Ali khan) ruled in Savojbalagh Mukri during the reign of Sultan Ahmad Safavi (1138-1141 AH) and Nader Shah Afshar (1160-1160 AH). Coinage dates 1224, 1240, and 1242. Ah. of these coins show the coinage of them during the Qajar era and the reign of Fathali Shah (1212-1250 AH) over Iran and the reign of Budag Khan over Savojbolagh. Plus written sources on 1233. Ah. at the same time, this refers to the existence of local money in the Mukrian region in the Fathali Shah era and the great power of the Budaq Khan. The city reached its peak in the middle of the Qajar period, with a dynamic market with numerous inns across the city, located on the Silk Road (Khorasan Road) as a bridge between Baghdad-Tabriz and the presence of various strata, including Jews, Jacobites, Armenians, Assyrians, and Chaldeans provided economic prosperity for the city’s inhabitants and eventually became the most prominent commercial center of northwestern Iran with its inland, Caucasian, Anatolian, northern Iraqi, Syrian and even European countries.

Abstract
The historical site of Qalat Mutabad in Piranshahr is of paramount importance in numerous historical and cultural documents such as potteries and brick architectural remains, especially in terms of architectural maps and plans. The existence of a star-shaped plan in the design of the site’s outer fence illustrates the importance and pivotal role of this area in the Piranshahr plain. The site is located beside one of the branches of the Little Zab (or Lower Zab) River, which has been gradually destroyed due to the passage of time and the land-use change, “use as a military base in the contemporary period,” and currently the evidence of the architectural debris of the building at the site is evident. Examples of star-shaped plan design in different parts of Iran, as well as European fortresses, can be observed, and it is comparable to the plan of Qalat Mutabad in this respect. The main problem of this article is to evaluate the site relying on the available documents and evidence so that we study the importance of military forts in the Piranshahr plain while achieving a relative dating of the site. Accordingly, some questions about the architectural structure, especially its plan and the military and residential function of the site arise. According to written historical sources, the study of similar examples, as well as material artifacts at the site level, hypotheses concerning the attribution of the site to the period after Safavid, “Afshar or Qajar,” military function inspired by Western architectural elements, are presented. This study was conducted in a historical, descriptive-analytical method. In addition to studying historical sources and field documentation by the authors at the site, aerial images and data gained from these images were exploited. 
Keywords: Qalat Mut-Abad, Form and Function Based, Star-Shaped Plan, Piranshahr.

Introduction
Qalat Mutabad site with an area of 20 hectares is located in Piranshahr city, 15 kilometers away from Tamrchin border crossing in south of Little Zab River. The plan of the site is star-shaped, overlooking the border crossings. In terms of architectural plan and location, Qalat Mutabad is noticeable and worthy of study.
Significance and Objectives of the Research: Concerning the destruction of the site and the ever-rising expansion of degradation factors, while introducing and recognizing Qalat Mutabad due to the lack of historical and archaeological data of the Islamic periods in Piranshahr, this study can contribute to the completeness of the information.
Questions and Objectives of the Research: Qalat Mutabad belongs to which period? What are the factors affecting the construction and star-shaped design of the site? It seems that this site belongs to the late centuries of Islam. Due to its geographical location and exposure to natural and political boundaries, Qalat Mutabad was built as a fortress and military base to repel the attacks of the Ottoman state or local insurgency.
Methods: The research method in this article is historical, and content analysis is descriptive-analytical. Aerial images explore written historical evidence and archaeological findings.
Literature Review: The historical site of Qalat Mutabad was pointed out in the photo book of Ali Khan Vali (Ali khan vali, 1862-1900: 183). In archaeological investigations, the Qalat Mutabad site with a history of 2500 BC, registration No. 611, was recorded in 1966 (West Azarbaijan Cultural Heritage Archives: 2019). The survey carried out in 2002 reviewed the site of Qalat Mutabad, and the area with historical-Islamic antiquity was registered as the hill of Qala-e-Mut with registration No. 7526 (West Azarbaijan Cultural Heritage Archives: 2019). In the study of Ali Binandeh for the master’s thesis “Archaeological Study of the Little Zab River,” he attributes this site to the Bronze Age, historical and Islamic period (Binandeh, 2008: 73).

Qalat Mutabad
Qalat Mutabad faces multiple problems, including the use of the site as a military base until recent years, industrial workshops in the area and boundary of the site, destruction by agricultural land, construction of garden houses, and the activities of unauthorized diggers. Problems have caused the site to lose its architectural structure and identity. For a detailed study, by utilizing satellite images of the Corona satellite taken in 1969, the site and its architectural structure are initially studied. Using the pictures of Ali Khan Vali’s book, a more accurate study of the site and its architectural evidence will be then addressed.
Below is the recorded photo, taken by Ali Khan Vali in the Qajar period, in which the word Qala-e-Mutabad was exploited. In addition to demonstrating that the site is a fortress, this historical document proves that the name of Mutabad has not been newly known in this area and has historical and old roots (Ali Khan Vali, Ibid: 183). The term Qalat in the Kurdish language means fortress, and it seems that Mutabad has come from the two words Mut + Abad. According to the evidence, before Iran’s Islamic revolution in 1978, there was a village called Motabad, which was evacuated after using the site as a military base in 1978 (Binandeh, Ibid: 73).
In Corona satellite images, the site has two parts of the outer fence with a star-shaped plan and the area’s inner part as a hill with a natural bed. There is a hill with a natural bed in the interior of the site. In unauthorized excavation cuts performed in the site, the thickness of ancient layers up to 2 meters is visible. Based on the Corona satellite images, an almost square-shaped area with suspicious architectural features can be seen at the top of the site.

Conclusion
Due to enjoying environmental potentials and also being located in the border strip of Iran with Mesopotamia, the Piranshahr region has always been a buffer zone due to successive wars from the Safavid period onwards with the formation of Safavid and Ottoman rules. With the coming to power of the Safavids and due to various gaps, local powers such as the Bilbas Tribal Union, the local governments of Savojbolagh Mokri and Urmia in Iran, as well as the local government of Baban in the Ottoman-ruled areas of Sulaimaniyah in Iraq, have turned the Piranshahr area into a scene of regional battles for various political, religious, and ethnic reasons. Historical documents and texts provide concise and beneficial information about the political and military situation in the Piranshahr area. Regional conflicts and wars mainly exhibit the military importance of the region and efforts to rule in it. About the existence of pottery findings and architectural works in the site of Qalat Mutabad and the lack of accurate dating of these findings because of their simplicity and locality, achieving a final decision based on the findings of pottery is impossible. Due to the existence of Corona satellite images and the intactness of the star-shaped plan of the Qalat Mutabad site and the presence of a photo of the site from the Qajar period and naming the site as the fortress, as well as the soundness of parts of the wall, towers, and architectural works in the photo, we can argue that not much time has elapsed since the destruction of the fortress. Accordingly, with comparative studies, the state of the landscape of the site and also the existence of similar examples of military fortresses with regular and star-shaped plans in the post-Safavid period “Afsharieh or Qajarieh” which are made inspired by European elements, the site of Qalat Mutabad can be attributed to Afsharieh or Qajar era.

Abstract
Northwestern Iran and the South Caucasus have relatively favorable environmental conditions for the formation of ancient settlements. These include the Urmia Lake basin and the Aras shores in northwestern Iran, and the Kura River, the Mil-Moghan (mountainous areas) in the South Caucasus region. The archaeological evidences and recent researches in two geographical areas illustrate the cultural shares and similarities of the period. The main purpose of this article is to introduce the areas and pottery traditions and to identify the sequence of chronology in the areas of study. The following questions will be raised in order to achieve cultural interactions in the geographical area studied in the Chalcolithic Period: How is the condition of chronology sequence in the two cultural domains? The main hypothesis in this regard is the existence of approximately the same chronology (the beginning and the end of the Chalcolithicperiod) in the two geographical locations. How do the layers of settlement and the sequences of residence from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic Periodin ancient sites indicate the theme of cultural continuity and transition? The present article is written by descriptive-analytical method. As a final result, it can be pointed to the similarities and differences of the archaeological data, including thepottery features, architectural structures, burials, etc. By studying the areas such as Dalma Tepe, Jolfa’s Kul Tepe, Khoy’s Davagöz, etc. in northwest of Iran and Leila Tepe, Galayeri, Puylu Tepe, Boyuk Kəsik, Soyuq Bulagh, Brikil Dibi, Kawtskhevy, Tekhvot have been obtained in the South Caucasus region and chronologically covers the millennium from 5000 BC to 3700/3600 BC. 
Keywords: Chalcolithic, Northwestern Iran, South Caucasus, Cultural Interactions, Chronology.

Introduction
The northwest of Iran and the Caucasus have long been a prominent site for archaeological studies due to their proximity to important cultural sites such as Anatolia, Zagros, Mesopotamia and Central Asia. Most of the ancient sites both in the Caucasus region and in the northwestern Iran, which were inhabited by the Chalcolithic period, were also inhabited during the Neolithic period, suggesting that the human and animal habitat conditions and the environmental conditions are favorable. The following questions will be raised in order to achieve the cultural interactions in the geographical area under study in the Chalcolithic Period: 1. What is the status of the chronologysequence in the two cultural areas? The main hypothesis in this regard is the existence of a same chronology (beginning and end of the Chalcolithic Period) at two geographical points. 2. How do the layers of settlement and settlement sequences from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic Periodsindicate ancient sites, cultural status, and the cultural continuity and transition themes? Most of the ancient sites both in the Caucasus region and in the northwestern Iran, which were inhabited by the Copper-Stone period, were also inhabited during the Neolithic period, indicating the existence of afavorablehabitat and environmental conditions for both human and animal. Although there are also single-period enclosures among them.

Discussion
In recent years, one of the most significant issues in introducing and studying the Chalcolithic culture of northwestern Iran havebeen the ambiguity and darkness in the timing chronology of the Chalcolithic Period of this region. Because, this period was introduced after the late Neolithic period, was identified in areas such as Haji Firouz, Hassanlu, Yaniq Tepe, etc., with a break of almost a thousand years. Dr Abedi’s recent years’ excavations atJolfa’s Kul Tepe and Khoy’sDəvə Göz have eliminated the gap in the timing of the Chalcolithic Period of northwestern Iran (Azarbaijan). The archaeological studies are divided in twostages; and its early stage dates back to the 19th century and is known as the Eneolit cultural period. The archaeologists in the North Caucasus geographical area of have identified two culturaltypes of Kura-Arax and Maikop in the Chalcolithic Period, hence, the two Kura and Araxrivers in the Caucasus Basin are named as the Mesopotamia of Caucasus.
One of the most important cultural data of the Chalcolithic Period is the rectangular architectural structures which are made of white raw clay. Inside the structure, large crumbs, food storage wells and numerous stoves, along with the data such as mortar, and grindstone, and burned remnants of grains such as barley, wheat and lentils have been obtained. The burial variety ofthe Chalcolithic Period is more diverse than the Neolithic period. The most repeated type of burial in the Chalcolithic Period is the pits burial, but more recently therehave also been found two other burial types such as burial in earthenware, and kurganburial.

Conclusion
One of the most important issues of Chalcolithic culture in the South Caucasus is anunbroken continuation of the Chalcolithic Period after the Neolithic period. This continuation can be seen in Mentesh Tepe, Aratashen, Khatun Ark- Aknashen, and theChalcolithic Period begins unbroken after the Neolithic periodin these areas. But after the Neolithic period, the Old Bronze Age beginsinNakhchivan’s Kul Tepe. Scientists consider the climate change as the main cause of cultural disruption. In the southern Caucasus, the earlyChalcolithic phasehas been dated from 4800/5000 to 4600 BC, and themiddle andthe lateChalcolithic phases from 4600 to 3200 BC, and some new areas, such as Nakhchivan Tepe, Uchan Aghil, Uzun Oba, is derived from the earlyChalcolithic Period that are closely related to Dalma culture.

Abstract
Despite the importance, position and high role of the city of Hamadan in the political, economic, social and cultural developments of Iran during the Qajar era, targeted studies that determine the spatial organization and social structure of this city during that period have not been carried out, and there are many questions regarding the nature of the changes in the context. Its history remains unanswered. The current research seeks to answer questions about the transformation and development of the spatial structure of Hamedan city during the Qajar era by relying on written sources, architectural works and archaeological evidence. In order to achieve this goal, while using all the written sources related to this city in the mentioned period, the changes of the urban context and the structural characteristics of its spaces were determined and the factors affecting the growth and development of the city were determined during this period. The result of the research made it clear that due to its ancient background, special geographical location, benefiting from suitable environmental capabilities such as abundant water resources, and also due to its location on the path of important trade-pilgrimage routes in the Qajar period, Hamedan was one of the cities with social and economic importance and status. It has gained merit and accommodates a relatively large population and has attracted the attention of various social groups, especially merchants. Thus, suitable conditions have been created for the construction and discovery of numerous architectural works and monuments with different functions (defense facilities, residential neighborhoods, squares and plazas, markets and caravanserais, mosques, schools, baths, churches, etc.) and the urban space, especially in aspects The south and southeast have developed and expanded significantly.
Keywords: Iranian Cities, Qajar Era Cities, Historical Context of Hamadan, Spatial Structure, Written Sources.

Introduction
Cities are one of the main centers of the emergence of civilization and valuable cultural treasures, without knowing them, it is not possible to study the history of various developments in human life. For this purpose, the study of the cities left from the past plays a significant role in understanding the political, administrative, social, economic and cultural structure of the societies that created them (Krimian, 2014: 121-111) and can provide clear horizons in recognizing the physical, social and cultural structures And reopen the past civilizations to researchers (Krimian and Seyedin, 2009: 69). The study of the ancient living spaces of Iran and the historical contexts of the cities is a necessity that has allocated a part of the scientific activities of archaeologists. Although the historical fabric of Hamedan has suffered a lot of damage due to various reasons, including indiscriminate and irregular constructions, but a number of its historical and valuable buildings have survived the ravages of various times and manipulations. Recovered and recognized to a great extent. Hamadan is one of the few historical and ancient cities in the country that has survived historical developments with strength and has preserved its historical context to some extent. Undoubtedly, Hamedan’s location on the path of communication routes in different eras, as well as its special geographical location and the benefit of environmental capabilities are the main reasons for the continuity of this city throughout history. Fortunately, valuable elements of the architecture of the Qajar era have survived in this city, and by studying them, it is possible to analyze and restore the spatial structure of Hamadan city to a great extent.
The purpose of the Research: The main purpose of the research, the results of which are presented in this article, is to find out how the physical structure and spatial organization of Hamadan was created, developed and transformed by relying on architectural works, archaeological evidence, written sources and visual documents left from the Qajar period.
Research Questions: In this study, we have attempted to answer questions about space structure, different types of architectural works, scope and physical realm, as well as the extent to which different social groups have been influenced by the space organization and architectural works of Hamadan in the Qajar era.
Research Method: The study presented in this article is historical -analytical in nature and content, and has been conducted in both field and library methods.
The original text of the previous article consists of several different sections. In the discussion of the research background, the most important studies on the historical context of Hamadan have been emphasized with the emphasis on the Qajar era. In the context of the structural characteristics of the Iranian cities in the Qajar era, the main characteristics and components of the identity of Iranian cities in the Qajar period as well as how the structural characteristics of Iranian cities from the Safavid era to Qajar has been discussed. The next section of the article is analyzed and explained by the Qajar Space Organization in the Qajar era based on written sources. Travelogues and historical texts from the Qajar era have formed the most important study sources in this section. In the other section, the urban spaces of Hamadan during the Qajar period are discussed. In this section, relying on written sources and existing architectural evidence, some of the most important physical and historical spaces recovered by the Qajar era of Hamadan, including defense facilities, residential neighborhoods, inter -and -outskirts, squares and squares, commercial spaces and markets And the disposal of sewage, mosques, baths, churches, and so on. It was also known that marketers and traders were more involved in the phenomenon of the city’s architectural works in the Qajar era than other social groups.

Conclusion
In the present article, it was attempted to find out what the space structure of Hamadan had in the Qajar period by relying on the written sources and existing architectural works. With what was done, it turned out that the city was forming from three internal (city center), middle (urban areas and neighborhoods) and exterior (fence and suburbs). Hamadan Space Agency is also influenced by the pattern of Islamic cities of Iran, has a citadel (government, bureaucratic and administrative headquarters), Jame Mosque (Religious Center) and Market (Economic Heart) and other urban elements (schools, blessed shrines, intra city caravans, baths And ...) Somehow they were related to these three. Relying on written documents, it can be said that areas outside the city’s defense walls were exploited for agriculture and horticulture. During the Qajar period of Hamedan, with the center of the mosque and the bazaar in the south and southeast direction, it expanded and some new neighborhoods, along with urban elements such as mosques, baths, etc., are being constructed in this area. Most of the reasons for the expansion of the city’s texture in this area can be considered as the proper slope of the land and the lack of natural effects that could have been a barrier to construction. Due to the flow of the four rivers inside and outside the city during the Qajar period and their annual floods that occur as a result of heavy and long -term rainfall, as well as the slope of the city in the south -north, as a result of the flooding of the northern parts, as well as the natural complication. The so -called Mosalla hill in the eastern part, which prevented the development of the city’s physical structure, was the best way to develop it, southern and southeast side, along the rivers in the inner -city rivers of al -Wawsger and Davin. According to written and illustrated documents as well as existing architectural works and archaeological evidence, it can be said that the city of Hamedan in the Qajar period from the north to the Goulan Heights, Nazarbaig and Shalabafan, from the east to the neighborhoods of Imamzadeh Yahya and Zandis, from the West to the Bonehbazar and Sabadbafan neighborhoods were confined to the Kolapa, Doroudabad and Doguran neighborhoods from the south. Also, the result of studies on the role and influence of different social groups and classes in the formation of Qajar architectural works of Hamadan indicated that the traders and marketers of the marketers top the list of builders and sponsors of various buildings (religious, commercial, residential and public).

Abstract
While the Qajar era was in a recent past, little independent research has been done concerning the architecture and urban engineering of the first half of this era (1795 – 1847). The main reason behind such negligence might be that this period of Iranian architecture occurs between the golden age of architecture in Safavid Iran and the modern period in which Western architectural models infiltrated Iranian architecture and urban construction. In the present research, the aim is to identify the process of constructing architectural works and urban renovation in the first half of the Qajar period by drawing on historical evidence, written sources, and on top of that, archeological evidence. To do so, it is necessary to identify the factors that contributed to strategic policies of Qajar rulers vis-à-vis urban developments and renovations. Given that details of many civil constructions of the Qajar period are not available, this paper rests upon the assumption that archeological studies might be effectively drawn on to know the national strategy of these rulers in the development of cities. The research finds that factors, such as giving legitimacy to the Qajar government, attracting and seeking support of clergy and religious scholars, as well as attempts to achieve economic and civil development of the country for purposes of promoting the political power, played major parts in civil constructions by the Qajar dynasty. Other factors include military and defense policies, the question of succession and rivalries among senior Qajar princes, archaism of Qajar rulers, and their religious beliefs.
Keywords: Iran, Qajar Period, Srchitecture, Urban Construction, Civil Strategies.

Introduction
Urban construction and architecture of the first period of the Qajar era (1795 – 1847) is less studied as compared to other post-Islamic periods of Iranian architecture. Indeed, many researchers have rested content with Safavid and Zand periods. On the other hand, since the second period of the Qajar era marked watershed events such as advent of modernism in Iranian architecture, particularly during the reign of Naser al-Din Shah, a great number of studies have been devoted to developments of Iranian architecture in this period. This has resulted in a disproportion in studies of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction. Another significant point in a study of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction is its dependent, imitative character, as stressed by the majority of researchers. In their view, Safavid-era School of Isfahan left such a great impact on Iranian architecture and urban construction that no new element was contributed to that style, and the main tenets of the School of Isfahan were preserved throughout the Qajar period. This assessment is, however, based on the fact that there is no complete inventory of religious, governmental, and non-governmental buildings of the Qajar period and their architectural features, and indeed, all architectural works of the period have not yet been independently studied. As a matter of fact, one might say that the glory of Safavid architecture overshadowed the Qajar architecture in ways that many features of the latter have been overlooked. Regardless of the extent to which Qajar-era art and architecture was affected by Safavid art and architecture, because of the short temporal distance between the two periods, there is an assumption of full-fledged awareness of art and architecture in this period. In other words, since the Qajar period is close to our period, features and characteristics of its art, architecture, and urban construction tend to be overlooked in ways that other historical periods of Iranian architecture do not.
The research, the results of which are reported here, sought to fill the above gap through a study of elements of civil constructions of Qajar rulers in the first half of their reign (1795 – 1847) by drawing on a historical-analytic method. To do so, a picture of characteristics and quantities of civil constructions in this period is provided with a focus on archeological data and Qajar-era historical texts. Finally, all collected data are used in the analysis and assessment of the research hypothesis. The main question of this research pertains to the quantity and quality as well as the domain of civil enterprises of the first half of the Qajar period: Overall, could we talk about a coherent governmental strategy or project in executing civil policies of the period? It is assumed that, with the aid of archeological studies and architectural evidence, the national strategy of the rulers of this period concerning the development of cities and their civil constructions can effectively be studied and its characteristics can be accounted for. Moreover, while it goes beyond the scope of this paper to give an inventory of all architectural works and enterprises associated with the development of Iranian cities in the period, we have tried to consider the activities of rulers in the first half of the Qajar period in Dār al-Khilāfa (Caliphal Center) of Tehran and other major centers of Iranian provinces of the time. In this way, an outline of the comprehensive governmental plan can be provided and its features can be delineated. That is, we focus on enterprises that seem to have been carried out in harmonious, inclusive, and comprehensive ways as an all-embracing governmental plan in the majority of cities and centers of provinces.

Conclusion
In reply to the main question of this research concerning the factors relevant to the national strategy of Qajar rulers in urban renovations and developments of civil constructions from 1795 to 1847, three such factors might be highlighted: attempts to give legitimacy to and establish the Qajar government, winning the support of the clergy and religious scholars, and economic and civil development of the country in line with the promotion of the political power. Furthermore, during the reign of Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar, and given the political circumstances and military struggles of his period, as well as the need for the establishment of the sovereignty of the Qajar government, buildings began to be built with defense and military functions, including Agha Mohammad Khani Castle in Bagh-e Takht in Shiraz (Eslami 1350, 68) and construction of fortifications in Sari (Malkonov 1363, 151). In addition, upon his enthronement, Agha Mohammad Khan commanded the restoration of paintings in Chehel Sotoun pavilion, including the paintings of the Battle of Chaldiran and the Battle of Karnal, which suggests his special concern for the establishment of national sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Iran. A consideration of sources and architectural works constructed in the first half of the Qajar period reveals that the majority of civil constructions was done in big cities such as Tehran, Isfahan, Qom, Tabriz, Qazvin, Shiraz, and Kashan, as well as smaller capital cities of provinces, such as Kerman, Sanandaj, and Yazd. Nevertheless, because of unfortunate economic circumstances, lack of liquidities, and huge expenses of constant battles with the neighboring countries, most of buildings in smaller cities were built by people, businessmen, and clergies, without much interventions by the government in their development and civil construction. Notwithstanding this, there seems to have been a vast governmental enterprise, like that of the Safavid era, in the first half of the Qajar period, although the general construction of Iranian cities did not undergo a dramatic change in that period, and just like its preceding period, cities were developed around mosques and bazaars. Although the project fell short of the Safavid project in its principles of architecture and artistic character, it still resembled the Safavid enterprise in its vastness and distribution. Moreover, it had its own artistic qualities and peculiarities, which make for its distinction from other periods. In fact, the buildings of this period have a particularly Qajar mark on them. On this account, while Qajar-era architecture and urban construction should be deemed continuous with Safavid architectural developments and urban construction, and in general, with the Safavid-era Isfahan School, it does involve modifications and novelties in virtue of which it might be distinguished from Safavid architecture. In view of the relative political stability of Iran in this period, after decades of wars and conflicts, many architectural works and public buildings were repaired and restored. It would not be an overstatement if we called this a period of building restorations. Aside from numerous cases of restoration of religious buildings, many public buildings such as caravanserais, bathhouses, cisterns (ab anbars), and bazaars were restored and renovated in this period. Constructions of all sorts of mosques and schools in this period, which came to be called “Sultani” (monarchial or affiliated with the sultanate) schools or mosques, are somewhat reminiscent of civil constructions of the Seljuk period, in which Khwāja Niẓām al-Mulk built Niẓāmiyya schools, only that instead of reinforcing the Shāfiʿī branch of Sunni Islam, this time the Uṣūlī branch of Shiite jurisprudence was intended to be reinforced through these mosques and schools. Uṣūlī (as opposed to Akhbārī) scholars were honored and treasured by Qajar rulers. A case in point is the construction of mausoleums for this group of Shiite scholars. The close tie between the monarchial court and religious groups was more evident in religiously sanctified cities such as Qom and Shiraz, where elaborate civil constructions were carried out for purposes of attracting the support of religious scholars. As a result of trying to imitate the structure of the Caliphal Center (i.e. Tehran) and the attempts by those affiliated with the Qajar court in smaller provincial capitals, a general pattern of some sort was visible throughout the country. All this made for a pattern that can be characterized as an architectural and urban-planning school of the first half of the Qajar period.

Acknowledgment
The authors feel obliged to express their gratitude to the anonymous reviewers of the journal who graciously accepted the task and enriched the content of the article with their constructive suggestions.

Observation Contribution
The authors declare that, considering the article is extracted from a doctoral dissertation, the manuscript was written by the first author under the guidance and supervision of the second author and the consultation of the third author.

Conflict of Interest
The authors, while adhering to publication ethics, declare the absence of any conflicts of interest.

Abstract
Throughout history, historical architectural works have been maintained, changed in use, expanded spatially, and had architectural elements added. These interventions and additions contribute to the dynamic nature of a structure. However, dealing with these additions, whether through familiarization, complementary conservation, or occupation of the constituent elements, can be a complex process. Proper actions in conservation, stabilization or destruction require an understanding of the reasons behind the existence of each layer, which could provide the basis for essential actions. This research aims to examine the formation of historical layers over time. It seeks to address questions such as the role of historical layers in conservation decisions and the process of a building’s evolution. This study is classified as applied and developmental research, utilizing a combination of strategies and research methods. It will be a qualitative research study based on a case study approach, utilizing archival documents, fieldwork, and library resources, and documentary data collection. The study will place a particular emphasis on conducting field observations. The Pir Bakran building has been chosen as an important architectural feature to illustrate the path towards understanding buildings with multiple historical layers. It heavily relies on the research method based on case samples and data analysis. Ultimately, this research emphasizes the importance of a comprehensive understanding of historical structures and their different aspects throughout the conservation process. This includes accurate knowledge of the work’s existence, nature, and the recognition of all historical layers and the reasons behind their creation as the work has developed and evolved over time. Such understanding forms the foundation for effective and proper conservation.
Keywords: Architectural Extensions, Historical Layers, Evidence- Based Restoration, Pir Bakran Mansion.

Introduction
The 11th article of the Venice charter suggests that the valid contributions of all periods to the building of a monument must be respected, since unity of style is not the aim of a restoration. When a building includes the superimposed work of different periods, the revealing of the underlying state can only be justified in exceptional circumstances and when what is removed is of little interest and the material which is brought to light is of great historical, archaeological or aesthetic value, and its state of preservation good enough to justify the action. Evaluation of the importance of the elements involved and the decision as to what may be destroyed cannot rest solely on the individual in charge of the work. So, it would appear that the exceptions allow for intervention in the structure and the removal of layers, especially extensions. But there is a question: what feature of that particular layer enables intervention?
However, many theorists argue that the presence of historical layers within a structure affects its authenticity, particularly in light of the fact that material integrity is taken into account when determining the historical accuracy of a work The Nara document (1994) of course, this issue is related to various perceptions and the gradual emergence of the notion of authenticity. The Nara document (ICOMOS, 1994) brought up a never-before-discussed issue: the varying perspectives on authenticity across different cultures. Effective conservation calls for the accurate reading of historical layers in valuable buildings and an understanding of the factors that led to the formation of additional layers in various eras. The research’s central premise is that historical layers are intentionally created over time.  
The hypothesis of this research is “creation of historical layers over time is purposeful”. The research questions include: What role do historical layers play in historical decision-making? How does the process of building evolution occur? What are the reasons for the formation of historical layers in a building? Will be. The historical monument of Pir Bakran was the subject of a case study that was looked into in order to comprehensively and deeply clarify the topic, content and understanding of the phenomenon within the context. Due to this monument’s historical feature, varied uses throughout its history, and multiple significant historical layers with various causes for formation, it has received discussion that hasn’t been done before. It will be a qualitative research based on a case study approach, utilizing archive documents, fieldwork, and library and documentary data collection, with a particular emphasis on field observations. The so-called process that should be followed in order to understand the building with different historical layers is indicated by an examination of the case study’s outputs.

Identified Traces
Over time, conservation theories from the 20th century have revealed the various facets of authenticity. These studies have demonstrated that throughout its history, authenticity has been a variable and relative concept. Theoretically, the approach to the idea of authenticity in charters and documents has significant implications for conservation and interventions, particularly when choices are made regarding the conservation or removal of historical layers. It has been looked over and read again to come to a conclusion about the historical layers. The emphasis was laid on the necessity to respect and maintain the authenticity of historic monuments as well as to safeguard them an appropriate use “no less as works of art then as historical evidence”. These aspects, in fact. From the essence of the theories of conservation, the questions around which debates had been going on for more than a century, and where opinions had often been divided (Jokilehto, 2005: 422).
Because the building’s historical eras reveal the history of the monument and provide tangible and intangible proof of the decisions made during its lifespan, entire portions of the evidence should be preserved. Conservation of historical evidence is crucial because loss shouldn’t happen as a result of preservation since a monument’s history can be viewed as a component of its value. The responsibility for safeguarding the historical layer, which implies the building’s life, survival, and durability, rests with the decision-makers. Buildings’ historical layers all work together to create a cohesive whole and give it consistency. In fact, every layer is a historical record of its time and shouldn’t be altered, moved, or removed during the intervention. The originality of a building’s overall design is also reflected in the originality of the building’s component parts or historical layers.

Conclusion 
Based on the research, which included details and changes identified in the Pir Bakran tomb’s architectural elements of and specific categories, determining the exact date of extension and added decorations with using inscriptions, old photographs, archaeological findings and architectural evidence, it determines that the Pir Bakran tomb has different and numerous historical periods, which makes it particularly complicated. This building’s construction began with a small adobe room, which was later joined by a lofty three-story structure, and due to political, religious and geological developments, decorative and structural elements with different periods are added to it. Some of the extensions were created while completing the Pir Bakran tomb and related to the construction period of the building. The expansion and additional elements of these periods, such as the additional belt, the southeast entrance, etc. shows the structural and decorative evolution of the building. In fact, a historical monument is the result of the combination of various historical layers that have formed over time and blended together. These layers have experienced ups and downs and, at times, have become intertwined, ultimately reaching us in their present state. Therefore, the removal and cleaning of these extensions would be against preservation principles. It has actually been necessary to conserve some of the Pir Bakran building’s historical layers, so it would seem necessary to maintain the structure’s integrity.

Abstract
Dehdasht is one of the most significant historical cities in the southwest of Iran, which in its flourishing period was considered the center of a region that was important from the Sassanid period and after that with the names of Beladshapur and Kohgiluyeh had. This city is one of the historical cities of Iran, which despite many historical developments, it can still be considered the healthiest historical city with stone architecture in the country. During its heyday, Dehdasht had all the components of a city, including government citadel, tower and ramparts, mosque, school, caravanserai, bath, market, square, and other public buildings and more than a thousand residential houses. The purpose of this research is to understand the history and how the formation, development and decline of this valuable city. In this research, which was conducted in a historical-analytical way, it was attempted to compare the results of field studies, cultural materials (coins, architecture, pottery finds, inscriptions and inscriptions on tombstones) and Documents (written sources) be answered to this question, how was the historical course and the way of formation, development and decay of the historical city of Dehdasht? The obtained results indicate the growing trend of Dehdasht from the middle Islamic centuries and the peak of its development and prosperity in the Safavid period and the gradual decline of the city after this period. The results of the field studies also revealed that the initial location of the city was probably first formed in the neighborhood that is called “Rawaq neighborhood” today, and later in the Safavid period, the concentration and prosperity of the city increased in the eastern(main) part, and then the western part falls from its initial prosperity. Despite the development of Dehdasht in the west-east axis, with the fall of the Safavid rule, this city lost its prosperity so that today its historical context remains uninhabited and abandoned.
Keywords: Beladshapur, Kohgiluyeh, Dehdasht City, Jumeh City, Safavid Period.

Introduction
The historical city of Dehdasht is located in the current province of Kohgiluyeh and Boyar Ahmad, located in the southwest of Iran and on the southern side of the new city of Dehdasht(Fig. 1 and 2). This city was the center of a region that became known as “Beladshapur” from the Sassanid era due to the construction of a city by Shapur I. Beladshapur was one of the important rastaqs of the Shapur khoreh and then the Arrajan khoreh, which were considered the most famous areas of Fars in the Sassanid and the Islamic era (Ibn Khordadbeh, 1889: 45; Maghdasi, 1411: 28; Estakhri, 2004: 135). In the 2nd and 3rd centuries, Beladshapur district was under the administration and control of a person named Giloyeh (Gilo/Gelo, Gilo Mehr) and his family, who, thanks to his bravery, was called “Ram Giloyeh, Kohgiluyeh “also became famous (Estakhri, 2004: 144). According to historical sources, the city that was founded by Shapur I in the region of Beladshapur was called “Jumeh”, which was also known as “Beladshapur” after the name of the region itself (Maghdasi, 1361: 635; Estakhri, 1373: 98). Jumeh, the main center of Beladshapur, was destroyed during the Ismailian conflicts (Ibn Balkhi, 1374: 351 & 353; Mostoufi, 1362: 127), but after this destruction, it could not regain its past prosperity. With the decline of Jumeh, Dehdasht started its prosperity and replaced Jumeh as the main center of Beladshapur. Despite the importance of the Dehdasht, comprehensive, continuous and purposeful archaeological studies based on methodical archaeological excavations were not recorded, and there are many questions about this city, especially its history and how it was formed. Finding, development, decline and reasons for its decline remain unanswered. Answering these questions, while explaining various aspects of the developments of this city, provides valuable information about historical developments in Iran, which is necessary in its own way. In this research, it is tried to analyze the information left from the historical texts and cultural materials, while answering the questions to explain the historical course and how it was formed. It is assumed that the initial core of that formed in the current neighborhood of Rawaq and grew and developed relatively in the middle Islamic centuries, and although it flourished in the early Safavid with the development in the west-east axis, but in at the end of this period, it has experienced its gradual decline.

Discussion
Historical sources do not provide any information with the name Dehdasht before the 9th century AH. The correspondence of Dehdasht with “qhariyeh” that is mentioned as a station on the Arrajan-Isfahan route is also possible, and assuming its authenticity, it does not provide the correct form of the qhariyeh (Dehdasht). The information about the 9th century AH is also very little. In the first decade of the 9th century A.H., the name of Dehdasht came along with the districts and big cities such as Ramhormoz, Behbahan, Kuh-Giloyeh and Zaidon. According to numismatic documents, Dehdasht was an important and highly important city in the history before the 9th century A.H. and also during this century, so that during the mentioned century it had extensive commercial relations. Trade was with big cities on both sides of Zagros and especially Isfahan. In this way, there is no doubt that this city has gone through its growth stages before and its formation was related to earlier periods. In addition to the numismatic documents, the pottery obtained from Dehdasht and to some extent some architectural works and single findings such as tombstone inscriptions on the importance of Dehdasht in history before the 9th century AH and also during this century, they testify. Documented by written sources, there is no doubt that with the beginning of the Safavid period, the importance of the Kohgiluyeh area and the city of Dehdasht doubled. The archeological studies conducted also place most of the buildings of the historical context of Dehdash and the formation of the main context of the city in connection with the Safavid period. This issue also shows that the significant growth and physical development of the city took place in the Safavid period. A topic that the study of pottery data, the analysis of historical sources and the analysis of cultural materials also reflect well. Dehdasht lost its importance and prosperity at the end of Safavid rule and at the same time as it fell. As it can be seen from the analysis of historical sources, the analysis of the remaining works and the analysis of cultural materials, the last periods of construction, reconstruction and repairs of construction works, as well as the activities and efforts for the development of the city of Dehdasht, related to the Qajar period and its last half. is the period. 

Conclusion
The results obtained from the analysis of historical sources and cultural materials indicate the gradual development of Dehasht from the 8th and 9th centuries AH and after that. If the matching of Dehdasht with the “qhariyeh” mentioned by maqhdasi in this article is correct, Dehdasht was a station on the Arrajan-Isfahan communication route in the 4th century. Before this date and even after that until the beginning of the 9th century, there is no name from Dehdasht or “qhariyeh” in historical texts. In addition, among the studied cultural materials, there is no reliable data that can be confidently attributed to before the 8th and 9th. Despite this, the analyzes obtained from the documents of this research testify to the importance of Dehdasht during the 8th and 9th centuries and even before that, and confirm the existence of Dehdasht earlier than the mentioned date. Although, many remains of architecture and older parts of the historical context of Dehdasht have been lost, the available data show evidence from the 8th and 9th centuries and most of them belong to the Safavid period. According to studies, the initial growth of Dehdasht took place in the western part, Rowaq neighborhood, and with the significant development of Dehdasht at the same time as the Safavid, this part of the city fell from prosperity and the city was formed in the eastern part. As it can be seen from the analysis of the studied cultural materials, Dehdasht was considered one of the main centers of Kohgiluyeh in the 8th and 9th and had a mint and significant trade exchanges with the big cities around it.  The results obtained from the study of historical texts, the Evidence remains and the analysis of cultural materials, place the main growth and development of the city of Dehdasht in relation to the Safavid. At the end of Safavid rule and its fall, the city of Dehdasht gradually lost its past prosperity. According to historical sources, wars, rebellions, consecutive looting, insecurity, destruction of roads, destruction of bridges, intermediate stations, deterioration of the economic situation and heavy taxes led to the decline of the city of Dehdasht and the city’s depopulation, so that not a single household remained in it. The final collapse and the end of the political-social life of the city is related to the Qajar and the end of the reign of EhtEsham al-Douleh (1281-1298) in Kohgiluyeh.

Abstract
The Upper Gotvand Dam, with a 90-kilometer-long lake, is one of the largest dams in the country, and its impoundment caused the flooding of a large number of ancient sites, ancient and modern migration routes, villages, and nomadic settlements in the northeastern region of Khuzestan. Before the dam was completed, a team of archaeologists surveyed its basin in 2007. After that, in 2008, a team of archaeologists from ICHTO of Khuzestan Province excavated the Kalantar site and the Kalantar cemetery, and then in April and May 2010, salvage excavations were carried out at Kalantar 4 & 5 sites to obtain as much information as possible, which yielded significant results. Following the excavation of the Kalantar 5 site, traces of residential stone architecture, plain buff and red pottery, and turquoise blue and green glazed pottery, as well as some ground stones such as grinding stones, mortars, and pounding stones, were found. According to typological comparisons on the potteries, it was determined that they belonged to the Middle Islamic period (fifth and sixth centuries AH), and the site was inhabited during the Seljuk period. In addition, it was determined that there is a great similarity between the stone architecture of the Kalantar 4 (a Neo-Elamite site), and the Kalantar 5, and with the local architecture of the region in the present time, both in villages and in nomadic settlements. In other words, the continuity of cultural traditions over several millennia is observed in this area.
Keywords: Kalantar 5, Gotvand Dam Basin, Middle Islamic Period, Stone Architecture, Islamic Glazed Pottery.

Introduction
The Upper Gotvand Dam was built on the Karun River near the small town of Gotvand to generate electricity and irrigate downstream agricultural lands, and a wide range of intermountain valleys, numerous ancient sites, ancient and modern migration routes, villages, and nomadic settlements were submerged in the 90-kilometer-long lake behind the dam. Before the dam was impounded, two teams led by Shahram Zare and Hossein Azizi Kharanghi, respectively, surveyed the area (Azizi Kharanghi et al., 2007). Salvage excavations were conducted by Hamidreza Valipour on two sites, Kalantar 4 and 5, which were found during the surveys in the spring of 2010 (Valipour, 2010a & b). The preliminary results of the excavation of Kalantar 5 will be presented here.
The first goal of the excavation, like all salvage excavations, was to access as much information as possible. Due to the proximity of Kalantar 5 to Kalantar 4 and the similarity of its surface architectural structure with the architecture of Kalantar 4, the excavation team was faced with some questions, the most important of which were: 1- Is Kalantar 5 an extension of the Kalantar 4 settlement and can we consider them as one site? 2- Was the settlement in Kalantar 5 established after the abandonment of Kalantar 4 and as a result of the displacement of its residents? 3- Does Kalantar 5 belong to a different time than Kalantar 4? Of course, given the presence of Islamic pottery on the surface of Kalantar 5, it was assumed that this area, in addition to the Elamite period, would also contain evidence of settlement from this period. 4- Function and type of settlement in Kalantar5.

Kalantar 5
Kalantar 5 is located on a natural hill south of Kalantar village (Ab Zālu Arab) in Lali County, at N: 32˚ 13΄ 42/6˝ latitude and E: 049˚ 04΄ 55/4˝ longitude, 160 meters north of Kalantar 4 and 13 kilometers east of the Gotvand Dam. The highest point of the site is 278 meters above sea level. The Karun River, the closest major water source to the site, flows 4.5 kilometers northeast of the site; a water stream also passes through the valley to the northwest.
During the excavation, one trench was opened at the highest part of the site, measuring 10×10 meters, where the regular stone pieces and traces of walls indicated the existence of architectural spaces in this part of the site. Given the depth of the natural bedrock, it was clear before the excavation began that not much height of the walls remained.

Architecture
A total of six architectural spaces were revealed during the excavation in Trench I. Stone and mud mortar were used in all the architectural structures. The stones used in the construction of the different parts of the complex are soft limestone in small to large sizes. All the stones lack cutting polish but have an almost regular shape. Many of the stones used in the architectural structures are cubed. The walls are rectangular. The walls lack any covering, and even during the excavation in the rubble layers, no samples of mud, plaster, or lime were found. The six aforementioned spaces seem to belong to the same building because they all share walls. It is possible that the natural bedrock of the hill was used as a floor for the spaces. Stone supports were used in addition to all the main and internal load-bearing walls. The entrances were mainly created by not connecting two walls or by cutting off part of the length of a wall. Next to some walls, there are smaller annexed spaces as storage places, which were probably used to store daily necessities or food or fuel, and they lacked any entrance and were accessed from above. A pyrotechnical structure was found inside one of the spaces, about one-fifth of which remains. Since a very small part of it remains, it is difficult to distinguish its function as an oven or else. No evidence of a roof or debris was found during the excavation. Given the relatively small width of the spaces and the absence of columns, the roofs of the spaces were most likely created using parallel wooden poles and covered with mats or tree branches and mud. This reconstruction was carried out in comparison with the current situation in the village adjacent to the site. The reason for this comparison is the great similarity of the architecture obtained from the settlement spaces of the site with the architecture of the adjacent village.

Pottery
The 319 potsherds recovered from the excavation are divided into two major groups: plain and glazed. 265 sherds (83%) of the total are unglazed. Unglazed pottery can be divided into two groups: buff and red. The technology of pottery production is completely similar in terms of form, manufacturing technique, inclusion, firing, and decoration. Most of the sherds are wheel-made (96%). The inner and outer surfaces of the pottery are unpolished, and both sides of the vessels are smoothed by the wet hand method. Rarely, red wash was used to cover a handful of buff wares. The texture of buff ware is much more cohesive than that of red ware. Mineral materials such as fine to coarse sand were used as an inclusion in unglazed pottery; in one of the red potteries, the inclusion is a combination of organic and mineral materials. In general, the quality of buff-colored pottery is better than that of reds, and the number of buff sherds is much greater than that of reds. 236 sherds (74% of all pottery and 89% of unglazed pottery) are buff, and 29 sherds (9% of all pottery and 11% of unglazed pottery) are red. There are 10 sherds of pottery with incised decoration in the unglazed buff group.
54 pieces (17%) of the pottery are glazed. Except for two pieces with green glaze, the rest are turquoise blue. The pottery of this group is in the category of pottery with monochromatic glaze. Five pieces are also of the sgraffiato type with turquoise blue glaze. In terms of form, manufacturing technique, inclusion, firing, and color, these sherds are completely similar to the unglazed buff wares. The inclusion of all samples is mineral.
The reconstructed forms are the jar (44.5%), bowl (37%), and bowl (18.5%), respectively. The sherds date back to the 5th and 6th centuries AH and are dated to the Seljuk period (Karimi & Kiani, 1985; Towhidi, 2000; Kambakhshfard, 2001; Grube, 1994; Treptow, 2007).

Other Cultural Materials
In addition to pottery, other cultural materials recovered included animal remains, pounding stones, stone mortars, pivots, iron nails, iron knife, the bottom, rim, and body of transparent or opaque glass vessels in blue, yellow, and milky colors, as well as a few broken shells.

Conclusion
Kalantar 5 is a rural settlement site from the Middle Islamic period because considering the landscape of the region, the location of the site, the extent of the architectural remains, and the dispersion of cultural materials, it is unlikely that the settlement was urban. There is no connection between the sites of Kalantar 4 and 5 from a cultural and temporal perspective. An interesting point to note is the similarity of the architectural structures of this site with the architecture of Kalantar 4 and the modern village of Ab Zālū Arab and other nomadic villages and settlements in the region. With an ethnoarchaeological approach, this similarity can be considered a kind of cultural continuity in architecture. Perhaps the same environmental and subsistence conditions can be considered the reason for the construction of similar architecture over a long period.
The buildings were constructed using completely local materials, such as stone and mud. All the stones are limestone, ranging in size from small to large, and are uncut and unpolished but have a fairly regular shape, and many of the stones have been broken using chisels and hammers. It seems that the six identified spaces had both roofed and open sections. The three spaces 1, 3, and 4 were associated with activities that required separation from the residential areas; the three spaces 2, 5, and 6, which are part of the main residential complex, were probably places for resting and performing other daily activities. These three spaces are connected by some entrances.
All finds, from functional examples such as pottery, glass vessels, pounding stones, and mortars to decorative shells, indicate a normal settlement, and all of them are related to daily life activities.
The pottery of the Kalantar 5 bears no resemblance to the Kalantar 4 site. Many of them are Islamic glazed pottery, including monochrome green and turquoise blue glazes and some with incised patterns under the turquoise blue glaze. The pottery is not very diverse in terms of color, glaze, type, and theme of the patterns. These potteries date back to the fifth and sixth centuries AH and are dated to the Seljuk period. During this period, the glass industry in Iran was very prosperous (Shishehgar, 2003: 24), and glass fragments recovered from a rural settlement site confirm this.