Abstract
Khoy Plain has attracted various tribes in terms of geographical conditions and suitable environmental capacities over the course of thousands of years, and has been the basis for establishing human settlements in different periods. The pattern of dispersion of the areas identified in this mid-range plain in the Bronze Age reveals the emergence and existence of a large center called “Dozdqi”, which in this period becomes a very important center. Dozdaqi with a height of 1200 meters above sea level is an area with more than 16 hectares and 24 meters above the surface of the surrounding area, the highest prehistoric area of the plain, which is located along the permanent river of Ghodvokh Boghan and the springs and wetlands. The existence of a salt mine as an export commodity in this area, as well as obsidian artefacts (imported goods) in 7 different colors. The percentage of the volume of distribution of pottery on the surface of the site indicates that the period of dynamism and flourishing of the site was in the Bronze Age, and it seems that during this period and for the first time in Khoy plain, there could be an over-the-center Of the 16 hectares.The existence of such a center is likely to be in the context of trans-regional trade. In this research, 20 samples of the Bronze Age pottery sherds were collected from the surface survey and speculation to determine the area and privacy of the study area and typology.
Keywords: Dozdaqi Khoy, Bronze Age, Pottery.

Introduction
The late fourth millennium and early third millennium BC, one of the most important milestones not only in Iranian history, but also in the history of the Near East. This period coincides with major events such as the formation of the first city government, the beginning of urbanization and the expansion of its line.
The ancient Bronze Age in the northwest is part of a widespread culture called the Culture of Kura-Aras (Rezalou and Zaban Band, 2016: 17) or Yaniq’s Culture (Burney and Lang, 1971: 44, Dayson, 1973: 686-7) Is known. n this regard, Dozdaqi  Khoy with an area of more than 16 hectares of the largest settlements in the north of Lake Urmia is related to the Bronze Age, which has cultural works of the Neolithic, Copper, Bronze and Iron Age periods. The percentage of the volume of distribution of pottery on the surface of the site indicates that the period of dynamism and flourishing of the site was in the Bronze Age, and it seems that during this period and for the first time in Khoy plain, there could be an over-the-center center Of the 16 hectares, he said that the existence of such a center is likely to be in the context of trans-regional trade. Therefore, attention to the above-mentioned cases, as well as the study of the status of the Dozdaqi area in the Bronze Age, is one of the most important goals of this research in terms of the presence of cultural materials related to the three old, middle and new bronze periods on the site. In this research, 20 samples of the Bronze Age clay collected from the surface survey and speculation to determine the area and privacy of the study area and typology.

The Dozdaqi Khoy Area
The Dozdaqi area consists of two parts of the east (Dozdaqi area) and the western one (Hill Dozdaqi) separated by a sandy road (Picture 1). This ancient site is located 1.5 kilometers southwest of Khoy city, in the central part and 1 kilometer north of the Amirbiq village, in longitude N: 38.31 23, and latitude E: 44.5514 with an average elevation of 1200 meters The water level is formed in the middle of a mid-range plain and the fertile part of the plain on the eastern side of the Qodwokh Boghan River.
 The most important bio-properties of the Dozdaqi field are as follows: the area of the fertile and cultivated land, the amount of precipitation, the appropriate height, access road, the presence of pastures and suitable vegetation available around the site, fuel resources, abundant water resources and most importantly, there was a salt mine in the east of the area. This ancient work has brought the most important potential and conditions of economic exploitation based on agriculture, animal husbandry, trade and cultural exchanges (salt, rock quarrying, etc.) with neighboring areas.

Typology of the Bronze Age Crystal Enclosures
In this paper, 20 pieces of samples of pottery sherd that were collected during the speculation of the field and area of 1395 from the surface of the site were studied and typified (Plan 1 and Table 1). The color of the pottery is varied, and in this regard, the pottery of the collection can be divided into three groups: brown dumplings, gray dwarfs, red pottery, besides in one color case Black beetle. In making most of the samples, the binder is used in the mineral and the surfaces of the clay are smooth and smooth. On two levels, most of the pottery is covered with thick or thin flowers to peppery, light brown, cream and red. There is also a wheel maker in the collection of handmade pottery. The temperature required to bake most of the pottery has been sufficient. The specimen of the Bronze Age is a hot dip galore comparable to the clay samples obtained from the hills of Yannick (Burney, 1961), Burton-Brown Hill (1948), Haftevan (Burney, 1973), Gijler (Pecorlla,and Salvini, 1984), Cole Tape (Abedi, 2011), the Kohneh Tappeh Cy (Zalaghi and Akhalari, 2007) the Kohneh Pasgah (Akhalari 2008) and the Barouj Tappeh (Alizadeh and Azarnoush, 2002).

Conclusion
The percentage of the volume of distribution of pottery on the surface of the site indicates that the period of dynamism and prosperity of this site has been in the era of urbanization and urbanization, and it seems that during this period, and for the first time in the plain, there could be a center with an area of more than 16 hectares said that the existence of such a center in the Khoi Plain is likely to be in the context of trans-regional trade.

Abstract
The present descriptive-analytical study and its findings are based on field and document studies, and examines and analyzes the tombstones of the Qajar period of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in Shiraz, and tries to study and understand the designs of the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz, their symbolic themes, and their traces of mythical and religious beliefs of each historical or cultural period. Studies on tombstones related to the Qajar era of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in Shiraz prove that these tombstones contain various designs of human, animal, plant, geometric, and inscriptions. In general, most of these motifs, while having special meanings and symbols, are influenced by the culture of the region, beliefs, and their temporal and spatial place. On the other hand, due to the predominance of nationalist thought in the Qajar period, the images of these tombstones show a continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid eras, which were created with a relatively different form and content. On the other hand, due to the predominance of nationalist thought in the Qajar period, the images of these tombstones show a continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid eras, which were created with a relatively different form and content.
Keywords: Shiraz, Daral-Salam Cemetery, Tombstone, Nationalism, Achaemenid, Sassanian.

Introduction
Fars province, like other regions of the Iranian plateau, has been inhabited by various groups and ethnic groups since ancient times, and in this regard, several cemeteries have been established to bury their dead. Dar al-Salam Shiraz is one of the seven old cemeteries in Shiraz that Moinuddin Abolghasem Junaid Shirazi mentioned in his book. There are tombstones from the early Islamic centuries to recent times, which indicate the importance of this cemetery. There are several designs on the tombstones of Dar al-Salam cemetery. Including human motifs, animal motifs, plant motifs, geometric motifs, calligraphy, and inscriptions. In general, discovering the meaning and concept of the designs created on tombstones and their symbolic nature can unify many of the forgotten secrets and points of regional and national history, art, and culture with more unity and meaning. In this regard, the present study examines and analyzes the tombstone motifs of Shiraz Dar al-Salam Cemetery, especially the tombstones of the Qajar period, and by examining them, in addition to identifying the created motifs and their symbolism, seeks to trace the motifs through periods and among the mythical beliefs and religions of past periods.
Research & Hypotheses Questions: 1- What are the designs of the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz and what are their symbolic themes? 2- The designs created on the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz shows which traces of mythical and religious beliefs of the historical or cultural period of Iran?
1. These tombstones contain various designs of human, animal, plant, geometric, and inscription images. In general, most of these motifs, while having special meanings and symbols, are influenced by the culture of the region, beliefs, and their temporal and spatial place. 2. Considering the predominance of nationalist thought in the Qajar period, the images of these tombstones show the continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid periods, which was created with a relatively different form and content.

Classification of Tombstones of the Qajar Period of Dar al-Salam Shiraz
In general, the images engraved on the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz, except lines and inscriptions, can be divided into a general category into the following groups: 1- Plant motifs, 2- Human motifs, 3- Animals and birds Motif, 4- Patterns of objects and geometric and abstract shapes

Conclusion
The study of the tombstones of the Qajar period of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in Shiraz proves that these tombstones have various designs, including anthropogenic images, animal, plant, geometric, calligraphy, and inscription. Studying the motifs of this group of works and examining the social, political, and religious situation of the Qajar era, shows that most of these motifs are symbolic and rooted in the history and culture of Iran and are influenced by the region’s culture, beliefs, and temporal and spatial position. Also, the images of these tombstones are a kind of continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid periods, which have been created with a relatively different form and content. The motifs of cypress trees and lotus flowers are among the main paintings of Persepolis and the human images with lotus flowers in his hands, in a way reminiscent of the role of the Achaemenid kings in Persepolis and palace paintings. Sassanid monuments such as Bishapour Palace, which are among the first examples of images in Iran with a flower in hand. Horsemen and hunting scenes of animals such as lions, which are often seen on the tombstones of the Qajar period Dar al-Salam Dar al-Salam Shiraz; It has its roots in the history and culture of Iran, especially in the Persian region; Such patterns can be seen on Achaemenid seals found in Persepolis and other places, as well as on Sassanid gold and silver vessels. Finally, it should be acknowledged that among the reasons for creating these common themes between the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz and the remnants of ancient civilizations of Iran such as the Achaemenids and Sassanians, in addition to the rule of nationalist thought in the Qajar period and the influence of the Persian climate (from The cypress tree, which is one of the special trees and vegetation of the region and is found in abundance in the region (especially Shiraz), is the location of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in a place that was once the center of the rule of the Achaemenid and Sassanid states, which itself is the main The most influential factors on the thoughts of the people of the Qajar period and the continuity of the designs of the past.

Abstract
Khānqah-E Gilvan cemetery is located on the western skirt of the MT. Talesh approximately 60 km southeast Khalkhal. The cemetery lies between the villages of Gilvan and Khānqah, and is part of the administrative district of Khalkhal in Ardabil province.The cemetery was discovered in 2006 during the road construction project in village of Khānqah. It has been in use from Middle Bronze Age to Iron Age I, II and Parthian Period after a centuries of gap; it is not still clear whether the cemetery was used during the Late Bronze Age or not, but the funerary practices in the Iron Age I, II were continued. Pottery similarities with ceramics from the Middle Bronze Age allows us to suggest that the initial using phase of the cemetery can be attributed back to the last quarter of the 3rd millennium BC(Zabanband et al., 2021: forthcoming) In this research, our focus is mainly on the graves related to initial phase of cemetery. During the Middle Bronze Age of Khānqah-e Gilvan, a variety of funerary practices along with types of tombs such as kurgan, pit grave, etc. unknown in other Iranian northwestern sites such as Geoy Tepe, Dinkhah Tepe, can be seen. The funerary practices of the tombs discovered in the cemetery are more or less homogeneous. It is probable to reconstruct funerary behavior of these populations.The diameter of the 7 kurgans excavated at the Gilavan burial site varies roughly 2 to 5 m. circle stone alignment is a common feature these burials, that is carefully laid out, heaps of stone (pebble/slab…)covered the pit burials. In addition to a detailed description of the graves, we will also try to point out some of the hierarchical features of the cemetery according to structure and grave association of the tombs,
Keywords: Khānqah-E Gilvan Cemetery, Kurgan, Structure, Social Position, Grave Association. 

Introduction
By the Middle Bronze Age, there were two different painted pottery traditions in Urmia lake basin. The first tradition was black painted red ware with (monochrome) and black& red painted on white or polychrome pottery, as been described as “Urmia Ware” (Pl. 1). The chronology of this pottery tradition has primarily been based on the evidence from level VIB at Haftavan Tepe. This type of pottery was firstly found levels C&D at Geoy Tepe. Four stone-built/cist graves associated with Geoy Tepe settlement of this period have recognized (Brown 1951: 100-107) It suggests that perhaps it might be more accurate to assign these tombs to late VIB. Tomb B which has assigned to period D by Dyson, contains only late VIB pottery which indicates that all tombs are contemporary, and belong to Geoy C. This conclusion is supported by the structure of the tombs; tombs A, B are very similar (Edwards 1986: 60-61, Dyson 1968: 16-17). three stone-built tombs, together with a child burial and three simple inhumations, are the only excavated burial remains of the Dinkha IVC and D levels yet On the basis of C 14 dates (building level) and typological parallels, the tomb B10a B27 can be placed in the 17th to 16th century B.C. Both the Habur Ware assemblage and the metal objects in tomb described here demonstrate Dinkha’s ties to the west in the Old Assyrian and Babylonian periods (Robinson 1991; 1994)
In the last decade, archaeological excavations in Khānqah cemetery provide more knowledge on region’s MBA and identify a variety of funerary practices and grave types during the Middle Bronze Age and Iron Age I, II of northwestern Iran. According to artefacts related to graves, and the structure of graves, these two-mortuary treatment to what extent can reflect status distinctions among people buried in this cemetery? 

The Khānqah-e Gilvan Cemetery
Khānqah cemetery (48̊ 49ʹ 46ʺ E and 37 17ʹ 39ʺN; pl. 2) is located on the west of the Khānqah village and 60 km south east of the Khalkhal town. From a geographical perspective, Khalkhal is a mountainous region which is surrounded by the Talesh, Bozquş and Qarāvol dagh from the east, west, and south respectively. Steep terrain of these mountaines region, especially in summer, supply livestock forage production.
The graves in this cemetery are categorized in two groups; a) Kurgans with a Funerary Pit: The burial in these kurgans was funerary pit in shape as the dead person had buried after digging a pit. The dimension of funerary pit was depended on how the corpse is located in the grave as well as the space needed to put the burial goods. After the top of the graves were sealed, then, it filled with a 77-431cm layer of stony soil prior to the surrounding circular stone alignment precinct were built. The height of these kurgans were approximately 61-212 cm. Over time, the mound of kurgans has lost its height and the scatter of stone mounds has formed locus No.4.; surrounding circular stone alignment precinct of graves were identified inside this location and its size is varying from 2 to 4 m in diameter. The existence of sherds, complete containers and animal bones whitin the soil on the graves showes that it mighte be  some sacrifices had been distributed among the participants who attended in the burying. 29, 30, 32, 37, 38, 39 and 41 are placed in this group.
b) Pit graves: On these grave types, there is a pit grave covered with mass of rubble. It seems that this embankment was a signal clarifying the location of grave during the past. 14, 24 and 40 are classified in this group.   

Discussion
According to formal parallels with ceramic assemblages of the Early kurgans and Middle Bronze Age cultures, the burial site of Khānqah can be dated from the 3rd quarter of the 3rd millennium B.C. 
A Hiatus in the Late Bronze Age- to the 1st half of the 1st millennium B.C. Among excavated burials the wealth displayed by 30 and 32 kurgans reveal high social achieved status of their owners. This hierarchy also emphasized by extra efforts in the tomb construction.  

Conclusion
According to artefacts related to graves, the tradition of placing pottery vessels along with deceased was a common practice of cemetery, even if there was no skeleton. A greater quantity and higher quality of burial goods found in 14, 30 and 32 tombs show high status individuals were buried with vast amounts of funerary objects. The wealth displayed by these graves reveals high social achieved status of their owners. This hierarchy also emphasized by extra efforts in the tomb construction (30,32) and wealth (14) (Brown 1971: 29). ). Moreover, there were some forms of funerary behaviors in 30 grave; including animal and secondary burials, presumably both of them are related to status or wealth; another explanation may be this, due to the lack of settlement site adjacent to cemetery, it is possible to propose that the mobile groups buried their dead somewhere else in the vicinity of site and in return carried them which could indicate the significance of cemetery in this relatively long period. Brown (1981) points out that the buried people with a higher social status, more likely to be manipulated after death, and those with lower status receive the least manipulate. It is worth mentioning that in 30 multiple grave, the primary burial is in its anatomical position and is not displaced to contain secondary burial which could indicates individual social prestige. There are few differences in wealth and effort in other graves which represent little positional stratification among them. The presence of copper pins in the graves buried people more likely to be the standard of the period. There is no peculiar pattern in distribution of other metal artefacts depending on the location of the pins, it seems that they were a means of keeping clothes (Massa et al. 2017) found around the skull and shoulder

Abstract
One of the shortcomings of this field is the study of architectural remains individually and without considering the text layers and textural changes affecting it. This study described intertextuality connections of architectural and urbanization collections of Tabriz during the Il-khanate period in two levels: micro (Tabriz city) and macro (regional and international) through discourse analysis and using historical and archaeological data in order to reveal the evolutions and implicit semantics of text layers (architectural and urbanization collections). It is question that how intertextuality connections of the mentioned remains from point of view layer semiology have been and how have manifested semiotic systems. In this study in order to understand data is used qualitative method in the form of descriptive-analytical. Findings show that the use of intertextuality reading of layered semiology leads to the understanding of hidden layers of meaning in architectural remains and involves the effect of broader paradigms in study. In the intertextuality connections of different layers of architecture and urban planning of Tabriz in the Il-khanate era at micro and macro levels, codes such as the main elements of government, including political power, cultural-religious power and economic power, the layers (temporal, spatial, cultural-social) are entered into a syntagmatic and paradigmatic connections and have become a semiotics.
Keywords: Il-Khanate Period, Tabriz, Layered Semiology, Intertextuality Connections, Codes.

Introduction
Although fundamental research on semiology in general and architectural semiology, in particular, are rather abundant, it has been neglected as an approach for many artistic instances in a monographic and independent manner. Therefore, the current study seeks to determine the intertextuality relations and interpretation process between architectural and urban collections in Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era, such as Shanb Ghazan, Rab’-e Rashidi, and Citadel of Alishah, using semiology studies and especially, post-structuralism and its layered approach to identify the evolution and different semantic layers within the architecture and urban development of the city during that period. Although various scholars investigated the architecture and urban development of the Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era in different books and papers, no study took a semiotics and semantic approach to examine the semantic meanings. The applications of semiology in Iran were mainly limited to linguistics and literary or religious texts. Many researchers neglected the architectural perception (including historic architecture) and its different structures as a kind of language having all required semiotics systems, or they were influenced by common methods of reviewing the history of art, including traditionalism (especially mystical and historic approaches). This study sought to answer the following questions: (1) what were the semantic evolutions of Tabriz architectural works caused by contextual changes (i.e., time, location, society-culture, and intertextuality relations) on a macro (i.e., Iran and the region) and micro (i.e., Tabriz city) level? (2) What are the intertextuality relations between prominent architectural works in Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era based on the semiology approach, and (3) how are different semiotics systems manifested in different layers of texts (architecture)? The research is a fundamental qualitative study using a descriptive-analytic approach and the interpretative post-structural semiology method, aiming to represent the hidden meanings of prominent architectural works of Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era in the form of “text”, “context”, and “codes.” The main goal was to investigate the process and how the meaning changed in the architecture and urban development collections of Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era, along with its contextual variations.

Discussion
Many architecture and urban development collections were constructed in Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era, especially during Ghazan Khan’s reign. There is not enough archaeological information about the plan and structure of architecture and urban development collections of that era, except for the Citadel of Alishah. However, the main architectural structures of the collections can be determined, and their different meanings and aspects might be analyzed using major historical sources of the era and the remnants of the collections. For Shanb Ghazan, buildings such as congregational mosque, Shafi’i and Hanafi religious schools, Beyt al-Ghanoon (House of Law), etc., as symbolic systems and the location of the Sultan tomb in the centre as the most important system are instances of the bond between political power and religion. Ghazan Khan was thoughtfully seeking to monopolize political power and religion for his government and himself. In fact, when the caliphate collapsed, and a kind of void was felt by the people, Ghazan Khan manifested the political power-religion bond in his buildings based on the theories of Khawaja Rashiduddin, which can be found in Shanb Ghazan. Roshidyeh Town was the utopia of Rashiduddin, who tried to build the town based on his national and Islamic school of thought regarding political philosophy. The economy of Rashidi depended on surrounding villages and gardens. So, unlike Shanb Ghazan, the city was economically independent. Citadel of Alishah was built by Tajuddin Alishah, the vizier of Öljaitü and Abu Sa’id Bahadur Khan, between 1316 and 1324. In fact, Tajuddin Alishah concentrated and associated symbolic elements of religious power (i.e., mosque and Khanqah), political power (i.e., governmental buildings and palaces), and economic power (i.e., bazaars) in Citadel of Alishah to lessen the importance of Rashiduddin’s brilliant works and gain legitimacy with people and Sultan. His actions remained incomplete by his death. If political, religious, and economic powers are considered the three pillars of governance, Rab’-e Rashidi is the true example of establishing a bond between politics and religion and a symbol of religion. However, all power elements (i.e., political, religious, and economic) accompany each other in Citadel of Alishah, reflecting the general power structure and network at that time.

Conclusion
The results showed that the meanings of Ilkhanid architectural collections of Tabriz became a trend, manifesting through architectural works of other cities and creating a series of particular relations, which are completely affected by contextual changes on a micro and macro level. The prominent architectural works of Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era represent a system of codes composed of different layers, such as Shanb Ghazan, Rab’-e Rashidi, and Citadel of Alishah. On the macro level, Tabriz had intertextuality relations with cities such as Maragheh, Soltanieh, Baghdad, and Karakoram/Beijing and meaning was constantly flowing and communicated between these cities. As intertextuality relations were interpreted, it was established that different layers of Tabriz city, including Shanb Ghazan, Rab’-e Rashidi, and Citadel of Alishah, on the micro level, and Maragheh, Soltanieh, Baghdad, and Karakoram/Beijing on the macro level are the representation and external instances of the relations between codes of political, religious-cultural, and economic powers with various sub-codes as the main pillars of governance. These cities became a semiosis for each pillar in a certain period due to the meanings exchanged during the Ilkhanid dynasty.
On the micro level, Shanb Ghazan is an example of the bond between politics and religion accompanied by sub-codes, such as Persian approaches to town management and supporting Shafi’i, Hanafi, mystical, etc. religions or building religious schools near Ghazan tomb. With Gonbadkhaneh (Dome Room) in the center (the tomb of Rashiduddin), Rab’-e Rashidi outshines Shanb Ghazan as a religious and scientific semiotics. In the layered semiology perspective, Rab’-e Rashidi encompasses a company and then a substitution relation between religion and science. The gathering of main government codes, including political power (i.e., governmental buildings and palaces), religious power (i.e., mosque and Khanqah), and economic power (i.e., bazar and downtown) in a structural system was achieved for the first time in Citadel of Alishah during Öljaitü reign. However, when he died and was replaced by Abu Sa’id, the Citadel of Alishah lost its statute to Soltanieh Dome due to the different viewpoint of the new Sultan toward religion. In the next eras and especially when Safavids came to power, the Citadel of Alishah was considered a virtual representation of military power against Ottoman invasions because the capital was changed to Ghazvin and Isfahan and the locational context was changed.

Acknowledgment
The Authors of the article consider it necessary to appreciate the anonymous referees of the journal who accepted the effort and added to the richness of the text of the article with their constructive suggestions.

Observation Contribution
The Authors declare that according to the extraction of the article from the doctoral thesis, the writing was done by the first Author with the guidance and supervision of the second Author and the consultation of the third Author.

Conflict of Interest
The Authors, while observing the publishing ethics, declare the absence of conflict of interest and material and administrative support from the Research and Technology Vice-Chancellor of Mohaghegh Ardabili University.