Abstract
While the Qajar era was in a recent past, little independent research has been done concerning the architecture and urban engineering of the first half of this era (1795 – 1847). The main reason behind such negligence might be that this period of Iranian architecture occurs between the golden age of architecture in Safavid Iran and the modern period in which Western architectural models infiltrated Iranian architecture and urban construction. In the present research, the aim is to identify the process of constructing architectural works and urban renovation in the first half of the Qajar period by drawing on historical evidence, written sources, and on top of that, archeological evidence. To do so, it is necessary to identify the factors that contributed to strategic policies of Qajar rulers vis-à-vis urban developments and renovations. Given that details of many civil constructions of the Qajar period are not available, this paper rests upon the assumption that archeological studies might be effectively drawn on to know the national strategy of these rulers in the development of cities. The research finds that factors, such as giving legitimacy to the Qajar government, attracting and seeking support of clergy and religious scholars, as well as attempts to achieve economic and civil development of the country for purposes of promoting the political power, played major parts in civil constructions by the Qajar dynasty. Other factors include military and defense policies, the question of succession and rivalries among senior Qajar princes, archaism of Qajar rulers, and their religious beliefs.
Keywords: Iran, Qajar Period, Srchitecture, Urban Construction, Civil Strategies.

Introduction
Urban construction and architecture of the first period of the Qajar era (1795 – 1847) is less studied as compared to other post-Islamic periods of Iranian architecture. Indeed, many researchers have rested content with Safavid and Zand periods. On the other hand, since the second period of the Qajar era marked watershed events such as advent of modernism in Iranian architecture, particularly during the reign of Naser al-Din Shah, a great number of studies have been devoted to developments of Iranian architecture in this period. This has resulted in a disproportion in studies of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction. Another significant point in a study of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction is its dependent, imitative character, as stressed by the majority of researchers. In their view, Safavid-era School of Isfahan left such a great impact on Iranian architecture and urban construction that no new element was contributed to that style, and the main tenets of the School of Isfahan were preserved throughout the Qajar period. This assessment is, however, based on the fact that there is no complete inventory of religious, governmental, and non-governmental buildings of the Qajar period and their architectural features, and indeed, all architectural works of the period have not yet been independently studied. As a matter of fact, one might say that the glory of Safavid architecture overshadowed the Qajar architecture in ways that many features of the latter have been overlooked. Regardless of the extent to which Qajar-era art and architecture was affected by Safavid art and architecture, because of the short temporal distance between the two periods, there is an assumption of full-fledged awareness of art and architecture in this period. In other words, since the Qajar period is close to our period, features and characteristics of its art, architecture, and urban construction tend to be overlooked in ways that other historical periods of Iranian architecture do not.
The research, the results of which are reported here, sought to fill the above gap through a study of elements of civil constructions of Qajar rulers in the first half of their reign (1795 – 1847) by drawing on a historical-analytic method. To do so, a picture of characteristics and quantities of civil constructions in this period is provided with a focus on archeological data and Qajar-era historical texts. Finally, all collected data are used in the analysis and assessment of the research hypothesis. The main question of this research pertains to the quantity and quality as well as the domain of civil enterprises of the first half of the Qajar period: Overall, could we talk about a coherent governmental strategy or project in executing civil policies of the period? It is assumed that, with the aid of archeological studies and architectural evidence, the national strategy of the rulers of this period concerning the development of cities and their civil constructions can effectively be studied and its characteristics can be accounted for. Moreover, while it goes beyond the scope of this paper to give an inventory of all architectural works and enterprises associated with the development of Iranian cities in the period, we have tried to consider the activities of rulers in the first half of the Qajar period in Dār al-Khilāfa (Caliphal Center) of Tehran and other major centers of Iranian provinces of the time. In this way, an outline of the comprehensive governmental plan can be provided and its features can be delineated. That is, we focus on enterprises that seem to have been carried out in harmonious, inclusive, and comprehensive ways as an all-embracing governmental plan in the majority of cities and centers of provinces.

Conclusion
In reply to the main question of this research concerning the factors relevant to the national strategy of Qajar rulers in urban renovations and developments of civil constructions from 1795 to 1847, three such factors might be highlighted: attempts to give legitimacy to and establish the Qajar government, winning the support of the clergy and religious scholars, and economic and civil development of the country in line with the promotion of the political power. Furthermore, during the reign of Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar, and given the political circumstances and military struggles of his period, as well as the need for the establishment of the sovereignty of the Qajar government, buildings began to be built with defense and military functions, including Agha Mohammad Khani Castle in Bagh-e Takht in Shiraz (Eslami 1350, 68) and construction of fortifications in Sari (Malkonov 1363, 151). In addition, upon his enthronement, Agha Mohammad Khan commanded the restoration of paintings in Chehel Sotoun pavilion, including the paintings of the Battle of Chaldiran and the Battle of Karnal, which suggests his special concern for the establishment of national sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Iran. A consideration of sources and architectural works constructed in the first half of the Qajar period reveals that the majority of civil constructions was done in big cities such as Tehran, Isfahan, Qom, Tabriz, Qazvin, Shiraz, and Kashan, as well as smaller capital cities of provinces, such as Kerman, Sanandaj, and Yazd. Nevertheless, because of unfortunate economic circumstances, lack of liquidities, and huge expenses of constant battles with the neighboring countries, most of buildings in smaller cities were built by people, businessmen, and clergies, without much interventions by the government in their development and civil construction. Notwithstanding this, there seems to have been a vast governmental enterprise, like that of the Safavid era, in the first half of the Qajar period, although the general construction of Iranian cities did not undergo a dramatic change in that period, and just like its preceding period, cities were developed around mosques and bazaars. Although the project fell short of the Safavid project in its principles of architecture and artistic character, it still resembled the Safavid enterprise in its vastness and distribution. Moreover, it had its own artistic qualities and peculiarities, which make for its distinction from other periods. In fact, the buildings of this period have a particularly Qajar mark on them. On this account, while Qajar-era architecture and urban construction should be deemed continuous with Safavid architectural developments and urban construction, and in general, with the Safavid-era Isfahan School, it does involve modifications and novelties in virtue of which it might be distinguished from Safavid architecture. In view of the relative political stability of Iran in this period, after decades of wars and conflicts, many architectural works and public buildings were repaired and restored. It would not be an overstatement if we called this a period of building restorations. Aside from numerous cases of restoration of religious buildings, many public buildings such as caravanserais, bathhouses, cisterns (ab anbars), and bazaars were restored and renovated in this period. Constructions of all sorts of mosques and schools in this period, which came to be called “Sultani” (monarchial or affiliated with the sultanate) schools or mosques, are somewhat reminiscent of civil constructions of the Seljuk period, in which Khwāja Niẓām al-Mulk built Niẓāmiyya schools, only that instead of reinforcing the Shāfiʿī branch of Sunni Islam, this time the Uṣūlī branch of Shiite jurisprudence was intended to be reinforced through these mosques and schools. Uṣūlī (as opposed to Akhbārī) scholars were honored and treasured by Qajar rulers. A case in point is the construction of mausoleums for this group of Shiite scholars. The close tie between the monarchial court and religious groups was more evident in religiously sanctified cities such as Qom and Shiraz, where elaborate civil constructions were carried out for purposes of attracting the support of religious scholars. As a result of trying to imitate the structure of the Caliphal Center (i.e. Tehran) and the attempts by those affiliated with the Qajar court in smaller provincial capitals, a general pattern of some sort was visible throughout the country. All this made for a pattern that can be characterized as an architectural and urban-planning school of the first half of the Qajar period.

Acknowledgment
The authors feel obliged to express their gratitude to the anonymous reviewers of the journal who graciously accepted the task and enriched the content of the article with their constructive suggestions.

Observation Contribution
The authors declare that, considering the article is extracted from a doctoral dissertation, the manuscript was written by the first author under the guidance and supervision of the second author and the consultation of the third author.

Conflict of Interest
The authors, while adhering to publication ethics, declare the absence of any conflicts of interest.

Abstract
As Iran underwent major political, social, and economic changes in the late Qajar period, the Zoroastrian community, particularly concentrated in the city of Yazd, experienced significant transformations in its social and economic conditions. These changes were gradually reflected in the architectural fabric of Zoroastrian settlements in both urban and rural contexts. Despite the wide distribution of Zoroastrian settlements in Yazd and its surrounding villages, comprehensive research addressing the impact of socio-economic transformations on their built environment remains limited. The main research question of this study is how socio-economic changes among Zoroastrians in the late Qajar period influenced their urban and rural settlements. The study assumes that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status created the conditions necessary for the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings, which had previously been severely restricted. The research employs a qualitative methodology based on the analysis of historical documents and archival sources to reconstruct the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians and the forces that contributed to the reduction of their limitations. This analysis is complemented by field surveys of architectural remains in two case studies: the Dasturan neighborhood as an urban Zoroastrian settlement and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement. The findings indicate that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic position from the Naseri period onward directly facilitated the emergence and expansion of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural areas, developments that had no precedent prior to this period. These architectural changes reflect not only economic advancement but also deliberate efforts to strengthen religious identity and internal social cohesion within Iran’s Islamic society.
Keywords: Zoroastrian Architecture, Dasturan Neighborhood, Moryabad, Qajar Period, Pahlavi I Period.

Introduction
The political, social, and economic transformations of Iran during the late Qajar period profoundly altered the country’s traditional structures. Within this broader context, the city of Yazd experienced notable economic growth due to its relative security and its strategic position along major commercial routes. These conditions contributed to Yazd’s emergence as one of the most significant centers of Zoroastrian settlement in Iran, reinforced by the geographical concentration of Zoroastrians within the city. The economic prosperity of Yazd in this period was closely linked to the commercial networks established between local Zoroastrians and their coreligionists, the Parsis of India. These transregional connections played a crucial role in expanding trade activities and improving the economic standing of the Zoroastrian community. Prior to the Naseri period, however, Zoroastrians faced extensive social and economic restrictions, including limitations on cross-border trade and the exchange of certain goods. Such constraints also affected their ability to construct or even repair religious and public buildings, thereby limiting their visible presence in the urban and rural landscape. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, a combination of internal and external factors facilitated significant changes in the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians. The abolition of the jizya tax under Naser al-Din Shah, increased social and economic freedoms, and the growing involvement of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations collectively contributed to the gradual improvement of the community’s status. As a result, Zoroastrians were able not only to strengthen their economic position and participate more actively in Yazd’s international trade networks, but also to initiate the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings within their settlements. Despite the extensive presence of Zoroastrian neighborhoods in Yazd and its surrounding villages, limited scholarly attention has been paid to the ways in which these socio-economic transformations were reflected in the built environment of Zoroastrian settlements. Comparative analyses that address both urban and rural contexts remain scarce. This research seeks to address this gap by examining the architectural and spatial consequences of socio-economic change among Zoroastrians during the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods. 
Focusing on two contrasting case studies, the Dasturan neighborhood as the only urban Zoroastrian residential area in Yazd, and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement, this study aims to analyze how broader social and economic transformations had materialized in the physical fabric of Zoroastrian communities. By combining historical sources with field-based architectural surveys, the research explores the relationship between socio-economic change and the formation of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural settings.

Discussion
This research adopts a combined historical and institutional approach to analyze the relationship between socio-economic transformations and the formation of religious and public buildings in Zoroastrian settlements. Data collection was carried out through an integrated methodology, including archival and documentary research alongside field-based architectural surveys. This approach allows for the reconstruction of the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians during the Qajar period and an examination of how institutional support influenced changes in the built environment. Historical evidence indicates that until the late Qajar period, Zoroastrians lived under difficult social conditions characterized by discrimination and legal restrictions. As ahl al-dhimma (protected religious minorities), they were subject to the jizya tax and deprived of many basic social and economic rights. They faced severe limitations in commercial activities, including restrictions on long-distance trade, import–export practices, and participation in professional mercantile networks. These constraints also limited their ability to construct or repair religious and public buildings, resulting in a largely invisible architectural presence in both urban and rural settings. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, however, the intervention of several supporting institutions led to a gradual transformation of these conditions. The abolition of the jizya tax by royal decree, the growing influence of the British government, and most significantly the financial and political support of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations contributed to the improvement of Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status. Following these changes, Zoroastrians were permitted to engage openly in trade, establish commercial companies, and participate in expanding trade routes between Iran and India, particularly through the city of Yazd. These developments facilitated the emergence of a Zoroastrian mercantile class and strengthened the economic foundations of the community. The architectural consequences of these transformations are clearly observable in both case studies examined in this research. In the urban context of the Dasturan neighborhood, the improved socio-economic position of Zoroastrians and the presence of institutional support enabled the construction and reconstruction of a wide range of religious and public buildings from the Naseri period onward. These included fire temples, darb-e-mehr structures, communal ritual spaces, schools, hospitals, water reservoirs, and libraries. A similar but more limited pattern can be observed in the rural settlement of Moryabad.

Conclusion
In response to the research question and drawing on historical sources and field-based investigations of the buildings, the findings indicate that the formation and development of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural contexts reflect the improvement of the social and economic conditions of Zoroastrians in the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods. In Moryabad, efforts were largely concentrated on the construction or restoration of religious buildings such as fire temples and pilgrimage shrines, while public structures were limited to water reservoirs and two primary schools. By contrast, the Dasturan quarter, as an urban fabric, exhibited a far greater diversity and scale of public buildings, ranging from schools and high schools to a hospital, library, and water reservoir. The presence of supportive institutions and the emphasis on restoring religious buildings and constructing public structures, particularly schools in both urban and rural areas, not only indicate a reduction and moderation of the former restrictions imposed on Zoroastrians, especially regarding the restoration of religious sites and the establishment of schools, but also reflect this community’s efforts to enhance its social standing and to consolidate and strengthen its religious identity and intra-group cohesion as a religious minority within an Islamic society.