Abstract
Spindle Whorls are among the main cultural materials and needs of animal husbandry and semi-”frozen” societies and are among the works that are directly related to the pattern of livelihood and production in the clothing family and fibers of early societies. to be. Which are interpreted in the analysis of the findings of ancient sites. The area behind Malayer Plain Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe is no exception to this feature, and the number of 123 Spindle Whorls found among its archaeological excavation findings has a significant presence in terms of type and f. The main stones of this area can be divided into two groups: convex and conical, each of which is divided into two sub-branches: painted and simple, and in terms of quality of construction, they can be divided into two groups: medium and Roughly divided. All Spindle Whorls are made of baked clay with a mixture of herbs and in different sizes. The purpose of this research is in the first stage, typology and study of saddles and in the second stage, analysis of livelihood model related to the production of textiles in the hills posht forodgah. A significant number of Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe and its application in the production of yarn by analyzing it on the produced fibers and how to organize this production can help a lot. The method of the present research, based on comparative studies and with a descriptive-analytical approach, seeks to answer these questions: What kind and forms of hymns discovered Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe and what threads are used in its production? Given the Semi-Unilateral of the Tepe communities Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe and the abundance of Sardok, the production of textiles in this area has been for local and domestic use and trans-regional trade? Considering the Semi-Unilateral and nomadic settlement and the method of economic production based on animal husbandry in the early communities of the Central Zagros and the hills Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, it seems that based on the variety of mounds in type of material, quality of species, shape and size, these wool fibers They are mainly used for local use and trade outside the region to meet basic needs.
Keywords: Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, Typology, Spindle Whorl.

Introduction
Spindle Whorl is a cultural object and cultural material that is mainly made of stone, bone, wood, etc., which provides the first manifestations and old evidence from different stages of fabric production.
Analysis and typology of Spindle Whorls provide good information on how ancient tissues rotate, but it is necessary to establish a methodological typology of this type of ancient cultural finds. Type and packaging in type, shape and size provide an effective way to determine how yarns work. The shape, type and appearance of each yarn is directly related to the type of production, spinning. Therefore, the appearance and functional typologies of saddles are other ways of knowing the type of spinning and other stages of textile production. For example, the typology, shape and function of a highly effective method of the characteristics of the fibers produced and used and the final product produced from yarn or fibers (such as: wool, silk, fabric, etc.) are presented through rotation in the production of clothing. Gives. Among these, the “weight” of Spindle Whorls is considered as one of the most important factors determining the properties of production fibers. Among these, the “weight” of Spindle Whorls is considered as one of the most important factors determining the properties of production fibers. Finally, sawdust should be placed in significant categories that determine spinning and textile production, and these categories are based on the characteristics that determine the use of sawdust. Spindle Whorls discovered from the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe The most abundant cultural finds in the hills behind the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe after pottery are all kinds of Spindle Whorls. These chestnuts come in a variety of shapes and sizes, from circular and semi-circular to conical, all made of fine-grained clay and then heated. The Spindle Whorls of the hills behind the polished Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, in terms of simple appearance, is less decorated and less decorated. Alone and on some of them, a linear and crescent-shaped dimple (or a kind of sign and symbol) can be seen, which is apparently created with nails. The Spindle Whorl have a hole in the middle for the passage and the wooden handle to rotate. The central hole of the Spindle Whorl is usually made in such a way that it is narrower at one end to prevent the movement of the wooden rod that was placed in this hole. And the thread was twisted around it; However, some cases of Spindle Whorls have been obtained from this area that did not have holes. It seems that the process of making these Spindle Whorls is incomplete and due to the similarity of Spindle Whorls, they can not be classified as Token or counting objects. It should be noted that no stones were found on the slopes of the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe From all the new Neolithic stages to the Old Copper Age and the Stone Age of the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe, three main types of oval, pyramidal and conical shapes have been obtained. These Spindle Whorls do not have the desired construction quality in the lower layers (new Neolithic of phase c). Because it is deformed and rough in appearance, and in terms of cooking, it gets a little hot and a kind of raw hand can be seen in making them. With the development of higher stages and the age of copper and old stone, Spindle Whorls have advanced in terms of variety and quality in terms of construction and have gained high resistance.
These heads vary in weight. The lightest Spindle Whorls weigh about 5 grams and the heaviest Spindle Whorls discovered from this hill weigh about 160 grams. From this point of view, it can be said that the production of yarn and the use of fibers in this region also have a diameter. Produced from the thinnest yarn to the thickest. As mentioned, the weight and diameter of the saddle circle is the most important determining factor in the process of spinning and yarn production, which is one of the important features among Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe saddles. What can be said about the diameter and size of Spindle Whorls in this area? In order to increase the diameter of the rotating shaft with the light weight of the saddle, the hollow feature of the saddle has been used so that the weight of the saddle does not increase. This feature (in the emptiness of the saddles) is one of the examples of the ridges of Qalangap hill (Abdollahi and Sardari Zarchi Figure 14, 130: 1392) and Chaghamish... and Tal Bakun (Alizadeh 1382: 349, (Figure 9) is also considered and large and hollow Spindle Whorls are produced to produce the weight of thin fibers with high flexibility and elasticity.
Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe headboards are made in the simplest possible way in terms of decoration, and the least amount of decoration is seen in terms of design compared to other areas, and only a few examples of designs are created compactly (Figure 7). The simple-edged conical saddle, which is also one of the most common types of saddles, is similar to the conical specimens of the Tel Bakun, which in some cases have compact linear or circular shapes (Alizadeh 2004: 146 and 349)

Conclusion
Using a comprehensive comparative method, 123 Spindle Whorls obtained from a season of excavation at the Malayer Plain Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe were discussed in response to questions:
In response to the first question, in addition to a coherent typology, this type of cultural findings (based on compatibility with Spindle Whorl of Charo, Chaghamish, Tal Bakun and Qalagap regions) were identified in 6 species.
The heads of this region are divided into two main groups: convex (oval and two-sided pyramid) and conical (one-sided and cylindrical pyramid).
Each group is divided into two subgroups, carved and simple, and in terms of construction quality, they are in two groups, medium and rough.
All chests are made of clay with vegetable chamotte and in different sizes (2 to 5 cm and weighing 5 to 160 grams). Some heads have pressure patterns created by a sharp tool. Depending on the type of semi-resident settlement and the method of economic production based on herding (sheep and goats) in the early communities of Central Zagros and also the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe area due to the high volume of goat bones (due to jaws and horns) based on the variety of Spindle Whorls in this area In terms of shape, size and weight of the species, these Spindle Whorls are mostly used in fleece fibers.
Accordingly, heavy and long Spindle Whorls with high rotation axis are used to twist thick and long fibers (goat hair) and small short Spindle Whorls with low rotation axis are used to twist thin and short fibers (fleece) with different thicknesses. In this study, Spindle Whorls weight was considered as test variables on yarn diameter, yarn rupture and elasticity and yarn warp.
In response to the second question, considering the semi-monolithic location of the Poshteh-Forodgah Tepe based on various ash deposits to a depth of about 160 cm and the vertical migration approach of the communities present in it, it seems that most textile products are for endogenous use and sometimes for trade. It has been trans-regional in meeting basic needs.

Abstract
The settlements of human societies have always undergone cultural changes in their place over time. One of the reasons for this alteration is the change in livelihood strategies as a result of climate change, in the social organization seeks change in production, technology and.... Among these, the most important factor should be considered livelihood and a kind of biogeography-dependent determinism in meeting basic needs, in the structure of the pattern of human settlements, so economic, social and environmental frameworks complement each other to analyze why change. Or lack of it in the biological patterns of humans throughout their historical life. Kabudrahang plain has been one of the northern plains of Hamedan province and one of the most important ways of communication between the cultures of the Central Plateau, the northwest and the Central Zagros during different periods. This plain in the summer of 2007, under the title: “Study and identification of the ancient sites of Gol Tappeh and the central part of Kabudrahang” has been studied in a survey by collecting cultural materials from the area, in two seasons. The result of field studies includes 140 sites from different periods of Chalcolithic Period to late Islam, which shows environmental and cultural changes in the settlement patterns from the period of Chalcolithic Period to the Qajar era. One of the main topics addressed in archeology is the study of changes in ancient sites and, finally, the attempt to analyze the changes and developments of habitat patterns and their causes over time. In this regard, to examine the trend of changes in settlement patterns, hypotheses based on the influence of factors such as: “space”, “time” and “place” in the process of these changes are presented. However, the main question of this research is that what were the influential factors in the cultural changes of the settlements of Kabudrahang plain from the Chalcolithic Period to the Qajar era? The method selected in the present study will be the use of “Kennethe F. Watt” theory strategies based on GIS analysis with a historical-analytical approach. The results of the study of Kabudrahang plain settlements from the Chalcolithic Period to the Qajar era, show a change in the adaptive strategies of human groups present in it, based on livelihood patterns in location with the impact of the geography of the study area on the needs of human communities..
Keywords: Kabudrahang Plain, Archaeological Study, Settlement Pattern, Location, Geography.

Introduction
Human settlements have always undergone various changes in location over time. Among the reasons for that are changes in livelihood strategies as a result of climate change, changes in social organization following cultural changes, technology, and so on. In addition to socio-economic reasons, cultural issues and a kind of determinism related to environmental geography could also affect the structure of human settlement patterns; Thus, economic, cultural, social, and environmental frameworks complement each other to explain why human life patterns have changed, throughout their historical life. Kabudrahang plain with the length of 50 km northwest-southeast and north, including the northern plains of Hamadan province and has been one of the most important communication routes between the inhabitants of the Central Plateau, northwest and central Zagros. Kabudrahang, with its diverse geography including mountainous areas, high slopes, lagoon (Shirinsoo) and mid-mountain plain on the northeastern slopes of Alvand Mountains, has experienced various biological and climatic changes over time. In the summer of 2007, Kaboudrahang plain was intensively surveyed by collecting cultural materials from the region during two seasons, with a field project entitled “Study and identification of the ancient sites of Gol- Tappeh and the central part of Kabudrahang”, which resulted in 140 sites being identified. Different types of Chalcolithic Period have been identified from the period to the end of the Islamic period, which includes different types: hills, caves, castles, cemeteries, stone paintings, baths, bridges, etc. In this research, the location changes of settlements, cultural effects and developments of archaeological findings in this cultural field will be studied, which is one of the main objectives of this research.

Settlements and Sites of Kabudrahang Plain
As mentioned in the introduction, Kabudrahang plain was studied for the first time in two stages with the research project “Study and identification of the ancient sites of Gol Tappeh and the central part of Kabudrahang” (NazariArshad, 2007). in the first stage (Summer 2007) 60 works and in the second stage (Autumn 2007) 80 ancient works were identified. Accordingly, in the study of the area in the first Season, for each area, a location code number after the letter “KA”, which is derived from the name “Kabudrahang” was considered; So that after the investigation in the first Season 60 codes and in the second Season, 80 codes (140 codes in total in two Seasons) were allocated for all identified works. The identified ancient sites include: caves, stone carvings, baths, bridges, cemeteries, mountain castles with stone and brick materials for residential and governmental use, and other items in the form of ancient hills from the Chalcolithic period to the Qajar period. In the following, information about the typology of different places and ancient hills of Kaboudrahang based on known archeological periods and cultures will be provided.
Chalcolithic Period: The oldest artifacts and common cultures identified from Kabudrahang plain belong to the Chalcolithic periods, among which, from 13 sites, the artifacts of the period have been identified.
Bronze Age: Bronze Age artifacts of Kabudrahang plain have been identified in 16 settlements.
Iron Age: Iron Age artifacts in Kabudrahang plain are limited and have been identified from only 5 settlements.
Parthian and Sassanid Period: The settlements of the historical period of Kaboudrahang plain have been identified from 106 sites, which can be considered more related to the Parthian and Sassanid eras.
Islamic Period: Remains of the Islamic era of Kaboudrahang plain were identified from 125 sites. These sites belong to different periods of the early, middle and late Islamic centuries and include different types of monuments such as baths, castles, bridges, cemeteries and ancient hills.

Conclusion 
The ideas and analysis of the settlement patterns of Kabudrahang plain can be discussed from two perspectives; First: livelihood economy, which has caused spatial changes in order to benefit and adapt its different communities to the environment, which sometimes includes livestock with a semi-integrated approach and sometimes agriculture and permanent settlement in different areas of the plain. These environmental compromises have been manifested in all prehistoric periods (Chalcolithic Period) to the late Islamic period (Qajar) in Kaboudar plain. Second: Roads and communication spaces and the location of the region have been political, cultural and commercial borders. In different historical periods, roads, trade and economic prosperity have always been considered as a component of the durability and stability of governments. Road surveillance, awareness and prevention of possible movements of military attacks, required important infrastructure such as: military bases along the way, proper access roads and most importantly security. Therefore, the construction of castles has always been considered important and serious by the rulers and the city government, which in the Kabudrahang plain has shown the most in the Parthian and Qajar periods based on the type of settlements (Fortifications Castle). Existence of surface waters such as seasonal and permanent wetlands and rivers and being located in communication roads and borders of different cultures in the northwest, central plateau and central Zagros has made Kaboudrahang plain more important in different periods (from prehistoric to Islamic period). Finally, it can be said that the main areas of this plain are occupied by settlements of less than half a hectare and a limited area of one to three hectares, which indicates the existence of small and large villages to supply their core in prehistoric times and central governments in the emerging historical period. Feudalism (especially in the Parthian and Qajar periods) has been with the approach of master and servant using geography, ecology and environmental capabilities of the region.

Abstract
Varamin-Pishva plain is one of the most important cultural areas of the southeastern part of Tehran plateau in different historical periods. Taghabad Tepe with two western and eastern elevations and consisting of different rich layers of Iron and Bronze Age is located in this plain. This site has been studied and archeological research in 1397. In this study, it was found that this area has different deposits from the Iron Age one and two in the upper layers and traces of late bronze in the lower layers along the horizon with the common western traditions on the plateau. The aim of this study was to analyze the mentioned findings and compare it with the findings of other areas of Varamin plain and other neighboring areas. The questions of this research are as follows: based on the archaeological findings of the cultural developments of Taghiabad Tepe, what kind of cultural traditions dose the Iron Age have? What is the influence of regional and trans-regional cultures of the common Iron Age cultures of Varamin plain due to the Taghabad findings in the type of pottery and architecture? Accordingly, the Iron Age 1and2 of Varamin plain and especially Taghiabad Tepe to some extent shows the regional actions in Varamin plain and the proximity and convergence of the trans-cultural region with neighboring areas. 
Keywords: Iron Age, Varamin-Pishva Plain, Iron Age Settlements, Taghiabad Tepe, Architecture, Pottery.

Introduction
Varamin-Pishva plain, having a suitable geographical position in the slopes of Alborz mountain range and Damavand peak and having a suitable height, has provided suitable ecological conditions for the presence of human communities for a long time. This plain is one of the areas prone to the formation of Iton Age settlements in the north-central part of Iranian plateau. During the archaeological study of this area in 1391-1392 AH. Has identified 27 sites belonging to the Iron Age (Figure1), as a result of studding the findings of this study, only a few sites have been introduced and identified. In this research to analyze and study the pattern of establishment and distribution of sites as well as cultural stages of the Iron Age of Varamin plain by analyzing cultural findings identified from  Iron Age sites based on archaeological studies and cultural traditions of this plain by case study, especially pottery, and the architecture identified from workshop A in the eastern ridge of Taghiabad area as well as the surface findings obtained, classified and then the location of this area in Varamin-Pishva plain next to the Iron Age settlements in the center of Iranian plateau, in a general view, reviewed, evaluation and analysis are included. In this review, understanding the Iron Age communities, especially the Varamin plain will be accompanied by re-reading various theories.

Research Method
The present research is structurally one of the basic researches with a comparative-analytical approach, the method of finding is to exploit the findings of an archaeological excavation chapter based on historical analysis of the findings of Taghibad Tepe. According to the research topic and the variables studied in it, the method of collecting information in the field and data collection tool in this research will be based on archaeological excavations and related reports and articles. 

Taghiabad Tepe
Taghiabad area is located in Javadabad rural district and between Taghiabad villages, Khajoo Qaleh and Ajorbast counties in the agricultural lands of Taghiabad village in Varamin city. This site was considered in the framework of joint cooperation between the Institute and the University of Berlin in 1397 AH to collect samples of ancient climate studies from ancient deposits and according to the surface findings of the Iron Age and Bronze Age and according to the situation. The demolition of the site was speculated. The site is located in the west and near the Ali Kharat River. Cultural and settelement findings of this research have been identified in Taghiabad Tepe from workshop A in the ridge No1 of Taghiabad Tepe (eastern ridge) and in the northern side of this Tepe in the area that was excavated with an area of 1/5×2 meters (Figure5). From this Tepe, seven settlement phases with two historical periods from Locus have been identified, which include artifacts from the Iron Age 2 and 1 to the late Bronze Age. The cultural materials of this Tepe are all kind of pottery covered with red, cream and brown mud, gray, architecture (walls and thermal structures) plaster, pounded floor, stone tools such as pounding stone, abrasive stone , burnt plant seeds (in terms of appearance similar to wheat or barley) it has formed a bony specimen, goat horn and clay tokens, etc., which will be described below

Conclusion
The results of the study of Varamin plain settlements from its archaeological of Iron Age communities, based on Taghiabad Tepe excavation, this area and site as an important area and indicators in the study of Iron Age cultures and chronology of the Iranian plateau. One of the most important topics in the archeology of the Iranian plateau is how the tradition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age and its sequence, one of the important features of Taghiabad Tepe is the presence of communities from the Iron Age and their cultural connection with the Bronze Age which is of great importance in the studies of the tradition from the Bronze Age to Iron (Age)., an area where settlement began in the Iron Age and continued until the Bronze Age . Accordingly, in this study, questions were raised that can be evaluated in this way. The first question was asked about archaeological findings, cultural developments of Taghiabad Tepe and how the cultural traditions of the Iron Age. The urban complex and evolution of later cultures with cultural establishment has been one of the actions of the neighboring horizon in the type of architecture and pottery, especially Gholi Darvish. The second question was asked about the interactions and influence of regional and supra-regional cultures of the common cultures of the Iron Age of Varamin plain due to Taghiabad findings in the type of pottery and architecture, which according to the surface findings of 27 sites recorded in studies, archaeological as well as various excavations in Sofalin Tepe, Chalnasian and other areas, this plain to some extent shows intra-regional activities with the center of Taghiabad Tepe, with cultural trans-regional affinity and convergence with adjacent areas in the southern and northern parts of the central plateau of Iran. Therefore, it can be considered that the Iron Age sites of Varamin-Pishva plain, especially Taghiabad Tepe, are the product of an advanced society with a cultural establishment of adjacent horizon actions in the type of “architecture” and “pottery”. Based on the types of pottery and the type of architecture the cultural sequence of Taghiabad Tepe can be introduced with 7 phases of establishment in two historical monuments. Finally, it can be said that based on the relative and comparative dating of Taghiabad Tepe, it can be dated to the late bronze period of the transition period and the Iron Age of one and two.
pe. 

Abstract
The Polychrome Enobe pottery attributed to Neishabour is one of the unique pottery of the Islamic era, which has many divers and symbolic motifs. According to the role of the ingredients of these pottery, they were created in deep connection with the mythological and religious beliefs of the people of the third and fourth centuries AH; Therefore, the correct interpretation of these pottery designs helps to understand the social, cultural, political and religious conditions of the people of that time. One of the illustrated symbols on these pottery is the symbol of a camel, which is drawn on a Polychrome bowl and is kept in the Reza Abbasi Museum. The camel drawn on this pottery is important because it seems to be indicative of deep concepts regarding the sanctification of “Camel” in Neishabur society. Until now, no purposeful study has been done to interpret the depicted camel on this pottery; Therefore, the authors are trying to study the symbol of the camel depicted on the pottery in this essay with “Iconography” method with the approach of “Erwin Panofsky”. To achieve this goal, the questions; what is the symbolic meaning of the camel depicted on the Polychrome bowl of Neishabur in relation to the jar and the bird? The Polychrome Enobe bowl with the motif of a camel, in combination with other motifs, is derived from the beliefs of which stratum of society is Neishabur? It has been suggested that in order to get the answers to the questions, the research method adopted for the future research is a library with a descriptive-analytical-historical approach, in which the discussed pottery motifs are analyzed first, and then to interpret its symbol with Panofsky’s three-step method. The result of the study of the camel symbol is that the motif of a camel with a jar under its belly and a hoopoe bird seems to be derived from the principles of Zoroastrian purification and also the Gomiz healing properties of camels among the Muslims of 3rd and 4th centuries AH living the north east of Iran. 
Keywords: Iconography, Pottery, Polychrome Enobe, Neishabur, Camel, Gomiz.

Introduction
The Polychrome Enobe pottery attributed to Neishabur is one of the most important and unique pottery produced in northeastern Iran after the arrival of Islam in terms of diverse and symbolic motifs. In addition to visual beauty, the patterns of the above pottery always have a special place in the studies of researchers in the field of art, especially archeology, due to the fact that they have special and symbolic scenes. The importance of studying the reinterpretation and origin of Polychrome Enobe patterns is due to the fact the researchers such as Lin (1948), Wilkinson (1973), Zack Nissen (1973) and Samavaki (2021) believe that the motifs of, the works on these pottery are often in deep connection with the mythological and religious beliefs of the people of the 3rd and 4th centuries AH. The symbolic concept of the camel with the symbols of the evil eye, which destroys demonic forces, finds more expression for the interpretation of the sanctification of Gomiz. A Polychrome Enobe bowl attributed to Neishabur with a camel motif and the symbolic concept of the sacredness of the camel cannot be applied to a specific stratum.  According to this belief, it is derived from the beliefs of the people as a result of the fusion of Zoroastrian religion with Islam as a result of political events parallel to the Abbasid rule in the third and fourth centuries of AH and was deliberately created by Zoroastrians, changed the Gomiz of a camel, a sacred animal in the Muslim belief, to cow Gomiz in order to preserve the tradition of purification, and it seems that they were able to preserve this tradition for themselves. With this reasoning, the mentioned bowl has a double meaning in the belief of Muslims and Zoroastrians; In a way, the special place of “camel “among the common people of the third and fourth centuries AH by drawing a camel and other figure such as a bird, a jar and the symbol of the evil eye, draw a picture. 

The Iconography of the Camel Symbol Depicted on the Polychrome Enobe Pottery Attributed to Neishabur 
In this part of the research, which is also the main body of the research; The symbol role of the camel in connection with other motifs in the Polychrome Enobe bowl of Reza Abbasi Museum is studied with the iconography method in three stages of description, analysis and interpretation. The bowl Polychrome Enobe attributed to Neishabur under the registration number of 1371 is kept in the Reza Abbasi Museum. In the central circle of the bowl, a camel with a single hump can be seen in light brown color with a six- petals flower pattern on the body with an embossed background. On the body of the camel, three curved lines are drawn near the front and back legs. The head and face of this camel is depicted upward and clinging to its hump with a big eye on its face. The camel ‘s tail is black with a few short branches and its hoovers are clearly marked with black inks, and there are two parallel blabk lines on the camel ‘s left hand near the neck, which may be a sign of decoration. To the left of the camel, a bird with a long abstract crown, which is probably a hoopoe can be seen. The head of this bird is light brown and its body is black with wings with a black checkered pattern on the body.  Under the camel ‘s belly, there is an image of a jar with a long base and a wider base compared to the mouth of the jar, in black color. On the body of this jar, there are four flowers and two abstract wings on both sides of the jar. On both sides of the jar, two circles are drawn with a dot in the middle, which seems to be a symbol of the evil eye. It should be mentioned that these circles that look like evil eye are distributed in the entire field of the dish. In front of the camel ‘s neck, there is a flower in the form of a Slimi. Also, in front of the camel ‘s neck and legs, a pseudo-inscription can be seen in back. Around the legs, hands and top of the camel’s head, four and six features’ flowers are drawn in pea color dots in the middle of each flower. A narrow light brown band surrounds the central circle. There is a pea color background with green and black coloured spots, with the symbol of the evil eye (fig 1). 

Conclusion
Research to reread the symbolic meaning hidden in the symbol of the camel depicted on a Polychrome Enobe bowl attributed to Neishabur by posing questions: what is the symbolic meaning of a camel depicted on a Polychrome Enobe bowl of Neishabur in relation to the jar and the bird? And the Polychrome Enobe bowl with the motif of the camel, in combination with other motifs, is derived from the beliefs of which segment of the Neishabur society? The idea of the research in line with the questions posed by Panofsky’s iconography method was that the camel has had a special and mythical place in the opinions and beliefs of people in different periods of history. This scared place of the camel can be traced in the third and fourth centuries of AH with the symbolic motif of the camel in the Polychrome bowl attributed to Neishabur. The symbolic meaning of the camel depicted on this pottery refers to the beliefs of Zoroastrians and Muslims about the cleansing and therapeutic properties of camel Gomiz in the third and fourth centuries AH of the living in the north east of Iran. This opinion takes on more expression by combining the motifs of the jar with two abstract wings, the head (pointing at the camel’s hump) and the symbol of the evil eye; so that the two abstract wings drawn on the body of the jar refer to the sacred aspect of camel’s Gomiz in the belief of the common people. Hoopoe, with the symbolic meaning of the pike, is a manifestation of God Soroush to destroy demonic/ satanic forces. 

Abstract
In the study of slipware colorful pottery, it has always been the focus of various researchers due to its unique motifs.  During the past few decades, researchers have studied the patterns of the above pottery with different approaches. Despite the researches that have been carried out in the direction of rereading and interpreting the motifs, there are still ambiguities and challenges. One of the challenges in the interpretation of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery patterns is the illustrated illustration on a plate that is kept in the Nelson Atkins Museum of Art. In their research, according to historical texts, researchers have presented different opinions regarding the role of the above plate, and it is believed that their interpretations have fundamental problems. It seems that the study of historical texts alone is not a solution to the interpretation of the above illustration, and interdisciplinary science studies should be used to investigate the illustration of this container in a separate research using ethno-archaeological studies.  Study and review. In this research, the Authors are of the opinion that by following the archetypes in the geographical context of the production of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery, the study scope of which includes the Khorasan region; to study the illustration of the plate, in order to achieve this goal, the Authors have used ethnographic studies and historical documents to interpret it. The research method of the upcoming research is a library with a comparative historical-analytical approach. In line with the above goal, questions such as what is the concept of the illustration of the colorful goblet plate? It has been proposed to what extent ethno-archaeological studies can be applied in the interpretation of the illustrated illustration on this dish. The result of the comparative research of ethno-archaeological studies and historical documents is that the theme of the illustration engraved on the plate is the ritual ceremony of asking for rain and water from the goddess Anahita and Tishtar, which is held today in the Khorasan region with changes in the way the ceremony is performed. 
Keywords: Pottery, Neishabur, Polychrome Decoration Under Transparent Glaze, Ethnoarcheaology, Asking for Rain.

Introduction
Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery was produced in the 3rd and 4th centuries AH and parallel to the Samanian rule in northeastern Iran, which are very prolific and diverse in terms of motifs. A samples of these pottery is kept in the Nelson Atkins Museum of Art. By analyzing historical texts, researchers have proposed interpretations for the illustration engraved on this plate. Despite the studies conducted with different approaches by different researchers, there are still uncertainties about the identity of human motifs. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate and analyze the identity of the human motifs depicted on the plate in a separate research using ethno-archaeological studies along with reviewing historical texts. Therefore, the aim of the Authors in this research is to study the illustration of plate by examining historical texts and archetypes in the geography of the production of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery, the scope of which includes the Khorasan region.
In the background of the plate, there are nested circles in black with oval motifs and blue-green with circular motifs. The central motifs are three human body performing a special ceremony. The two human body have two two-branched wings on their shoulders, which are hanging down, and according to the clothes they are wearing, their gender can be distinguished as male and female. On the left side of the central body, the role of a small human body with a strange face of incomplete creation is depicted. Between the central man and the body on the left, the motif of a bird with its head turned back and a multi- petaled flower, possibly a lotus, can be seen.

The Role of a High-Ranking Lady
One of the motifs of the plate shows the role of a high-ranking lady sitting on a chair. The high-ranking lady is probably a symbol of the gods believed by the people of the third and fourth centuries due to the presence of two pointed two-branched wings on her shoulders. It seems that the goddess with the rhyton in her hand is probably one of the gods associated with water.

A High-Ranking Man
The motif of a high-ranking man depicted on a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate attributed to Neyshabur, like the motif of the goddess, is probably a symbol of the gods believed by the people of the third and fourth centuries due to the presence of two pointed two-branched wings on the shoulders. The male god is probably related to the water gods because he is next to the water goddess Anahita.

Plant Motifs
The lotus flower is called Abzad flower or the flower of life and creation in Farsi. Since this flower is related to water and in ancient traditions, the lotus flower was considered to be sacred and related to Anahita. Illustrated plant motifs on a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate attributed to Nishapur, the plant pattern of the seat of the female deity, as well as the plant motifs around the body of the male deity and the ten-petaled flower between the male deity and a small human body by comparing the actual sample of the bud and the lotus flower and the obvious similarity with It is probably a symbol of the lotus flower.

Bird
On a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate, the motif of a bird is drawn above the head of the male deity and the motif of a small human with his head turned back. The bird is probably a rooster symbol due to the abstract tail, several feathers on the body and also the crown on the head.

A Small Human Body
A small human body with a strange, imperfectly formed face, with eyes stretched vertically downwards, with open hands around him and a mouth on his cheek. to inspire a symbolic concept of him to the viewer. The small human role cannot be interpreted with the myth of Tishtar and Anahita; because there is no mention of its identity in opposition to the above gods in historical texts. Inevitably, in order to identify the identity of the small human role that can be referred to as the missing link and in the archetypes of the water myth, it was investigated in the geographical context of the production of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery attributed to Nishapur in the Khorasan region.

Conclusion
The result of the analyzes that were carried out in line with the proposed questions was that the scene of the celebration depicted on the plate was probably the narrator of the ritual ceremony related to water and rain among the people of the 3rd and 4th centuries in Nishapur. This result was obtained by identifying the patterns of the components of the plate with historical evidence and ethno-archaeological studies. Which could be identified with the identification of two human roles using historical texts with two wings and symbols such as lotus flower, rhyton, and cow horn hat. They were the gods Tishtar and Anahita. For the identification of the small human body with an ugly face, which gave the viewer a superhuman personality, the results of ethno-archaeological studies were also used by following its archetype in myths; Because she was assumed to be an ugly doll and also because she was placed next to the beautiful gods Anahita and Tishtar, she was matched with the ugly Qazak Chuli doll or the Opush demon in the Khorasan region with the ritual ceremony of asking for rain. The rooster is also depicted in opposition to the gods Anahita and Tishtar, and the doll symbolizing the demon Opush, a symbol of Sorush, which destroys the demonic forces of Opush. Therefore, according to the identification of motifs and their symbolic interpretation, the theme of the illustrated illustration on a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate is related to the ritual ceremony of asking for rain in the 3rd and 4th centuries during a celebration that was accompanied by music and joy. The living manifestation of this archetype is the ritual ceremony of Choli Qazak among the people of Khorasan region in search of rain. The people of Khorasan in the seasons of drought and lack of rain make dolls that have been passed down from their fathers to them during ritual ceremonies with instruments and drums. And they ask for rain from the water gods with joy and enthusiasm.

Abstract
Monumental sculptures are considered significant artistic artifacts, primarily associated with ritualistic and religious contexts, and possess a long historical tradition. The creation of such commemorative and symbolic sculptures often aimed to represent the divine or transcendent status of their subjects. Within the cultural history of Iran, the tradition of sculpting with this approach dates back to the Neolithic period as exemplified by the “Venus of Sarab” and witnessed a substantial increase from the third millennium BCE onwards. This practice reached its height during the Elamite civilization, coinciding with the emergence of multiple deities and rulers. These sculptures were frequently used as votive offerings in temples or as grave goods in the burials of high-status individuals. The commemorative stone statue housed in the Nahavand Museum is one such artifact, yet its origin and precise nature remain unclear due to its non-archaeological discovery. Consequently, numerous ambiguities surround its contextualization. The main objective of this study is to examine the nature of this stone sculpture through an iconographic and chronological analysis. It seeks to address key questions regarding its material essence, function, artistic style, and usage, assuming it belongs to the Elamite period within the cultural domain of Simashki. To achieve more accurate contextualization and dating, the research employs comparative analysis with similar contemporaneous examples, aiming to enhance the understanding of Elamite art particularly during the Sukkalmah period in the Central Zagros region. This study adopts a qualitative methodology, utilizing a historical-analytical approach supported by library-based sources. To evaluate the research propositions, references are made to the sculptural styles of the Elamite civilization and comparative Mesopotamian examples. The findings suggest that the Nahavand stone statue, based on its formal and visual characteristics, can be classified as a monumental sculpture dating to the Sukkalmah period (second millennium BCE), and most likely originates from the greater Simashki region.
Keywords: Monumental Sculpture, Nahavand, Elamite, Sukkalmah, Iconography.

Introduction
What emerges more prominently in the archaeological data from western Iran during the Elamite period is not so much the material culture uncovered through excavations, but rather the names recorded in Babylonian and Assyrian inscriptions. Just as western Iran particularly Ecbatana served as a political center during the rise of the Medes and Persians, the discovery of this sculpture in Nahavand, alongside the limited number of Early Elamite finds from sites such as Giyan, may indicate the existence of cultural complexity even prior to these later civilizations. Alternatively, it could reflect a syncretic cultural expression influenced by Elamite traditions during the period of Kassite domination, especially considering the stylistic affinities of the sculpture under study. These possibilities warrant deeper examination and reflection. This discussion is situated within that very context: sculpture, as an integral component of cultural heritage, provides a valuable lens through which to understand the shifting cultural and political boundaries between Elam and Mesopotamia. The identification of Elamite-period artifacts particularly from the early Elamite era (Sukkalmah period) in western Iran, such as those associated with the early historical levels of Giyan V and Susa III, offer clues to the southern cultural sphere’s influence in this geography. Given that the sculpture analyzed in this study conforms stylistically to the early Elamite artistic tradition, it may represent a cultural artifact of that historical period and geographical reach within the Central Zagros. Accordingly, this paper aims to present further evidence of cultural contact or homogeneity between the northern parts of the Central Zagros and southern Elamite regions. Such a discovery might suggest the presence of one of the two models of Elamite governance autonomous or centrally controlled in western Iran from the late third millennium B.C. onward. Just as the cemetery seals of Susa reflect religious and ritual activities, this commemorative sculpture may also reveal similar ideological functions (cf. Hole, 1985: 21–24). To date, various artifacts seals, ceramics, figurative art, and paintings have contributed to our understanding of cultural convergence across different regions of Iran. Among these, sculptural objects offer a unique window into such interpretations. Place names such as Karin-Dash (modern Kermanshah), Shushur (in Iraqi Kurdistan), Elipi (Lorestan), Huni-Hur (Bakhtiari Mountains), and Simash (Khorramabad) (Majidzadeh, 1992), reflect the wide territorial reach of the Elamite state in western Iran. Therefore, the identification of this statue in Nahavand invites a reconsideration and deeper exploration of the Elamite presence in the region. To validate and further analyze these claims, the following sections of the study will provide a brief historical overview of Elamite sculpture and its stylistic characteristics, along with comparative examples. Ultimately, the goal is to determine the ritual and religious function of such an object, and to define its precise nature within this historical-cultural framework.

The Nahavand Commemorative Statue
The Nahavand stone idol, carved from limestone, stands approximately 37 centimeters in height and 11 centimeters in width at its base, where two back-to-back seated bulls support the sculpture. The figurine is composed of several components, each potentially bearing symbolic significance. The figure of the goddess, from the tip of her conical, woven headdress to her feet (which rest upon the backs of the two bulls), measures 24 centimeters in height. The statue is carved from a single block of stone but has suffered visible damage, including fractures at the goddess’s neck and feet. The goddess wears a tiered, pleated robe, intricately carved to cover the full length of her body, and a conical headdress woven in relief. The structured, layered nature of the clothing, along with the serene and formal depiction of the face, indicates the symbolic and sacred function of the figure. Her hands are positioned near the abdomen, possibly holding a vessel or an object though due to surface erosion, this remains uncertain. As noted, the goddess is depicted standing frontally atop two bulls, which are positioned in profile but rendered in full-face from the side view. This double-faced sculptural technique is strikingly similar to the posture and composition of the bull capitals used in the Apadana Palace at Susa during the late first millennium B.C. (see: Fig. 20). A hole located behind the bulls’ heads suggests that the statue may have been mounted on a base, suspended, or used in conjunction with a ritual element. A significant aspect of this sculpture is the rendering of the hands, which align with long-standing traditions in Mesopotamian and Elamite sculpture. These gestures are often associated with religious or ritual symbolism, as seen in various comparable examples (see: Figs. 7 and 8). This tradition derives from Sumerian representations of goddesses and priests shown in acts of reverence during religious ceremonies often bearing symbols of fertility and divine favor. Comparable Elamite statues depict deities holding vessels or sacred plants at the level of the torso or chest (see: Figs. 21 and 22). However, due to wear and erosion, it is unclear whether the hands in this statue are simply clasped over the stomach or if they originally held an object, as is evident in other Elamite figures, such as the well-known limestone statue from Susa believed to represent the goddess Napirisha, divine protector of Ontash-Napirisha. The Nahavand figure also closely resembles motifs seen in Elamite Middle Period representations, particularly in warrior or deity helmets. These helmets often portray divinities wearing tiered garments. The gesture of worship is replicated in smaller attendant figures, while the central deity holds a vessel from which two streams symbols of the waters of life flow (see: Fig. 22), (Naeimi Taraei, et al., 2017: 152–153).

Conclusion
Commemorative stone statues are among the artistic artifacts primarily associated with ritual and religious themes. As discussed throughout this study and supported by comparable examples, such representations have a long-standing tradition dating back to the third millennium B.C. and the early Sumerian dynasties. The creators of these monumental works often aimed to confer divine or transcendent status upon the figures depicted. From the third millennium onward, the production of such statues experienced notable growth, culminating during the Elamite civilization with the proliferation of divine and royal figures. These statues were often used as votive offerings in temples or placed in elite burials as funerary objects. The motif of deities overpowering or standing atop powerful beasts such as bulls or lions is a common iconographic tradition in the art of the ancient Near East, especially in Mesopotamia and Elam. Given its frequency and variety, this theme likely originated in Mesopotamia and subsequently permeated into Elamite cultural and artistic expressions throughout the third and second millennia B.C. Among the most significant examples are statues and iconographies from early Babylon and Middle Elamite, to which the Nahavand stone statue also belongs. The primary objective of this research was to analyze the Nahavand stone sculpture through an iconographic lens and to determine its temporal and geographical context. However, the precise origin and nature of this statue remain uncertain due to the lack of a well-documented archaeological context. Thus, this study approached the object cautiously, focusing primarily on its stylistic and iconographic features rather than its exact provenance. Across various mythological traditions from India to Mesopotamia and Iran gods and goddesses are frequently depicted riding or standing upon animals, not merely as mounts but as symbolic extensions of their divine attributes. For instance, Vishnu rides the mythical eagle Garuda; Shiva mounts the sacred bull, Nandi; and Durga stands or rides upon a tiger or lion, symbolizing triumph over evil. Similarly, Mesopotamian deities such as Inanna (Ishtar) and Marduk are shown riding or standing on powerful animals like bulls and lions Inanna, for instance, is sometimes shown standing atop a lion, signifying dominance over nature and primal force. In this context, the Elamite goddess depicted in the Nahavand statue, standing upon two bulls, appears to draw upon similar iconographic conventions shared among neighboring eastern and western civilizations. The findings of this study suggest that, based on its visual and stylistic attributes, the Nahavand stone statue should be classified as a commemorative sculpture dating to the Sukkalmah period (second millennium B.C.). Geographically, it is likely associated with the broader territory of Simashki. Given the presence of major Elamite sites such as Tepe Giyan in the region, it is plausible to trace the northern extent of Elamite cultural influence into the area of Nahavand.

The earliest evidence of human exploitation of the wild date palm in the Middle East dates back to the sixth and fifth millennia BCE. Despite the scarcity of archaeological data, it is commonly assumed that by the end of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3300–3100 BCE), the Sumerians founded the earliest date palm orchards. However, this hypothesis has thus far not been substantiated by scientifically verified and documented evidence, rendering the matter a subject of scholarly controversy. To date, since the Proto-Elamite script has not yet been fully deciphered, our knowledge of agricultural activities within Proto-Elamite society remains considerably limited. What has been learned so far regarding the structure of this society’s economic system is derived mainly from comparisons between signs found on Proto-Elamite clay tablets and comparable examples in Late Uruk Mesopotamian Proto-cuneiform tablets from the late fourth millennium BCE; signs that primarily pertain to labor activities, animal husbandry, and livestock products. This study outlines the phenotypic characteristics of the date palm that can be identified, and examines their similarities to known Proto-Elamite examples. The authors suggest signs representing date palms in the Proto-Elamite script and consider them as key resources for a better understanding of the subsistence economy of the Proto-Elamite period, an issue previously absent from the scholarly literature on this era. Employing a comparative approach, the article correlates the signs for palms in Proto-Elamite texts with contemporaneous and later Iranian, as well as Mesopotamian, visual motifs. By introducing these signs into the archaeological discourse of the Proto-Elamite period, the research enables a more accurate reconstruction of the economic system and assessment of the level of date-palm horticultural knowledge in southwestern Iran during the late fourth millennium BCE.

Abstract
Material remains bearing figurative representations constitute one of the most significant repositories of historical-cultural information within archaeology and art history. Among such remains, artefacts depicting the cheetah are of particular importance. The interpretation of surviving cheetah imagery in ancient artefacts undoubtedly yields a deeper understanding of coexistence and confrontation between human societies and this predatory animal. Archaeological findings and iconographic analyses conducted thus far on the cheetah indicate that variables such as geographical distribution, temporal multiplicity, and the frequency of cultural interactions have played a considerable role in explaining the transformation of cheetah motifs across different historical periods. Accordingly, after examining the history of studies on the cheetah, as well as investigating the developmental trajectory of cheetah images among coeval cultural horizons in Iran—which have predominantly confined the origin of cheetah motifs from prehistoric times to the late Islamic period to two interpretive models, namely the narrative-mythological and the ritual-ideological—the present study seeks to examine visual examples of the cheetah, while emphasizing the role of predatory hunting animals in human societies, and furthermore to highlight the importance of the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model. This model is grounded in historical texts, specifically hunting manuals, as one of the fundamental causes for the representation of cheetah images, in contrast to the two aforementioned models. For this purpose, archaeological evidence together with comparative studies of historical texts, through an analytical-comparative method, have been re-examined to demonstrate that functionalist interpretations concerning the capture and domestication of this predatory animal by cheetah-keepers in the natural world are of equal or even greater importance than prevalent mythological and ideological interpretations, which are exclusively concerned with political authority and ritual legitimation within the cultural sphere.
Keywords: Hunting Cheetah (Cheetah as a Hunting Auxiliary), Archaeological Findings, Historical Texts, Functionalist-Subsistence Interpretive Models, Mythological and Ideological Interpretive Models.

Introduction
Material remains featuring cheetah depictions are vital sources for understanding the coexistence of human societies and this predator. Previous iconographic analyses suggest that geographical distribution, temporal shifts, and cultural interactions have shaped the evolution of cheetah motifs across rock reliefs, seals, and pottery. While researchers typically attribute these stylistic transformations to decorative, mythological, or ritual concepts, this study proposes a “functionalist -economic” interpretive model as a fundamental driver for these representations.
Tracing cheetah imagery from prehistory to the late Islamic period through archaeological evidence and historical texts—such as hunting treatises (šikār-nāmes) and training manuals (bāz-nāmes) like the Bazname-ye Nasavi—this research challenges purely symbolic readings. The central hypothesis is that the domestication and control of the wild cheetah in Iran were primarily pragmatic processes tied to survival. Ancient humans first harnessed the animal’s hunting abilities to secure food and mitigate risks in the open landscapes of the Iranian plateau, only later embodying these functional roles in mythical and ideological discourses.
By employing an analytical-comparative method across field data from various Iranian regions and reliable library sources, the findings indicate that functionalist interpretations (related to capture and taming) hold equal or greater significance than purely ideological motifs of political authority. Ultimately, this research emphasizes that cheetah representations in ancient Iranian artifacts reflect humanity’s core subsistence concerns and evolutionary adaptation. The functionalist model of human-cheetah coexistence is a long-standing reality that should not be overlooked in favor of purely symbolic or mythical interpretations.

Discussion
This article examines the representation of the cheetah in two principal categories of historical written sources: literary texts (hunting poetry and travel narratives) and technical manuals (bāznāmas/šikārnāmas). Findings indicate that in literary sources, the cheetah is predominantly depicted with attributes such as speed, agility, and ceremonial status within the royal court. Poetic examples from Ferdowsi (“one hundred and sixty cheetah handlers”) and Gorgani (“you think we are the deer and he is the cheetah”) suggest that the cheetah served not only as a hunting companion but also as a symbol of royal authority over nature. Travel accounts, such as Chardin’s, provide tangible details regarding the practice of carrying the cheetah on horseback and removing its blindfold at the moment of the hunt.
The analytical turning point, however, lies in the examination of technical manuals, particularly the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. This monumental work constitutes the most comprehensive historical document concerning the capture, domestication, and training of cheetahs. Nasavi details a seven-stage process: digging pits for live capture, transferring the animal to royal facilities, sleep and food deprivation, training on a “clay donkey,” mounting a horse, entering the hunting ground, and ultimately achieving hunting success.
The principal contribution of this article resides in its systematic correlation of these technical texts with six visual specimens. The Jiroft image (Fig. 12), depicting a human holding a cheetah’s tail, corresponds precisely with the role of the “tail-holder” (domdār) described in the Bāznāma-ye Nasavi. The Sanandaj Museum bowl (Fig. 13), showing a cheetah springing onto the back of a clay bull, directly represents the “clay donkey” training stage. The Samanid-era vessel (Fig. 14), portraying a cheetah seated on a horse, aligns perfectly with descriptions found in hunting manuals.
In conclusion, this article demonstrates that a functionalist-biological reading of cheetah imagery—grounded in written evidence from bāznāmas—possesses equal validity and fundamentality to mythic and ideological interpretations, and may, in certain historical contexts, constitute the very foundational basis for these representations.

Conclusion
The history of studies and interpretations of the visual evolution of the cheetah indicates that cheetah motifs from the fourth millennium BCE to the Islamic period developed gradually, moving from a “decorative singular depiction” toward “mythological-ritual narrations” and finally to “political-ideological symbols.” As demonstrated, most of these studies have predominantly considered the mythological-ritual and political-ideological approaches as the main foundations of the cheetah motif’s evolution, and within their interpretive framework, they have frequently referred to the cheetah as a symbol of power, mastery over nature, and political authority. The present study, through an examination of case studies and their correspondence with historical written documents, has shown that the factors underlying the visual representation of the cheetah, in addition to the above interpretive models, are primarily based on functionalist-biological interpretations, in which the predatory animal was utilized by ancient humans for the purpose of fulfilling their subsistence and biological needs, aiding and facilitating the hunting process, and thus constitutes one of the most important factors in the visual representation of the cheetah.
Accordingly, since the simultaneous re-examination of archaeological evidence and technical-historical texts such as the Bazname-ye Nasavi demonstrates that the stages of capture, domestication, and training of the cheetah for hunting are rooted more in subsistence necessities and human survival than in mythological or ideological representational models, the functionalist-subsistence interpretive model is not only equivalent to the two narrative-mythological and ritual-ideological models, but also temporally and causally precedes them. In other words, before humans embodied the cheetah as a manifestation of supernatural power or political legitimacy, they had mastered it as a “hunting assistant” and employed it in their encounter with the natural world. This very mastery and essential coexistence between humans and cheetahs provided the necessary material and behavioral foundation for the formation of subsequent symbolic layers. Therefore, reducing the evolution of cheetah imagery to two interpretive models—mythological and ideological—without considering its biological-subsistence context is a limited and highly reductive reading.