fa jalali 1404 11 1 gregorian 2026 2 1 46 111 online 1 fulltext

fa بررسی زمینه‌های حفاری غیرمجاز آثار تاریخی در استان مازندران در کنار باستان‌شناسان که با دقت و وسواس فراوان به کاوش در آثار و بناهای تاریخی می‌پردازند، حفاران غیرمجاز بدون هیچ محدودیت و محابایی با کلنگ و تیشه به جان این آثار و میراث فرهنگی می‌افتند تا بلکه بر پایه داستآن‌هایی که شنیده و آرزوهایی که در دل دارند، به گنجی -که از نظر ایشان چیزی جز طلا و جواهر نیست- دست یابند. با توجه به گسترش این پدیده در استان مازندران، در این پژوهش به بررسی دلایل رواج گنج‌یابی در ایران و به‌ویژه مازندران می‌پردازیم. در کنار بررسی این مسئله، پرسش اصلی‌مان این است که چرا علی‌رغم باورمندی گسترده به وجود گنج در میان مازندرانی‌ها، تنها شمار اندکی از آن‌ها به حفاری و جست‌وجوی گنج می‌پردازند؟ به سخن دیگر، این حفاران دارای چه ویژگی‌هایی هستند که دیگر افراد متعلق به طبقه اجتماعی و اقتصادی آن‌ها، این ویژگی‌ها را ندارند؟ برای دست‌یابی به داده‌ها و اطلاعات لازم، به جز بررسی اسناد و مدارک تاریخی، با ۲۵ نفر از نقاط مختلف مازندران که باور به وجود گنج در این استان دارند و برخی از آن‌ها سابقه حفاری غیرمجاز هم داشته‌اند، مصاحبه انجام شد تا به اشباع نظری رسیدیم. این داده‌ها با نظریه «کج‌رفتاری» «مرتن» و «پیوند افتراقی» «سادرلند» و «کرسی» تحلیل شد که بر پایه آن، گستردگی باور به وجود گنج و تمایل به گنج‌یابی در دوران کنونی، اغلب زاییده نبود چشم‌انداز روشن برای دسترسی به فرصت‌های اقتصادی مناسب است که باعث می‌شود افراد، از طریق رفتارهای نابهنجار هم‌چون گنج‌یابی، شانس خود را بی‌آزمایند. در این میان، گروهی که بیش‌ترین ارتباط را با افراد حفار یا صفحات شبکه‌های اجتماعی که گنج‌یابی را تبلیغ می‌کنند، داشته باشند، بیش از سایرین احتمال دارد که به حفاری روی آورند. Abstract Alongside archaeologists who carefully and meticulously excavate historical sites, unauthorized diggers, without any restrictions or restraints, attack these sites and cultural heritage with picks and axes in order to find treasure - which in their opinion is nothing but gold and jewelry - based on the stories they have heard and the wishes they have in their hearts. Considering the spread of this phenomenon in Mazandaran Province, in this study researchers are investigating the reasons for the prevalence of treasure hunting in Iran and especially Mazandaran. In addition to investigating this issue, the main question is why, despite the widespread belief in the existence of treasure among Mazandarani people, only a small number of them dig and search for treasure? In other words, what characteristics do these diggers have that other people of their social and economic class do not have? To obtain the necessary data and information, in addition to reviewing historical documents, 25 people from different parts of Mazandaran who believe in the existence of treasure in this province and sometimes have a history of illegal excavation were interviewed until the research reached theoretical saturation. These data were analyzed using Merton’s anomie theory and Sutherland’s differential association. Based on this theories, the prevalence of belief in the existence of treasure and the desire to find treasure in the current era is mainly due to the lack of a clear perspective for accessing suitable economic opportunities, which causes people to try their luck through abnormal behaviors such as treasure hunting. Meanwhile, the group that has the most contact with diggers or social media pages that promote treasure hunting is more likely than others to turn to digging. Keywords: Illegal Excavation, Treasure Hunting, Mazandaran Province, Anomie, Differential Association. Introduction The interest in finding treasure in artifacts left over from the past has an ancient history; but after technical advances that, on the one hand, made it easier for humans to move around by motorized vehicles and, on the other hand, led to the construction of metal detectors, the activities of unauthorized diggers became more widespread. This is why Dillinger (2012: 194) believes that the spread of treasure hunting is essentially a modern phenomenon and was never so prevalent in the past. In recent years, this activity and other activities related to it have expanded greatly (Çelik, 2020: 17). Although this phenomenon can be considered general and is common almost everywhere in the world, some places may occur more or less due to certain factors such as cultural and social backgrounds, economic conditions, geological situation, historical background, etc. Mazandaran is one of the places where such illegal excavations are carried out frequently. This research attempts to answer two questions: What cultural, social, and economic contexts lead to the widespread belief among Mazandarani people that there are abundant treasures in this province? Why do only a few and not all of them actually engage in illegal excavations? To achieve the answers to these questions, the present research was conducted mainly based on qualitative methods. In this method, the researchers benefited from both documentary and fieldwork data. In the documentary section, we explored the following sources: a review of the approved and relevant laws on illegal excavations, articles related to treasure hunting, countless media reports in this field that are published almost every day in the country’s media, and finally, virtual social networks (especially Instagram) that are full of pages related to treasure hunting, sales of treasure hunting devices, and so on. In the field section, the main technique was in-depth semi-structured interviews and also participant observations in some cases. The statistical population was all believers in the existence of treasure and the possibility of accessing it by treasure-finding devices or amulets and prayers in Mazandaran province. Some of them have also engaged in illegal excavations themselves. The statistical sample was initially selected using the simple access method and then expanded using the snowball method. The interviews continued until theoretical saturation was reached with 25 interviews. Some of the authors also visited the excavated sites and supplemented their field information in this regard. Findings Historical sources show that at least a thousand years ago, extensive excavations have been carried out in Mazandaran to access treasures (Khalili and Rezaei, 2019). In the contemporary period, based on the interviews in the present study, several important reasons for illegal excavations in Mazandaran are listed: 1. Legal weakness: Relevant laws to punishment for activities related to illegal excavation in Iran is still incomplete and not up to date. For example, while the use of treasure-finding devices is prohibited, these devices can be easily purchased from sellers. 2. Economic situation: Iranian researchers (Arvand, 2012; Ghani-Kallelu, 2009) and foreign (Foster, 1971: 310; Dillinger, 2012: 190; Çelik, 2020: 17) generally refer to the economic dimension of excavation and the financial needs of diggers. The findings of some interviews also confirm this reason. Limited opportunities to achieve legitimate goals are a prerequisite for deviation (Rubington and Weinberg, 2003: 104). 3. Virtual advertising: Based on some interviews, many people believe the advertisements of treasure-finding device sellers on social networks and are encouraged to engage in illegal excavation (Hashemi-Moghaddam et al., 2026 a). Increased opportunities for learning anomies is one of the most important reasons for anomies (Rubington and Weinberg, 2003: 104). 4. Treasure-hunting films and series: Many films and series about finding treasure have been made all over the world, including Iran, and many viewers become (more) convinced of the existence of treasure after watching them (Hashemi-Moghaddam et al., 2026 a). 5. Misleading names: In Mazandaran province, as in other parts of the country, some villages or natural features such as hills have names that lead the listener’s mind to the existence of gold and treasure. It was stated in interviews that excavations in villages such as “Tala-Jou” (gold researcher), “Zar-Kati” (the hill of gold) and “Ganj-Afrooz” (treasure igniting) in this province are due to their names. 6. Curiosity and interest in historical objects: Many people do this work not for wealth and overnight riches, but for the sense of curiosity and the pleasure of searching for something that is hidden and needs to be discovered. Access to abnormal methods of emotional release is one of the conditions that increases the background for anomie (Rubington and Weinberg. 2003: 104). Among the above reasons, this study emphasizes the economic reasons for those who believe in the existence of treasure and the reasons related to treasure hunting education for those who dig. Iranians have experienced double-digit inflation rates in the last five decades, which has caused them to become increasingly poor. This inflation and increasing poverty, which are accompanied by other issues such as unemployment, extreme sanctions, and successive wars with superpower countries, lead to despair and a lack of prospects for the future. It is in such an environment that Merton believes that deviance is a natural response to this unnatural environment and illegal excavation is one of these types of deviance. Illegal excavation in these circumstances is an “innovative” tool to achieve a goal and ideal that is accepted in society; namely wealth and property. Foster shows that in order to reduce belief in treasure stories, opportunities must be expanded in an open system (1971: 311); because, as Çelik (2020: 38) says, when people are disappointed with the aboveground, they go underground. On the other hand, as Sutherland and Cressey (1978) pointed out, social learning plays an important role in deviance. The claim of this study is that people who have more contact with diggers or treasure hunting advertisements are more inclined to dig. Conclusion The findings of this study showed that the phenomenon of illegal excavation is widespread from east to west of Mazandaran. Traces of excavations to find treasure in this region can be seen in historical sources at least up to about a thousand years ago. All of these factors have come together to ensure that a significant portion of the people of this province continue to welcome excavation and treasure hunting. In fact, this welcome can be theoretical or practical. Theoretical welcome for treasure hunting is more like believing in the existence of treasure and the possibility of accessing it. However, practical welcome means that people not only believe in the existence of treasure in Mazandaran, but also undertake illegal excavation to access it. Based on what has been stated, in order to reduce deviant behaviors such as excavation and treasure hunting, at least three solutions must be adopted: First, creating a clear vision for the future of Iran and Iranians. Unfortunately, in the current conditions of the country, this solution does not seem to be practical, at least in the short term. Second, formal and even informal education on the importance of historical and natural heritage and the need to preserve them, the falsehood of most treasure and excavation stories, the possibility of fraud by people claiming to be in this field, showing the experiences of people who failed in treasure hunting and paid a lot of material, physical and mental costs and etc. Third, updating the country’s laws and dealing legally with those who they encourage others to buy treasure-hunting devices, treasure maps, treasure charms, participate in treasure-hunting courses, and other such activities. It is almost certain that if these three conditions are not implemented simultaneously, there will be little success, and the diggers will continue to hurt the country’s cultural and natural heritage, as well as their financial and family lives. Illegal Excavation, Treasure Hunting, Mazandaran Province, Anomie, Differential Association. حفاری غیرمجاز, گنج‌یابی, استان مازندران, کج‌رفتاری, پیوند افتراقی. 7 28 http://athar.richt.ir/browse.php?a_code=A-10-4192-1&slc_lang=fa&sid=2 2025/08/17 1404/5/26 2025/11/29 1404/9/8 Amir Hashemi Moghaddam Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, Faculty of Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism, University of Mazandaran, Babolsar, Iran (Corresponding Author) امیر هاشمی‌مقدم moghaddames@umz.ac.ir 0000-0003-2007-0455 Yes استادیار گروه انسان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ میراث‌فرهنگی، صنایع‌دستی و گردشگری، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). Zari Namdarpour MA Student in Anthropology, Department of Cultural Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Allameh Tabataba’i University, Tehran, Iran. زری نامدارپور zarinamdarpoor@gmail.com No دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد مردم‌شناسی، گروه مطالعات فرهنگی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران. Sakineh Esfandi MA Student in Anthropology, Department of Cultural Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Allameh Tabataba’i University, Tehran, Iran. سکینه اسفندی esfandysakineh@gmail.com No دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد مردم‌شناسی، گروه مطالعات فرهنگی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران. Fatemeh Rezaei MA Student in Anthropology, Department of Anthropology and Demography, Faculty of Social Sciences, Yazd University, Yazd, Iran. فاطمه رضایی Fatemeh.rezaeii@gmail.com No دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد مردم‌شناسی، گروه مردم‌شناسی و جمعیت‌شناسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران.

fa کاروانسراهای مسیر فرعی «جادۀ ابریشم» در آذربایجان غربی، یافته‌های جدید باستان‌شناسی مسیر جاده ابریشم که مهم‌ترین  راه ارتباطی میان مدیترانه و چین در دنیای باستان بوده است، به‌مدت چند هزار سال ملت‌های  شرق و غرب عالم را به‌هم پیوند می‌داد و ضمن مبادله کالا خصوصاً ابریشم یک راه مبادله افکار و ادیان نیز بوده است. کاروان‌ها ‌ی این کهن‌راه تجاری ناگزیر بودند از سرزمین ایران عبور کنند و این امکان فراهم بود که سه قاره آسیا، اروپا و آفریقا به‌هم پیوند بخورند. یکی از محورهای فرعی این جاده مهم در شمال‌غرب ایران که به تناوب مورد استفاده قرار گرفته، از مراغه شروع‌شده و پس ازطی شهرهای جنوب استان آذربایجان غربی و مسیر میاندواب، مهاباد و ارومیه به سمت شمال استان آذربایجان غربی امتداد‌یافته و از شهرهای سلماس و خوی به محور اصلی دیگر در امتداد مسیر تبریز- خوی می‌پیوندد و به سمت قسطنطنیه امتداد می‌یابد. در این نوشتار موقعیت جغرافیایی این مسیر در شمال‌غرب کشور و استان آذربایجان غربی موسوم به محور «ب دو» مورد مطالعه قرار گرفته و سپس با استناد به وضعیت موجود و مطالعات میدانی به بررسی ویژگی‌های معماری کاروانسرای شناسایی‌شده این محور فرعی در استان آذربایجان غربی می‌پردازیم. با احتساب کاروانسراهای اخیراً شناسایی‌شده، تاکنون در این محور دوازده کاروانسرا به نام‌های سیمون مهاباد، کاروانسرای شرکت نفت، کاروانسرای جاده سرو، کاروانسرای جمال‌آباد ارومیه، کاروانسرای آغ‌زیارت و کوزه‌رش سلماس، کاروانسراهای درون‌شهری خان، میرهاشم و چیت‌سازان خوی، کاروانسرای قوردیک، کاروانسرای برون‌شهری خان و قطور قرار گرفته که از نظر فرم پلان به‌کار وانسراها با الگوی دوایوانی، کاروانسراها با الگوی متفرقه و کاروانسرا با الگوی پوشیده مناطق کوهستانی تقسیم می‌شود.   Abstract The Silk Road, which was the most important route between the Mediterranean and China in the ancient world, connected the nations of the East and West for several thousand years and, in addition to exchanging goods, especially silk, it was also a way to exchange ideas and religions. The caravans of this ancient trade route had to pass through the land of Iran, and it was possible for the three continents of Asia, Europe and Africa to be connected. One of the secondary axes of this important road in the northwest of Iran, which was used intermittently, started from Maragheh and after passing through the southern cities of West Azerbaijan province and the route of Miandoab, Mahabad and Urmia, it extended towards the north of West Azerbaijan province and from the cities of Salmas and Khoy it joined another main axis along the Tabriz-Khoy route and extended towards Constantinople. In this article, the geographical location of this route in the northwest of the country and the West Azerbaijan province, known as the “B2” axis, is studied, and then, based on the current situation and field studies, we will examine the architectural features of the identified Caravanserais of this sub-axis in the West Azerbaijan province. Including the recently identified Caravanserais, so far there are twelve Caravanserais on this axis, namely Simon Mahabad, Oil Company Caravanserais, Serv Road Caravanserais, Jamal Abad Caravanserais of Urmia, Agh Ziarat and Kozeh Rash Salmas Caravanserais, Khan, Mir Hashem and Chitsazan Khoy Caravanserais, Qordik Caravanserais, Khan and Qatour Caravanserais outside the city, which are divided into two-porch Caravanserais, miscellaneous Caravanserais, and covered Caravanserais in mountainous areas in terms of plan form. Keywords: Silk Road, Caravanserais, West Azerbaijan, Architecture. Introduction Due to its location on the East-West trade highway and the vastness of the land, Iran has long paid special attention to the creation of trade and military routes, as well as the construction of numerous bridges and the security of caravans and caravans. Among these, West Azerbaijan province, due to its proximity to Turkey, Iraq and Azerbaijan, has always been one of the busiest points in the region throughout history and has been considered the gateway to Europe. This is why Louis Vandenberg rightly called this province a crossroads for the passage of nations and trade. Accordingly, the main questions are: 1- What archaeological evidence exists in the field of ancient communication routes, especially the Silk Road, in this region? 2- What is the place of historical Caravanserais in the recognition of this road? 3- What are the architectural features and materials used in the construction of Caravanserais in this region? 4- What form does the architectural plan of these Caravanserais follow and with which architectural style can it be compared? The main objective of this article is to identify the Silk Road west of Lake Urmia using archaeological evidence from historical Caravanserais in this area. The research method in this study is to first examine and collect architectural and archaeological evidence. In the second step, historical texts, including travelogues of travelers who have passed through this area, are examined for possible correspondence with existing archaeological evidence, and finally, the map and its location are analyzed and compared in relation to the identified Caravanserais, and the possible routes are presented in the west of Lake Urmia. Discussion So far, two routes “A” and “B” have been identified on the Silk Road in northwest Iran (Shojadel 1385: 61). Route A, which branches off from the main Silk Road route in Rey and, after passing through Qazvin, Soltaniyeh and Zanjan in today’s East Azarbaijan province, begins in the city of Mianeh and after passing through Bostan Abad, Tabriz and Marand, itself divides into two branches. Route “B” branched off from the main Silk Road route from Ekbatan and in northwest Iran, after passing through Maragheh, either went to Tabriz and Marand via route “B1” or via route “B2”, “via Urmia, Salmas and Khoy to Nashui (Nakhchivan) and then to Debil, the capital of today’s Armenia” (Pirnia 1370:105). In their book List of Iranian Caravanserai, Kiani and Kleiss mentioned only two Caravanserais identified in the northwest of Lake Urmia, including the Khan and Qatur Caravanserais, in the category of Caravanserais with miscellaneous plans (Kiani and Kleiss 1983: 228-229). Ms. Shojadel, who in an article in 2006 extensively examined the Caravanserais of the Silk Road in the northwest, did not mention the Caravanserais of the B2 sub-axis. She writes in this regard: “The above route flourished in the early Islamic centuries, and for this reason, nothing has survived from the Caravanserais of this route except the remains of the Qordik Khoy Caravanserais {Shah Abbasid?}” (Shojadel 1986: 61). The Urmia Oil Company Caravanserai (Khanmohammadi and Sadraei 1392), the Jamal Abad Caravanserai of Urmia (Khanmohammadi and Sadraei 1401), and the remains of the Agh Ziarat Salmas Caravanserai (Khanmohammadi 1402) are among the caravanserai that have recently been identified, studied, and researched in the west of Lake Urmia. The summary of these studies so far, from the south to the north of the province, has led to the location of ten Caravanserais on the secondary axis B2, including one Caravanserais in Mahabad (Simon), five Caravanserais on the Urmia-Salmas axis (Oil Company Caravanserais, 24-kilometer Sarv Road Caravanserais, Jamal Abad Caravanserais, Agh Ziarat Caravanserais, and Kozehresh Caravanserais in Salmas), and three inner-city Caravanserais in Khoy, including Khan, Haji Mirhashem, and Chitsazan, and one outer-city Caravanserais in Qordik Khoy. If we add them to the two existing Caravanserais on the Khoy-Qatour route, namely Shah Abbasi Caravanserais and Qatour, in total, we can say that twelve Caravanserais have been investigated and identified so far, providing services to travelers. No doubt, further investigations in the coming years will identify more Caravanserais on this route. Conclusion Generally, Iranian Caravanserais are divided into three categories: covered Caravanserais in mountainous areas, Caravanserais in the Persian Gulf, and courtyard Caravanserais. The latter category can be classified into several categories: 1) circular Caravanserais, 2) polygonal Caravanserais with courtyards, 3) double-porch Caravanserais, 4) Caravanserais with columned halls, 5) four-porch Caravanserais, and 6) Caravanserais with miscellaneous plans. (Kiani and Kleiss 1983: 10-15). Most of the Caravanserais in northwestern Iran can be classified into the two-porch, four-porch, and miscellaneous plan Caravanserais categories. However, most of the Caravanserais west of Lake Urmia, due to the climatic and geographical conditions of the region, are classified into the covered Caravanserais in mountainous areas. Most of the Caravanserais in this region, having such a functional feature, welcomed travelers and guests in peacetime and were considered a suitable place to defend and protect the Caravanserais and their property in wartime. The existence of watchtowers and defense towers in the corners of the fence, and around some of the Caravanserais in this region confirms the correctness of the above theory. In terms of materials, given the mountainous location of the region and the abundance of stone, most of the suburban Caravanserais in the region were built with slate and rubble stone. However, most of the materials of the inner-city Caravanserais are brick and adobe. One of the reasons why this route is less prosperous and important than other routes is that it is not located on the route of important cities. During historical periods, important cities of Azerbaijan such as Maragheh and Tabriz were located to the east of the lake, and the cities on the western edge were relatively less important and prestigious. Consequently, access routes and important communication routes were generally created to the east of the lake. In particular, the security prevailing in the region, along with the cities of Maragheh and Tabriz being the capitals during the Ilkhanid and Safavid periods, has turned this route into a main highway in the Iranian plateau. Only when traffic on this route was disrupted for some reason, the route west of the lake was used. Another less important reason is the difficulty of crossing this route. Due to its cold and mountainous nature, heavy snow covers this route in most months of the year, making it difficult to cross. However, this secondary route has also been used proportionately as a result of various factors such as different seasons of the year, the security or insecurity of the roads, the difficulty of crossing or the difficulty of navigation. Certainly, the Caravanserais on this route were more than what remains today, but they have been destroyed due to the passage of time and the low resistance of materials and other reasons. Other reasons for the destruction of the Caravanserais on this route include heavy rainfall, neglect and abandonment, change of use, etc. By conducting further studies and research, it is possible to identify other remains of these valuable buildings, which will be very effective in providing a more accurate route of the region’s transportation routes in past times, especially the Silk Road sub-axis west of Lake Urmia. Silk Road, Caravanserais, West Azerbaijan, Architecture. جادۀ ابریشم, کاروانسرا, آذربایجان‌غربی, معماری. 29 52 http://athar.richt.ir/browse.php?a_code=A-10-2377-2&slc_lang=fa&sid=2 2025/08/172025/07/17 1404/4/26 2025/11/292025/10/30 1404/8/8 Behroz Khanmohammadi PhD in archaeology, Administration of Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism of West Azerbaijan Province, Urmia, Iran. بهروز خان‌محمدی bazargan22@gmail.com 0009-0009-5461-8563 Yes دکتری باستان‌شناسی، کارشناس اداره کل میراث‌فرهنگی آذربایجان غربی، ارومیه، ایران.

fa پژوهشی بر شیوۀ معماری و سازه‌ای مناره‌های عثمانی و تطبیق گونه‌شناسی آن با مناره‌های آرامگاه شمس‌تبریزی براساس نگارۀ مطراقچی از خوی مناره‌های تاریخی یکی از شاخص‌ترین آثار معماری در میراث‌فرهنگی عثمانی است. بعضی از آن‌ها به‌ویژه مناره‌های جدید که با تکنولوژی مدرن ساخته‌شدهبودند، در سال‌های اخیر بر اثر باد‌های شدید یا زلزله فرو‌ریخته یا آسیب دیده‌اند. پس از آن، میراث‌‌فرهنگی ترکیه به‌پژوهش در مورد مزایا و معایب تکنیک‌های قدیمی مورد استفاده در مناره‌های تاریخی پرداخت. از این‌رو برای مقایسه آن‌ها با مناره‌های ایرانی، به‌معماری بنای شمس‌تبریزی پرداخته شد که یکی از قدیمی‌ترین بناهای تاریخی در شهر خوی است. استواری این بنا پس از گذر قرن‌ها و با وجود رُخداد زمین‌لرزه‌های مختلف، ضرورت بررسی و مستندنگاری آن‌را بیان می‌کند. بنابراین، یکی از اهداف این پژوهش در مرحله اول بررسی مناره‌ها براساس ویژگی ساختار معماری و تحلیل شیوه سازه‌ای آن‌ها از نظر استحکام‌سازی است و در گام بعدی تطبیق و گونه‌شناسی فرم و نقوش مناره‌های شمس‌تبریزی با دیگر مناره‌های ترسیم‌شده در نگاره‌های مطراقچی است. برای این منظور مطالعه مذکور برطبق دو سؤال پایه‌ریزی شده است: 1. مناره‌های تاریخی ترکیه دارای چه نوع ویژگی‌های معماری و سازه‌ای است و چه ‌تفاوتی با ساختار مناره شمس‌تبریزی دارند؟ 2. چه‌ نوع فرم و نقوش تزیینی برطبق گونه‌شناسی در نگاره‌های ترسیمی از مطراقچی در مناره‌های مذهبی و عرفانی از شهرهای ایران به‌خصوص خوی به‌کار رفته است؟ نتیجه این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که مناره شمس‌تبریزی بر اساس رویدادهای تاریخی و نوع معماری خاص آن متعلّق ‌به‌ دوره صفوی است و عناصر سازه‌ای به‌کار گرفته شده؛ از جمله فرم باریک‌شونده مناره، کاهش ضخامت اجزای آن با افزایش ارتفاع، ایجاد فضای خالی با اجرای پلکان است که به‌کارگیری این‌گونه تدابیر معمارانه و سازه‌ای مناره را از خسارات شدید در طول قرن‌ها محفوظ نگه داشته است. داده‌های این پژوهش با راهبرد تاریخی- تحلیلی تدوین‌شده و روش پژوهش نیز در قالب جمع‌آوری اطلاعات کتابخانه‌ای و بخشی نیز به‌صورت میدانی است و سپس به‌ تجزیه‌و‌تحلیل داده‌ها پرداخته شده است.  Abstract Historical minarets are one of the most prominent architectural works in the cultural heritage of the Ottoman period. Therefore, to compare them with Iranian minarets, the architecture of the Shams-Tabrizi Minaret was studied, which is one of the oldest historical buildings in the city of Khoy. The stability of this building after the passage of centuries and despite the occurrence of various earthquakes, indicates the necessity of its study and documentation. Therefore, one of the goals of this research is to study the minarets in the first stage based on the characteristics of the architectural structure and analyze their structural method in terms of reinforcement, and in the next step, to compare and typify the form and motifs of the Shams-Tabrizi Minarets with other minarets depicted in the drawings of Motraqchi. For this purpose, the aforementioned study is based on two questions: 1. What kind of architectural and structural features do the historical minarets of Turkey have and how do they differ from the structure of the Shams-Tabrizi Minaret? 2. What types of decorative forms and motifs, according to typology, have been used in the drawings of Motragchi on religious and mystical minarets in Iranian cities, especially Khoy? The results of this research show that the Shams Tabrizi Minaret belongs to the Safavid period based on historical events and its specific architectural type, and structural elements have been used; including the narrowing form of the minaret, reducing the thickness of its components with increasing height, creating empty space by implementing stairs. The use of such architectural and structural measures has protected the minaret from severe damage over the centuries. The data of this research was compiled using a historical-analytical strategy, and the research method was in the form of library and field data collection, and then the data was analyzed. Keywords: Shams Tabrizi Minaret, Minaret Structure, Matraqchi Paintings, Ottoman Headdresses, Knotted Geometric Motifs. Introduction He oldest existing minaret or guide tower, “Mil Noorabad”, known as “Mil Ajdha” (Dragon’s Point), is located in the west of Noorabad, Fars, in the Parthian period. The staircase of the Mil Ajdha is located inside the tower and there was a stone hearth on top of it (Vandenberg, 1918: 27). A minaret with different characteristics has also survived from the Sassanid period, which now stands in the center of the ancient city of Firuzabad as a massive mass of stone and plaster. The minaret was built in a quadrangular shape with a staircase that was built on the outer body of the minaret and was also used to go up to it. (Mostafo,1924: 101). In the Islamic period, the minaret can also be considered as an independent building or near and belonging to mosques and tombs, which the muezzin uses to recite the call to prayer to invite people to prayer in Islam. In the Ottoman period, the method of structural strengthening of minarets against earthquakes and wind was used by blacksmiths using steel reinforcing elements with special forging techniques and steel clamps were used in the stone blocks inside their cavities. For greater strength, molten lead was poured. On the other hand, Horsan mortar was used to glue the stone blocks together (Tanyeli, 1990). Also, in order to use this strengthening method, the structural method of the Shams-Tabrizi minaret and the way its steps are arranged around the mast were compared with the structural structure of historical Ottoman minarets. On the other hand, efforts were made to examine the tomb and minarets of Shams-Tabrizi from its image in the drawing to its external reality according to its visual form and morphology. Therefore, the objectives of this research are to first examine the minarets according to the characteristics of their architectural structure and analyze their structural style in terms of strengthening, and then to compare and typify the form and motifs of the Shams Tabrizi minarets with other minarets depicted in Matraqchi’s drawings. At the end of this research, it seeks to answer the question: What kind of architectural and structural features do the historical minarets of Turkey have, and how do they differ from the structure of the Shams Tabrizi minaret? And what kind of decorative forms and motifs, according to typology, have been used in Motraqchi’s drawings of religious and mystical minarets from Iranian cities, especially Khoy? Discussion In the early 16th century, after the great earthquake of 1509, the Ottomans set about building 13 tall minarets to withstand earthquakes. They began to use a special technique to connect adjacent stone blocks with iron elements in vertical and horizontal directions. As shown in (Figure 1). For the effects of earthquakes and wind, blacksmiths prepared steel reinforcing elements using special forging techniques.  In the case of the construction method of the Shams-Tabriz Minaret – with a height of 17.25 meters above the ground – at the level of the foundation face, the vertical dead load pressure is about 5 kg/cm2 on the ground. Maintaining such an effective force is absolutely impossible in the very compacted soil layers near and below the foundation support, and horizontal unconformity in the layers is made more difficult. Therefore, in addition to the general settlement in the entire foundation, another different settlement has been created by the obvious lowering of the southern and southwestern wall section of the minaret to the point where its upper part is about half a meter away from the vertical (Bayramzadeh & Hassanzah 2010, 207-223). In the book Bayan Manazil Safar Iraqin Motraqchi, 26 drawings of different cities of Iran were drawn, in 13 drawings of its cities, minarets were seen next to religious complexes, including tombs such as “tomb+ mosque”, mosques such as “mosque+ school, mosque+ tomb and mosque+ neighborhood” or “mosque+ bazaar”. If we focus on Motraqchi’s design of minarets, the drawing of all of them in the drawings is similar to the architecture of minarets of mosques of the Ottoman period in Turkey. Many minarets are drawn either in pairs on the sides of a rock dome or onion dome or as a single minaret. Of the 13 Iranian cities in which minarets or minarets are seen in their drawings, four of them are drawn as two balconies and nine as a single balcony (Hassanzadeh & Bayramzadeh: 1402, 241-265). The minarets drawn in the tomb of Shams Tabrizi in the Khoy drawing of Matraqchi are of the type of Ottoman pencil-shaped minarets with a single balcony. The structure of these minarets resembles one of the Ottoman helmets with cucumber lines on it. Also, the decorative motifs used on the drawn minarets are of the knotted type. Conclusion  There were many historical minarets in the earthquake-hit areas of Turkey, but only a few of them were severely damaged. While the minarets made of materials such as reinforced concrete and with modern architecture have suffered more damage in the earthquakes of recent years in this country than the minarets belonging to the Ottoman era and with traditional architecture. Therefore, this incident forced Turkish researchers to re-evaluate the construction and construction techniques in historical minarets. As it was observed that the documents related to minarets are very few, therefore, new studies should be carried out with the advantages of the construction techniques of historical minarets, so that at least afterwards, the damage to the minarets can be reduced. One of those construction methods and techniques is the capping of minarets that were built during the Ottoman period, which had various styles. This classification of minarets was based on Ottoman helmets. Some of them resembled the covering of cucumber lines on the helmet, such as the image of the minarets of Shams Tabrizi Khoy and some minarets were seen in the drawings of the city of Tabriz, Qasba Abhar and Qasba Dargiz. Some others were similar to flat and tall conical helmets, which can be referred to the image drawn of minarets such as Qasba Zanjan, Soltaniyeh, Qaplaniyeh and the city of Hamedan. Some were also similar to flat, short and medium conical helmets, examples of which include the minarets of Sayin Qala, Qasba Sadava, Qasba Dinhvar and Qaryeh Sazin in Hamedan. To match the form and designs of the minarets of Shams Tabrizi with other minarets depicted in the manuscript drawings of Matraqchi, which were 26 drawings of different cities in Iran, minarets were seen next to religious complexes in 13 drawings of its cities, all of which are similar to the architecture of the minarets of Ottoman-era mosques. Of these minarets, 4 were in the form of two balconies and 9 were in the form of a single balcony. According to Matraqchi’s drawings, the designs used on the minarets are abstract and geometric knot work designs. These designs are drawn in a way that at first glance includes abstract shapes of the skull of the animal “horned ram”. It is also evident from the exterior architecture of the Shams Tabrizi Minaret that its morphological appearance resembles the hats of whirling dervishes, and its plan resembles the skull of a ram. Shams Tabrizi Minaret, Minaret Structure, Matraqchi Paintings, Ottoman Headdresses, Knotted Geometric Motifs. منارۀ شمس‌تبریزی, سازه مناره‌ها, نگاره‌های مطراقچی, سرپوش‌های عثمانی, نقوش هندسی گره‌چینی. 53 78 http://athar.richt.ir/browse.php?a_code=A-10-3557-5&slc_lang=fa&sid=2 2025/08/172025/07/172025/05/5 1404/2/15 2025/11/292025/10/302025/08/6 1404/5/15 Reza Bayramzadeh PhD student of comparative and analytical history of Islamic art, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. رضا بایرام‌زاده rezabayramzadeh@yahoo.com No دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ تطبیقی و تحلیلی هنر اسلامی، واحد تهران مرکزی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران. Pedram Dadfar Assistant Professor, Department of Photography, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran (Corresponding Author). پدرام دادفر pedramdadfar@gmail.com Yes استادیار گروه عکاسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، واحد تهران مرکزی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). Pejman Dadkhah Assistant Professor, Department of Photography, Faculty of Art, Iqbal Lahori Institute of Higher Education, Mashhad, Iran. پژمان دادخواه P.dadkhah@eqbal.ac.ir No استادیار گروه عکاسی، دانشکدۀ هنر، مؤسسه آموزش عالی اقبال لاهوری، مشهد، ایران. Behrouz Omrani Associate Professor, Department of Prehistory, Archaeological Research Institute, Cultural Heritage and Tourism Research Institute, Tehran, Iran. بهروز عمرانی behruz.omrani@gmail.com No دانشیار گروه پیش‌ازتاریخ، پژوهشکدۀ باستان‌شناسی، پژوهشگاه میراث‌فرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایران.

fa وام‌گیری‌های معمارانۀ هخامنشیان از تمدن‌های اورارتو و ماد: نگاهی زبان‌شناختی فرهنگ‌ها تحت تأثیر عوامل جغرافیایی، سیاسی، اقتصادی و اعتقادی با یکدیگر در تعامل هستند. این ارتباط‌های فرهنگی سبب می‌شود فرهنگ‌ها با هم بده‌بستآن‌هایی داشته باشند و عناصری را از یکدیگر وام ‌بگیرند. زبان و معماری از مهم‌ترین مظاهر فرهنگی هستند که این بده‌بستآن‌ها را به‌خوبی نمایان می‌کنند. با وجودِ مطالعاتِ گسترده و مدون در حوزۀ وام‌گیری‌های زبانی، این پدیده در معماریْ کم‌تر به‌صورتِ نظام‌مند بررسی شده است. تجربۀ زبان‌شناسی در این زمینه می‌تواند در تبیین چشم‌اندازِ موضوع‌ و روش‌شناسی به معماری کمک کند. این پژوهش با رویکردی زبان‌شناختی به واکاوی وام‌گیری‌های معمارانۀ هخامنشیان از تمدن‌های اورارتو و ماد می‌پردازد و در پی پاسخِ این پرسش است که چه اشتراک‌هایی میان وام‌گیری‌‌های زبانی و معمارانۀ هخامنشیان برقرار است؟ این مقاله تلاش می‌کند تا با بررسی وام‌گیری‌های زبان فارسی باستان از زبان‌های اورارتویی و مادی و سپس مقایسۀ آن با عناصری که معماری هخامنشی در این دوره از این فرهنگ‌ها وام گرفته است، پنجره‌ای را به شناختِ عمیق‌تر معماری ایرانی بگشاید. روش پژوهشْ کیفی و بنیادی با رویکرد تاریخی – تطبیقی است و داده‌ها به شیوۀ توصیفی ـ تطبیقی و در چارچوبِ قیاسِ ساختاری زبان و معماری تحلیل شده‌اند. یافته‌‌ها نشان می‌دهد که میان زبان فارسی و معماری ایرانی الگوهای مشترکی در مراتبِ وام‌گیری از فرهنگ‌های دیگر برقرار است؛ ثبات لایه‌های عمیق فرهنگی (ساختار نحوی در زبان و سازمان‌دهی فضایی در معماری)، وام‌گیری از لایه‌های سطحی (واژگان و قالب‌های بیانی؛ پرداخت و تزیینات)، و تطبیقِ عناصر وام‌گرفته با ساختارهای درونی. براساس یافته‌‌ها، وام‌گیری‌های شناخته‌شده در هر دو ساحتْ عمدتاً به سطحی‌ترین عناصر (واژگان و قالب‌های بیانی در زبان، پرداخت و تزیینات در معماری) محدود بوده و معماری هخامنشی کم‌تر ساختارها و سازمان‌دهی فضای معماری را از فرهنگ‌های اورارتو و ماد وام گرفته‌ است. هم‌چنین، هر دو نظامِ فرهنگیْ عناصر وام‌گرفته را به‌شکلی منحصربه‌فرد و متناسب با ساختارهای درونی خود بازآفرینی کرده‌اند.  Abstract Cultures interact under the influence of geographical, political, economic, and ideological factors. These cultural interconnections lead to mutual exchanges and the borrowing of elements across cultures. Language and architecture are among the most significant cultural manifestations that clearly reflect these exchanges. While extensive and systematic studies exist on linguistic borrowings, this phenomenon has been less thoroughly examined in architecture. Linguistic approaches can provide valuable insights into both the conceptual framework and methodology for studying architectural borrowings. This research adopts a linguistic perspective to investigate Achaemenid architectural borrowings from Urartian and Median traditions, aiming to address the question: What structural correspondences exist between Achaemenid linguistic and architectural borrowings? By investigating linguistic borrowings in Old Persian from Urartian and Median linguistic traditions and juxtaposing them with the elements adopted by Achaemenid architecture from these cultures, this article seeks to open a new window toward a deeper understanding of Iranian architecture. The research methodology is qualitative and fundamental, employing a historical-comparative approach. Data have been analyzed using a descriptive-comparative method within the framework of a structural analogy between language and architecture. The findings indicate that common patterns exist between the Persian language and Iranian architecture regarding the levels of borrowing from other cultures: the stability of deep cultural layers (syntactic structure in language and spatial organization in architecture), borrowing from surface layers (lexicon and expressive forms in language; articulation and ornamentation in architecture), and the adaptation of borrowed elements to internal structures. Based on the findings, known borrowings in both realms are predominantly limited to the most superficial elements. Achaemenid architecture, in particular, rarely borrowed structural systems or spatial organization from Urartian and Median cultures. Furthermore, both cultural systems re-created borrowed elements in a distinctive manner, adapted to their own internal structures. Keywords: Architectural Borrowings, Achaemenids, Urartu, Media, Linguistic Borrowings. Introduction Cultures encounter one another for various reasons and in diverse forms, leading to the mutual introduction of cultural elements. In this process, a culture may occasionally borrow elements from another. Borrowing, as a manifestation of cultural interaction, encompasses many cultural domains and occurs particularly—though not exclusively—when one culture is perceived as possessing greater richness or complexity, which subsequently draws attention within another cultural context. Language serves as a comprehensive mirror of a society’s culture and is thus the paramount cultural manifestation reflecting these exchanges. A language’s lexicon represents a collective repository of a society’s ideas, interests, and conceptual preoccupations (Sharifian, 2017: 136). Architecture likewise represents a highly significant cultural manifestation through which the cultural relations and interactions shaping human life find expression (Rapoport, 2003). Situated at the crossroads between the East and the West, Iran has historically maintained deep, extensive, and diverse relations with a wide range of cultures, including those geographically distant. Consequently, traces of borrowing are evident across numerous manifestations of Iranian culture, much as Iranian cultural influences are discernible within the traditions of related civilizations. The history of Iranian languages is conventionally divided into three main periods: Old Iranian, Middle Iranian, and New Iranian.  The most notable languages of the Old Iranian period include Avestan, Old Persian, Median, and Scythian. During the Middle Iranian period, the primary attested languages are Parthian (Pahlawānīg), Middle Persian (Pārsīg), Sogdian, Bactrian, and Khwarezmian; in the New Iranian period, the most prominent language is New Persian. Specifically, Old Persian was the official language of the Achaemenid Empire, Parthian served in the Arsacid Empire, and Middle Persian was the administrative and literary language of the Sassanid Empire (Natel-Khanlari, 1986: 337). Consequently, Persian—through its different historical stages—has functioned as the main literary and administrative language of Iran from the Achaemenid period to the post-Islamic era. Focusing on the Ancient period, this article seeks to answer the question: which linguistic and architectural elements did the Achaemenids borrow in their interactions with diverse cultures, and what correspondences exist between the patterns of linguistic and architectural borrowing? The scope of this research encompasses the investigation of Achaemenid borrowings from Urartian and Median cultures within the dual realms of ‘Old Persian language’ and ‘architecture.’ Due to the complexity and non-codified nature of historical data, providing a precise and comprehensive analysis of architectural borrowings is not a straightforward task. Therefore, rather than attempting to compile a definitive catalog of these borrowings, this paper aims to elucidate the correspondences between linguistic and architectural borrowing patterns. The research adopts a comparative approach, seeking to reach a deeper understanding of the cultural dimensions of Achaemenid architecture during the Old Iranian period. While the authors do not claim a causal relationship between linguistic and architectural borrowings, this comparative perspective can facilitate a more profound understanding of Iranian architecture. Analysis and Interpretation of Findings The theoretical framework of this research, drawing on a structural analogy between language and architecture, posits architecture as a system of components that—much like language—reflects socio-cultural meanings through its internal relationships. Within this framework, the structural levels of language (phoneme, morpheme, word, and syntax) are considered correspondent to the levels of architecture (construction material and ornamentation, spatial element, spatial unit, and spatial organization). This conceptual alignment enables a systematic analysis of Achaemenid cultural borrowings from the Urartian and Median traditions.  The findings indicate that in neither domain is there credible evidence of direct borrowing from Urartu or Media at the level of “syntactic structure” or “spatial organization,” testifying to a cultural resistance against deep structural changes. However, at the level of independent meaningful units—equivalent to the “word” in language and the “spatial unit” in architecture—a prominent qualitative difference between borrowings from Urartu and Media emerges. The Achaemenids borrowed fundamental meaningful units from the Medes that expressed key cultural and political concepts: in language, terms such as xšaθra- (kingship) and farnah- (divine glory); and in architecture, the columned hall as the primary spatial unit for ritual and courtly ceremonies. In contrast, from Urartu, units such as the tower-shaped temple and the rock-cut tomb were adopted, though no verifiable loanwords from Urartian have been identified at this specific level. At the level of basic constitutive components—corresponding to the “morpheme” and “spatial element”—the terrace or artificial platform (soffe) was adopted from Urartu, possessing both functional and symbolic dimensions. On the other hand, the column was borrowed from the Medes as both a structural and symbolic element; by introducing composite animal-promotes capital, the Achaemenids transformed it into an integral part of the empire’s visual language. At the outermost layer—corresponding to expressive forms in language and articulation and ornamentation in architecture—extensive borrowings occurred. From Urartu, blind windows, tradition of inscriptions on stone and column bases were adopted, alongside linguistic Form and structure of inscriptions. From Media, architectural ornamentation elements such as stepped niches, crenellated parapets, and twin-volutes were borrowed, while in language, syntactic calquing was utilized in titles such as “King of Kings.”  Furthermore, architecture, much like language, adapts and re-creates borrowed elements through indigenous mechanisms. For instance, the Urartian ‘artificial terrace’–which in its Urartian context was primarily a response to functional and defensive requirements–assumed more prominent symbolic and ceremonial dimensions within Achaemenid architecture. While retaining its initial functional aspects, it evolved through regular and precise geometry into a potent symbol of the empire’s power and grandeur. In the tower temples, although the square plan with corner buttresses was adapted from Urartu, the Achaemenids transformed its function from a temple of the god Haldi into a ritual-ceremonial building. This was achieved by changing the construction material from mud-brick to stone, reducing dimensions, and adding rectangular recesses. Similarly, the rock-cut tomb shifted its spatial organization from a centralized structure to a linear structure, with the simple Urartian facade elevated to a cruciform design. In epigraphy, although literary formulas were adopted, they were aligned with a discourse centered on Ahuramazda, Truth, and Justice, replacing traditional curses with benevolent prayers. The Median columned hall serves as the quintessential example of this transformation. The Achaemenids elevated the local model to a global stage: a hall at Godin Tepe (18 × 24 meters) was transformed into an Apadana (58 × 58 meters). This shift was accompanied by a fundamental revolution in spatial organization, evolving from a 6 × 5 column pattern into a 6 × 6 layout with perfect axial symmetry. By replacing mud-brick with stone and timber, they established a fertile ground for a sophisticated visual language, where rudimentary Median elements gave way to an integrated system of ornate bases, composite capitals, and bas-reliefs. Collectively, this structural analogy proves that both systems utilized similar mechanisms of assimilation. This process of adaptation testifies to the dynamism and high absorptive capacity of Persian culture, reflecting a profound understanding of the symbolic and functional capacities of these borrowed elements. Conclusion Adopting a comparative approach based on a structural analogy between language and architecture, this research investigated Achaemenid borrowings from the Urartian and Median traditions. The findings reveal that common patterns exist between the Persian language and Iranian architecture regarding the hierarchical levels of cultural borrowing: the stability of deep cultural layers (syntactic structure in language and spatial organization in architecture), borrowing from surface layers (lexicon and expressive forms in language; articulation and ornamentation in architecture), and the adaptation of borrowed elements to internal structures. Within the analytical framework of this research, borrowing at the levels of spatial organization and syntactic structure occurred significantly less frequently, indicating a clear cultural resistance to deep structural changes. Conversely, borrowing was more extensive at the levels of articulation and ornamentation in architecture, and expressive forms in language. This pattern confirms that in architecture, as in language, less stable elements are borrowed more readily and frequently. Furthermore, borrowed elements were uniquely adapted and re-created to align with the internal structures of Achaemenid culture. A substantive difference in the nature of borrowings from Urartu and Media also emerged: from the Medes, fundamental meaningful units were adopted, both as key governmental lexicon and in the form of the columned hall as a spatial unit. In contrast, borrowings from Urartu primarily consisted of forms, techniques, and templates, such as the epigraphic tradition, the plan of tower temples, and the concept of rock-cut tombs. This comparative research demonstrates that Achaemenid architecture, much like the Old Persian language, possessed a high capacity for absorbing and re-creating cultural elements. Both cultural systems employed similar mechanisms to adapt appropriated elements to their own internal principles and characteristics. Despite the contributions of this research, certain limitations remain, including the scarcity of linguistic data for Median and Urartian, as well as the need for further archaeological investigations at Urartian and Median sites. The proposed analytical framework may be extended in future research to other periods of Iranian history and to the cultural interactions of additional civilizations. This research thus represents a step toward formulating a new approach to understanding processes of cultural transmission in ancient Iran. Architectural Borrowings, Achaemenids, Urartu, Media, Linguistic Borrowings. وام‌گیری‌های معمارانه, هخامنشیان, اورارتو, ماد, وام‌گیری‌های زبانی. 79 113 http://athar.richt.ir/browse.php?a_code=A-10-136-1&slc_lang=fa&sid=2 2025/08/172025/07/172025/05/52025/03/15 1403/12/25 2025/11/292025/10/302025/08/62025/06/13 1404/3/23 Zahra Alebouyeh PhD Candidate, Department of Architecture, Faculty of Art and Architecture, West Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. زهرا آل‌بویه zahra.alebouyeh@gmail.com 0009-0003-0738-7973 No دانشجوی دکتری، گروه معماری، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، واحد تهران غرب، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران. Mohammadreza Rahimzadeh Assistant Professor, Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Urban Planning, Iran University of Art, Tehran, Iran.(Corresponding Author) محمدرضا رحیم‌زاده m.rahimzadeh@art.ac.ir 0000000282946929 Yes استادیار گروه معماری، دانشکدۀ معماری و شهرسازی، دانشگاه هنر ایران، تهران، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). Leila Zare Assistant Professor, Department of Architecture, Faculty of Art and Architecture, West Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. لیلا زارع zare.leila@gmail.com 0000000233153535 No استادیار گروه معماری، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، واحد تهران غرب، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران. Behrouz Mahmoodi Bakhtiari Associate Professor, Department of Performing Arts, Faculty of Performing Arts and Music, College of Fine Arts, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. بهروز محمودی‌بختیاری mbakhtiari@ut.ac.ir No دانشیار گروه هنرهای نمایشی، دانشکدۀ هنرهای نمایشی و موسیقی، دانشکدگان هنرهای زیبا، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.

fa سیر تکامل اندیشه‌ها، رویکردها و برنامه‌های حفاظت و باززنده‌سازی بناها و بافت‌های تاریخی در نیمۀ دوم قرن بیستم میلادی با ظهور جنبش حفاظت مدرن از اواخر قرن نوزدهم، اندیشه‌ها و رویکردهای مرمت و حفاظت از ساختارهای تاریخی وارد عرصه نوینی از تفکر، سیاست‌گذاری و اقدام گردیدند. این مقاله ضمن مروری بر روند تکامل  اندیشه‌ها و رویکردهای حفاظت و باززنده‌سازی ابنیه و بافت‌های  تاریخی و فرهنگی و ویژگی‌های تفکر نوین مرمت که به جنبش حفاظت مدرن مشهور است،  به معرفی برنامه‌های متأثر از این رویکرد خصوصاً در دهه‌های اخیر می‌پردازد. هدف از ارئه ویژگی‌ها و چارچوب نظری و عملی این رویکرد و روند تکاملی آن در این نوشتار معرفی مفاهیم نوین حفاظت و آشنایی با اقدامات رایج متأثر از این جریان در سایر کشورها به‌ویژه اروپای غربی است. روش تحقیق، مطالعه کتابخآن‌های با استناد به مطالب مندرج در کتب، مقالات و اسناد معتبر‌، هم‌چنین مطالعه موردی از تجارب تجدید حیات شهری در کشورهای انگلستان، فرانسه و ایتالیا است. در پایان این نوشتار  سه سند منتشره توسط میراث انگلستان تحت عنوان «اصول حفاظت: سیاست‌ها و قواعد راهنما برای مدیریت پایدار محیط‌های تاریخی»، « قدرت مکان: آینده محیط‌های تاریخی» و «محیط تاریخی: نیرویی برای آینده ما» معرفی خواهند شد تا ضمن بررسی آخرین دیدگاه‌ها و رویکرد حفاظت، نمونه‌ای از یک چارچوب عملی برای تحقق این سیاست ارائه گردد. این مطالعه نشان می‌دهد که در رویکرد نوین حفاظت، جامع‌نگری در توجه به ارزش‌ها و هم‌چنین توجه به محیط تاریخی به‌عنوان  یک ثروت اقتصادی و اجتماعی و نیز یک منبع فرهنگی عظیم به‌عنوان اصول محوری مطرح‌اند. Abstract With the emergence of the modern conservation movement in the late 19th century, ideas and approaches to the restoration and conservation of historic structures entered a new arena of thought, policy making and action. This article reviews the evolution of ideas and approaches to the preservation and revitalization of historical and cultural buildings and textures, and the characteristics of the new restoration thinking known as the modern conservation movement, and introduces programs influenced by this approach, especially in recent decades. The purpose of presenting the characteristics and theoretical and practical framework of this approach and its evolutionary process in this article is to introduce new concepts of conservation and to familiarize with common measures influenced by this trend in other countries, especially Western Europe. The research method is a library study based on materials contained in books, articles, and authoritative documents, as well as a case study of urban revitalization experiences in the countries of England, France, and Italy. At the end of this article, three documents published by English Heritage, entitled “Principles of Conservation: Policies and Guidelines for the Sustainable Management of Historic Environments”, “The Power of Place: The Future of Historic Environments” and “The Historic Environment: A Force for Our Future”, will be introduced to review the latest perspectives and approaches to conservation, and to provide an example of a practical framework for the realization of this policy. This study shows that in the new approach to conservation, central principles include a holistic approach when dealing with values, in addition to considering the historic environment as an economic and social asset, as well as a great cultural resource. Keywords: Conservation, Revitalization, Resolutions & Charters, Cultural-Historical Heritage, Ideas & Approaches. Introduction Today, conservation in its modern sense refers to a comprehensive policy that, while preserving values, revitalizes historical structures. Paying attention to preserving cultural values, safeguarding local and historical wealth, and protecting the valuable textures of historic core of the city is considered a policy for revitalizing these areas. This is while the prevailing policies, without paying attention to the developments and evolution of approaches, emphasize the basics that have been discussed and exchanged for years in academic, professional, and policy-making communities; but international statements, charters, and resolutions emphasize the dissemination of new findings. This article, while examining international documents with an interpretative-analytical approach, extracts the thematic axes of these developments. By reviewing this evolutionary process, a comprehensive framework for the protection of historical structures and environments can be achieved.     The present study seeks to explain a comprehensive and all-encompassing approach to the concept of preserving historical environments. Therefore, as the method of research it uses an interpretive analytical approach to answer the three main questions of “what”, “why” and “how”. Therefore, this research is philosophically based on interpreting paradigms and has a qualitative approach. One of the ways to reach the desired principles is to examine published documents and statements and look at the subject at different spans of time. From observing and examining these documents, the most important approaches are extracted, and new policies are identified by analyzing the employed ones. For this purpose, the content analysis method is used. This method, which is one of the most important research methods in social sciences, seeks to recognize data not as a set of material events but as symbolic phenomena and analyzes it without disturbing it. The method of examining documents will be through critical observation and analysis based on theoretical foundations. In fact, the approach of this study in this case and in examining the periods will include a critical interpretation of the changes in each period. Discussion Examining of the above mentioned documents shows the evolutionary process of ideas, approaches and policies of conservation in the second half of the twentieth century which can be summarized chronologically in the following ten themes: 1. Crossing the boundary of physical conservation of buildings and complexes towards the “functional revitalization” of not only the historical buildings but also the entire historic core. 2. Emphasis on the importance of “social empowerment of cities” and attention to the contemporary needs of citizens and residents of historical urban areas in addition to improving their social function and paying attention to the physical attributes of these areas. 3. Generalizing the scope of protection from individual buildings to the spaces between buildings and urban spaces, complexes, context, texture, historic environment, landscapes, as well as increasing attention to “the values of historical environment” and expanding this approach to the totality of the historical urban texture.  4. Paying attention to the economic dimensions of the “tourism industry” to recover capital and resources in the protection of valuable monuments for achieving the development and sustainable management of historical structures and the dynamic interaction between tourism and cultural heritage. 5. Paying attention to the protection of “natural and cultural heritage” in addition to combating environmental pollution. 6. Emphasis on “creating an enabling environment” and providing the necessary grounds for the realization of protection programs through educational programs, paying attention to economic fields, developing structures and organizations, promoting social awareness and providing legal grounds for the protection of historical areas. 7. Efforts to reconcile old physical spaces with modern life or in other words “contemporary needs” of historical urban areas and revitalizing buildings or textures with appropriate functionality. 8. Emphasis on the preservation and survival of the “cultural value of the place”; meaning a place management policy should be based on an understanding of the cultural significance of the place. 9. Attention to the conservation, improvement and revitalization of small settlements with “public participation”.  10. Introducing the new approach of “integrated conservation”.  Conclusion  This paper has reviewed the evolution of the modern conservation movement & examined ten thematic subjects as the conceptual framework of the current approach to conservation. As mentioned, the expansion of the scope and activity of conservation from individual buildings to the integrity of the context, simultaneous attention to cultural and natural heritage, a change in the approach to the reuse of historical buildings and monuments, and the tendency to functional renewal and effective economic uses of historical buildings, as well as attention to the tourism industry as an opportunity for economic development and growth of residents or neighbors of historical areas are considered among the most important developments in the approach of the modern conservation movement. On the other hand, attention to the economics of conservation and the central role of development in conservation policies and approaches was examined as a later approach to integrated conservation. In the later approach, historic buildings serve as key resources in development and renovation programs and play an important role in these programs. Conservation programs consider the reuse of historical structures and the creation of new spaces as the most important drivers of development. In examining the latest document published by English Heritage, entitled “Principles of Conservation: Policies and Guidelines for the Sustainable Management of Historic Environments”, a comprehensive approach to values and the consideration of the historic environment as an economic and social asset as well as a great cultural resource is also evident.  onservation, Revitalization, Resolutions & Charters, Cultural-Historical Heritage, Ideas & Approaches. حفاظت, باززنده‌سازی, قطع‌نامه‌ها و منشورها, میراث فرهنگی- تاریخی, اندیشه‌ها و رویکردها. 115 133 http://athar.richt.ir/browse.php?a_code=A-10-4054-1&slc_lang=fa&sid=2 2025/08/172025/07/172025/05/52025/03/152025/07/10 1404/4/19 2025/11/292025/10/302025/08/62025/06/132025/08/14 1404/5/23 Mahshid Sehizaderh Assistant Professor, Department of Urbanism ,Faculty of Art and Architecture, Bu-Ali Sina University, Hamedan, Iran (Corresponding Author). مهشید صحی‌زاده msehizadeh@basu.ac.ir Yes استادیار گروه شهرسازی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلی‌سینا، همدان، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). Mohammad Saeid Izadi Assistant Professor, Department of Urbanism ,Faculty of Art and Architecture, Bu-Ali Sina University, Hamedan, Iran. محمدسعید ایزدی ms.izadi@basu.ac.ir No استادیار گروه شهرسازی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلی‌سینا، همدان، ایران.

fa منزل‌گاه حوضِ خان: بررسی مجموعه‌ای میان‌راهی و فراموش شده بر اساس متون و شواهد باستان‌شناختی منزل‌گاه‌های میان‌راهی و سازه‌های وابسته به آن‌ها مثل: کاروانسراها، آب‌انبارها، میل‌ها، برج‌ها و قلعه‌ها از دیرباز عناصر حیاتی‌ راه‌های ایران و دلایل امنیت و حفظ حرکت بوده‌اند. یکی از این نقاط میان‌راهی در راه تاریخی نایبند به راور (بخشی از راه تاریخی خراسان به کرمان) که امروزه دور از جادۀ آسفالت قرار دارد، منزل‌گاه حوض‌خان است. این مجموعۀ میان‌راهی در چشم‌اندازی بیابانی، خشک و دور از هر آبادی، یکی از دلایل رونق و امنیت این راه بوده ‌است. نویسندگان در سال‌های 1403 و 1404 این راه تاریخی و سازه‌های مرتبط با آن، ازجمله مجموعۀ حوض‌خان را با کمک نقشه‌های قدیمی، سفرنامه‌ها، مشاهدات میدانی و شواهد باستان‌شناختی مورد پژوهش دقیق میدانی و کتابخانه‌ای قرار دادند تا به شناخت بخشی از راه تاریخی خراسان به کرمان و معرفی و تاریخ‌گذاری سازه‌های مجموعۀ حوض‌خان دست‌یابند. پرسش‌های اصلی این پژوهش را می‌توان در سه مورد خلاصه کرد؛ مجموعۀ کاروانسرایی حوض‌خان از چه بخش‌هایی تشکیل شده و رابطۀ این بخش‌ها با یک‌دیگر چگونه است؟ بخش‌های مختلف این مجموعه در چه زمانی ساخته شده‌اند؟ دلایل اهمیت این مجموعه در راه تاریخی کرمان-خراسان چیست؟ بر اݣݣین‌اساس، منزل‌گاه حوض‌خان از هشت سازه، شامل: کاروانسرا، کوره، آبریزگاه، برج، آب‌انبار، اتاق چلیپا، اتاق منفرد و چاهِ آب تشکیل شده که در دوره‌های مختلف ساخته‌شده‌اند. این محل حداقل از دورۀ صفوی به‌دلیل ساخت تأسیسات ذخیرۀ آب، محل اقامت مسافران بوده‌ است و در دورۀ قاجار به‌دلیل افزایش تردد در این مسیر، سازه‌های دیگری به آن افزوده شده ‌است. این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که حوض‌خان، محلی برای توقف و خدمات‌رسانی میان‌راهی بوده است که به‌واسطۀ تأسیسات آبی‌ و موقعیت ویژۀ جغرافیایی، در شکل‌گیری و پایداری شبکۀ راه‌های تاریخی در منطقۀ بیابانی لوت نقش مؤثری داشته است. مطالعۀ موردی حوض‌خان، دریچه‌ای است به فهم بهتر عملکرد نقاط میان‌راهی در نظام ارتباطی راه‌های تاریخی فلات ایران.  Abstract Intermediary waystations and their related structures—such as caravanserais, cisterns, mills, towers, and forts—have long been vital elements in the infrastructure and security of Iran’s historical roads. One such site is Ḥowz-e Khān, a waystation along the historical route from Nāyband to Rāvar (part of the Khorasan–Kerman route), now located away from modern paved roads. Positioned in a barren desert landscape, far from any settlement, this complex contributed to the prosperity and safety of the route. In 2024–2025, the authors conducted detailed field and archival research on this historical road and its associated structures, including the Ḥowz-e Khān complex. Using old maps, travel accounts, field observations, and archaeological evidence, they investigated the features and significance of the site within the historical road system. Ḥowz-e Khān consists of eight structures: a caravanserai, kiln, latrine, tower, water cistern, cruciform room, separate room, and a well—built during different periods. The site functioned as a stopover for travelers at least since the Safavid era, primarily due to its water infrastructure, with additional buildings constructed during the Qajar period as traffic along the route increased. This study shows that Ḥowz-e Khān was not a permanent settlement but a service point for travelers. Thanks to its water systems and strategic location, it played a key role in sustaining the historical road network across the Lut Desert. The case of Ḥowz-e Khān offers deeper understanding of the role of intermediary nodes in Iran’s historical communication systems. Keywords: Howz-e Kahn, Caravanserai, Historical route, Waystation, Lut Desert. Introduction Mid-route waystations and their associated structures—caravanserais, cisterns, kilns, towers, and forts—have long been essential components of Iran’s historical transportation systems. These facilities not only enabled the movement of people and goods but also ensured security and facilitated cultural and economic exchange. The historical route from Khorasan to Kerman, once a vital artery connecting northeastern and southeastern Iran, included numerous such waystations. One of these is the Howz-e Khan complex, a mid-route station located between Nayband and Ravar, which has been largely forgotten due to its remoteness from modern paved roads and current transportation routes. The present study aims to investigate a section of the historical Khorasan–Kerman route by identifying, documenting, and dating the architectural features of the Howz-e Khan complex. This research builds upon limited references in historical sources and maps, as well as sporadic mentions in early travelogues. Despite its significance in connecting major economic and religious centers, this route has been overlooked in modern academic literature. By focusing on the Howz-e Khan complex, this study contributes to the broader understanding of how infrastructure supported the functionality and continuity of historical road networks in the Iranian plateau, especially in arid and marginal environments. Methodologically, the research employs a combination of field survey and archival/library study. The team conducted on-site documentation during 2024 and 2025 (1403–1404 SH), surveying all eight structures within the complex. These include a caravanserai, a kiln, a latrine, a tower, a cistern (Howz), a cruciform room, a solitary room, and a well. Tools such as Excel were used for categorizing and analyzing data, AutoCAD was employed to produce accurate architectural plans, and GIS facilitated spatial analysis and topographic contextualization. Historical texts and maps were consulted to supplement the physical data and assist in dating the structures. Geographically, Howz-e Khan is located in the Deihuk district of Tabas County, South Khorasan Province, approximately 28 kilometers from the modern Nayband–Ravar road. The site lies on the north western edge of the Lut Desert, in a harsh and arid landscape characterized by extreme temperatures, minimal vegetation, and the absence of permanent water sources. These environmental conditions necessitated the construction of water storage and support structures, making Howz-e Khan a crucial waystation in the region. Its spatial isolation today belies its former importance as a key node in the historical road system between Khorasan and Kerman. Discussion Site Description, Field Evidence, and Historical Significance of Howz-e Khan The Howz-e Khan complex comprises eight distinct structures, each with specific architectural and functional characteristics that reflect the evolution of mid-route infrastructure in the Iranian plateau. The partially constructed caravanserai, featuring a camel stall (shotor-khaneh), loading platforms, rooms, and two Iwanches (vaulted alcoves), shows signs of abandonment before completion. Built with stone foundations and mud-lime mortar, its incomplete state may reflect financial limitations, changing routes, or unsuitable site selection. The complex’s central feature—the cistern (Howz), from which it takes its name—includes a stone entrance, staircase, and underground water reservoir. It is attributed to the Safavid period and displays signs of repair during the Qajar era. Adjacent to it is a cruciform underground room, possibly serving as a resting space or secondary storage, although its original function remains uncertain. Additional structures include a standalone room, likely the earliest residential facility at the site; a watchtower, built in the Qajar era with arrow slits and strategic views; a brick kiln, likely used in the construction of later additions; a toilet facility with two cubicles; and a well, probably were using dry seasons. Field surveys revealed 18 pottery fragments—both glazed and unglazed—dating from the Safavid to Qajar periods, supporting the architectural chronology. Howz-e Khan appears in several historical texts and travelogues between the Safavid and Qajar periods. Afzal al-Molk’s 1882 travel account details the cistern and shelter, but not the caravanserai, implying it had not been constructed yet. Later reports by British officers, including General Percy Sykes, confirm the site’s use as a water stop without mentioning a caravanserai, reinforcing the hypothesis that it was a late Qajar or early Pahlavi addition. The site’s strategic importance on the Khorasan–Kerman route is tied to three main factors: the challenging desert terrain that often-led travelers astray, the scarcity of water which made the cisterns vital for survival, and the threat of banditry that necessitated protective architecture. Together, these factors underscore Howz-e Khan’s role as a critical node in Iran’s historical transportation network.     Conclusion  Transportation networks in the arid landscapes of Iran. Located along the lesser-known segment of the Khorasan–Kerman route, this waystation exemplifies how architecture and infrastructure were adapted to meet the physical, logistical, and socio-political demands of long-distance travel through harsh desert environments. The complex’s architectural remains—particularly the Safavid-period cistern, Qajar-era watchtower, and the partially completed caravanserai—together highlight the layered evolution of the site in response to shifting travel patterns, economic needs, and security concerns. The site’s importance can be attributed to three key factors: first, its role in ensuring survival amid the Lut Desert’s extreme conditions, where the scarcity of water necessitated reliable cisterns; second, its strategic function as a navigational and protective node in an otherwise unmarked and treacherous landscape where travelers often got lost or faced danger; and third, its position on a pilgrimage and trade corridor, which increased the demand for safe resting places and encouraged the construction of public-benefit structures. Although the route was eventually abandoned with the advent of motorized transportation, Howz-e Khan’s remains reflect its former vitality. Its mention in travelogues, absence of early caravanserai structures, and later architectural additions confirm that the complex evolved gradually, with certain structures built in response to growing usage in the Qajar era. Preserving and studying Howz-e Khan is not merely about safeguarding a group of desert ruins—it is about protecting a critical link in Iran’s historical infrastructure, where architecture, environment, and movement intersected. As a case study, Howz-e Khan offers valuable insights into the material expressions of resilience, community needs, and adaptation along one of Iran’s forgotten but once-thriving desert routes. Howz-e Kahn, Caravanserai, Historical route, Waystation, Lut Desert. حوض خان, کاروانسرا, راه‌ تاریخی, منزلگاه, دشت‌لوت. 135 160 http://athar.richt.ir/browse.php?a_code=A-10-4069-1&slc_lang=fa&sid=2 2025/08/172025/07/172025/05/52025/03/152025/07/102025/08/5 1404/5/14 2025/11/292025/10/302025/08/62025/06/132025/08/142025/10/4 1404/7/12 Shadi Ganji Ph. D. in Archaeology, Archaeology Department, Humanitis Faculty, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran (Corresponding Author). شادی گنجی shadiganji84@gmail.com Yes دکتری باستان‌شناسی، گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). Faramarz Parsi MA in Architecture, Architecture Department, Architecture and Environmental design Faculty, Science and Technology University, Tehran, Iran. فرامرز پارسی parsi.faramarz@gmail.com No کارشناسی ارشد معماری، گروه معماری، دانشکدۀ معماری و شهرسازی، دانشگاه علم و صنعت، تهران، ایران.

fa تدقیق پلان و نقشۀ باغ مجموعۀ دولت‌خانۀ قزوین براساس متون تاریخی و یافته‌های باستان‌شناسی باغ دولت‌خانۀ قزوین یکی از برجسته‌ترین جلوه‌های معماری و طراحی منظر در دورۀ صفوی است که درپی انتقال پایتخت توسط شاه‌طهماسب اول در سال ۹۶۲ه‍.ق. به این شهر، بنیان نهاده شد. انگیزۀ اصلی این انتقال، تهدیدها سیاسی و نظامی حکومت‌های عثمانی و روسیه علیه تبریز بود. شاه‌طهماسب، با هدف ساماندهی فضای اداری و سکونتی پایتخت جدید، دستور احداث مجموعه‌ای از باغ‌های حکومتی را صادر کرد و بزرگان را نیز به مشارکت در این ساخت‌وساز فراخواند. در این راستا، بیش از ۲۳ باغ در اطراف باغ دولت‌خانه شکل گرفتند. عبدی‌بیگ شیرازی، شاعر و تاریخ‌نگار دربار، مأمور تدوین توصیفی منظوم از این باغ‌ها شد که حاصل آن، مجموعۀ «جنات عدن» است؛ اثری که توصیفات غنی و دقیقی از ساختارهای معماری، عناصر طبیعی و فضاهای عملکردی باغ ارائه می‌دهد. پژوهش حاضر با رویکردی میان‌رشته‌ای، می‌کوشد با تلفیق مدارک حاصل از متون تاریخی، نقشه‌های کهن، سفرنامه‌های سیاحان و یافته‌های باستان‌شناسی، به بازسازی پلان باغ دولت‌خانه بپردازد. فرضیۀ پژوهش بر آن است که مدارک متون تاریخی و منظوم، به‌ویژه آثار عبدی‌بیگ، قابلیت هم‌سنجی و انطباق با شواهد مادی را دارند و می‌توانند بنیانی برای بازخوانی ساختار فضایی این مجموعۀ تاریخی فراهم سازند. روش پژوهش در این جستار، تلفیقی از مطالعات اسنادی، تحلیل محتوای متون منظوم و تاریخی، بررسی یافته‌های باستان‌شناسی و تحلیل مقایسه‌ای میان داده‌های چندرشته‌ای است. نتایج این پژوهش حاکی از آن است که ساختار اصلی باغ دولت‌خانه، شامل: سردر عالی‌قاپو، شبکۀ آب‌رسانی و حوض‌هایی است که در جنات عدن نیز توصیف‌شده و در دورۀ صفویه بنیان‌گذاری شده؛ این ساختار در دوره‌های قاجار و پهلوی با الحاقات کالبدی دچار بازآرایی و توسعه شده است. Abstract The Royal Garden of Qazvin, known as the “Dolatkhaneh” (Governmental House), stands as a distinguished example of Safavid architectural innovation, landscape design, and royal garden planning. Founded in 962 AH (circa 1555 AD) during the reign of Shah Tahmasb I, it emerged alongside the strategic relocation of the Safavid capital from Tabriz to Qazvin. To organize the administrative and residential spaces of the new capital, Shah Tahmasb commissioned the construction of a series of governmental gardens, inviting eminent figures to participate, which led to the creation of over 23 gardens surrounding the Dolatkhaneh. Abdi Beyg Shirazi, court poet and historian, was tasked with producing a poetic description of these gardens, resulting in the collection “Jannat-e Adn,” offering detailed depictions of architectural structures, natural elements, and functional spaces. This interdisciplinary research aims to reconstruct the garden’s plan by synthesizing evidence from historical texts, ancient maps, travelogues, archaeological findings, and poetic descriptions, particularly those of Abdi Beyg. The central hypothesis suggests that the textual data, especially poetic accounts, are capable of being correlated with material evidence to provide a comprehensive understanding of the garden’s spatial organization. The methodology integrates documentary analysis, content analysis of poetic and historical texts, archaeological review, and comparative studies across disciplines. Results indicate that key elements such as the Ali Qapu Portal, the Orshi Khaneh, and the Divan Khaneh played crucial roles in shaping the garden’s layout. Findings also reveal that the original Safavid structures have undergone modifications, expansions, and reconstructions during the Qajar and Pahlavi periods, with physical additions altering the garden’s original form. Ultimately, this study offers a detailed reconstruction of the garden’s layout and provides insights into its physical and conceptual evolution across different historical periods, enriching understanding of Safavid urban and landscape planning in Qazvin. Keywords: Shah Tahmasp Safavid, Qazvin Government House, Jannat Adan, Travelogues, Archaeological Excavation. Introduction Located along the ancient Silk Road, Qazvin held a strategic geopolitical position that made it an attractive choice for capital during the Safavid period. In 955 AH (1548 AD), Shah Tahmasb I relocated the Safavid capital from Tabriz to Qazvin, seeking to escape the constant threat posed by the Ottomans and to secure a more defensible administrative center. This decision triggered a profound transformation in the city’s urban layout, its architectural typologies, and the organization of ceremonial and political spaces. Central to this transformation was the establishment of a royal compound centered on a vast garden-palace complex. Shah Tahmasb ordered the acquisition and consolidation of three major areas—Barmakiabad, Zangiabad, and Mobarakabad—to develop the Dolatkhaneh complex. This newly formed garden ensemble, later known as Bagh-e Sa’adatabad, became a symbol of Safavid authority, integrating administrative, ceremonial, and residential functions. To commemorate and immortalize the architectural grandeur of the complex, the Shah commissioned ‘Abdi Beg Shirazi to compose a descriptive poetic account. The result, Jannat al-‘Adn, consists of five thematic sections that describe the garden’s architectural elements, waterworks, floral compositions, and ceremonial routes in elaborate detail. This article raises a fundamental question: Can a reliable and historically grounded reconstruction of the Qazvin royal garden be achieved by synthesizing literary accounts, travelogues, historical cartography, and archaeological data? And to what extent do textual descriptions align with physical evidence? The central premise of the research is that if spatial and structural patterns inferred from ‘Abdi Beg’s poetry correlate with scientific archaeological discoveries, it is possible to gain a more accurate understanding of the garden’s form and function. Framed within the broader discourse of Persian garden architecture, symbolic royal space, and courtly semiotics, this study aims not merely to describe but to scientifically reconstruct the plan and design logic of a unique historical garden. Materials and Data Description This research employs a multidisciplinary framework that combines historical literature, Persian classical poetry, cartographic analysis, European travel accounts, and field-based archaeological investigations to reconstruct the spatial layout of the Qazvin Royal Garden Complex. The Dolatkhaneh, as the political and symbolic heart of the Safavid state under Shah Tahmasb I, is analyzed through four principal categories of data: 1. Historical and Literary Sources 2. Cartographic and Pictorial Records 3. European Travelogues 4. Archaeological Excavation Results 1. Literary and Descriptive Data At the core of the textual analysis lies Jannat al-‘Adn, a poetic work rich in metaphor and spatial detail. Composed in five chapters, the poem systematically outlines the arrangement of garden paths, pools, pavilions, gateways, and floral elements. Thematic and semantic analysis of key phrases—such as “turquoise-colored canals”, “elm-shaded corridors”, “mirrored pavilions on the horizon”, and “golden-arched porticos”—enables the identification of distinct architectural and landscape features. These references often incorporate symbolic elements like light, reflection, and flowing water, all of which provide concrete clues for spatial reconstruction. 2. Cartographic Data Historical maps from the late Qajar period, as well as drawings made by European Orientalists and military officers, help delineate the garden’s boundaries and locate key architectural features such as the Aleegapoo gate, audience halls (Divan Khaneh), and access routes. Although these maps often contain distortions and stylistic exaggerations, when cross-referenced with field data and textual sources, they become valuable tools for spatial orientation. For example, the approximate position of the mirrored iwan and central pavilion, marked in a late Qajar map, aligns well with the archaeological findings from Trench 5 (Fig 1). 3. European Travel Accounts Travel narratives from the 17th and 18th centuries, including those by Jean Chardin, Tavernier, Kaempfer, and García de Silva Figueroa, offer firsthand observations of the garden’s visual aesthetics, ceremonial usage, and irrigation systems. These accounts describe symmetrical water channels, wide reflective pools, and royal reception areas. Such descriptive passages enhance the interpretive framework and complement the textual and archaeological datasets. 4. Archaeological Evidence The most tangible layer of data emerges from the 2018 archaeological excavations. Conducted across nine trenches and sondages, the excavations aimed to identify architectural remains, stratigraphic layers, material typologies, and environmental data. Key architectural features uncovered include: • Remnants of a brick-built octagonal vestibule (Fig 2) • Two pools (rectangular and circular) • A brick iwan (portico) • Clay pipe irrigation systems (tan bushes) • Subsurface channels and absorption wells • Various floor types (pebble paving, brick paving, and Pahlavi-era asphalt) One of the most significant discoveries was the subterranean water system composed of absorption wells and interconnected channels, which aligns with ‘Abdi Beg’s references to “unceasing streams running beneath the earth”. To determine the chronology of construction phases, selected samples of floor and wall bricks were subjected to thermoluminescence (TL) dating. Results confirmed three main construction periods: the foundational Safavid phase (~360 years ago), a Zand-era renovation (~270 years ago), and Qajar-era expansion (~200 years ago). This stratigraphic sequence suggests the complex remained in use and underwent functional transformation over several centuries. A total of 1,878 pottery shards were recovered from various layers, including: • Glazed splash ware from the Seljuk period • Green Timurid pottery • Safavid underglaze-painted blue-and-white wares • Qajar-era floral tiles and Chinese porcelains The diversity of ceramics reflects both the ceremonial use of the garden in earlier periods and its gradual shift toward more utilitarian purposes in the late Qajar era. The comparative synthesis of these data sources allowed the research team to propose a reconstructed plan of the garden. The primary gateway is positioned along the southern axis, connected to the main royal square (Maydan-e Shah). An east-west water channel system, flanked by symmetric pools and a central pavilion, forms the structural backbone of the layout. Peripheral zones served residential and ceremonial functions, adhering to a spatial hierarchy reflective of royal authority, ritual practices, and symbolic alignment with nature. Conclusion This study demonstrates that a multidisciplinary approach—drawing on literary texts, cartographic evidence, travel narratives, and archaeological findings—can yield a credible and nuanced reconstruction of a lost architectural space. The Royal Garden of Qazvin, as revealed through this synthesis, consisted of key components such as the Aleegapoo gate, central kushk, expansive pools, water channels, tree-lined avenues, and ceremonial enclosures. The garden’s irrigation system, built using a network of clay pipes and underground wells, corroborates both the poetic depictions and the archaeological structures identified in Trenches 2, 5, and 7. Thermoluminescence dating has verified the presence of three major construction phases: The Safavid foundation, Zand renovations, and Qajar expansions. The ceramic assemblage, ranging from luxurious Safavid wares to simpler Qajar items, illustrates the garden’s functional evolution over time. Ultimately, this research affirms the potential of literary texts, when subjected to structural and spatial analysis, to function as valuable archaeological sources. By reconstructing the spatial model of the Dolatkhaneh garden, this study provides a replicable framework for future research on Persian garden heritage and royal architecture. Continued archaeological excavations, deeper cartographic comparisons, and comprehensive readings of historical texts are essential steps toward a more complete understanding of Iran’s regal landscape traditions. Shah Tahmasp Safavid, Qazvin Government House, Jannat Adan, Travelogues, Archaeological Excavation. شاه‌طهماسب صفوی, دولت‌خانۀ قزوین, جنات عدن, سفرنامه‌ها, کاوش باستان‌شناسی. 161 193 http://athar.richt.ir/browse.php?a_code=A-10-2773-8&slc_lang=fa&sid=2 2025/08/172025/07/172025/05/52025/03/152025/07/102025/08/52025/02/23 1403/12/5 2025/11/292025/10/302025/08/62025/06/132025/08/142025/10/42025/05/4 1404/2/14 Hamid Amanollahi PhD student of Archaeology, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Literature and Human Sciences, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran (Corresponding Author). حمید امان‌اللهی amanollahihamid@yahoo.com 0009000645164764 Yes دانشجوی دکتری باستان‌شناسی، گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. (نویسندۀ مسئول). Masoud Akbari M.A. in Archaeology, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Literature and Human Sciences, University of Sistan and Baluchistan, Sistan and Baluchistan, Iran, مسعود اکبری s.masoud.akbari@gmail.com No کارشناسی ارشد باستان‌شناسی، گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه سیستان و بلوچستان، زاهدان، ایران.

fa فرآیند میراث جهانی در ایران از ابتدا تاکنون: تبیین مولفه‌های مؤثر بر سیاست‌ها و رویکردهای میراث جهانی در ایران ایران یکی از کشورهای تأثیرگذار در کنوانسیون میراث جهانی چه در زمان شکل‌گیری و چه بعد از آن بوده است. جریان میراث جهانی در ایران فرآیند پرفرازونشیب را طی نموده که در سال‌های بعد از شکل‌گیری کنوانسیون میراث جهانی سیاست‌ها و رویکردهای متفاوتی از خود در بستر زمانی نشان داده که همراه با اقدامات مشخصی بوده و نتایج ملموسی را درپی داشته است. این سیاست‌ها تحت‌تأثیر مؤلفه‌هایی شکل‌گرفته است که شناخت آن‌ها می‌تواند به پر کردن خلأهای میراث جهانی در کشور و هم‌چنین اصلاح سیاست‌گذاری در عرصۀ میراث جهانی کمک کند. هدف پژوهش حاضر تبیین مؤلفه‌های مؤثر بر سیاست‌های میراث جهانی از طریق شناخت آن‌ها در بستر زمانی است. به همین‌منظور در این پژوهش با انجام مصاحبه‌های عمیق و نیمه‌ساختاریافته با دست‌اندرکاران اصلی میراث جهانی در ایران و بررسی متون پشتیبان و مرتبط به جهت تبیین و تحلیل سیاست‌ها و رویکردهای میراث جهانی در بازۀ زمانی شکل‌گیری کنوانسیون میراث جهانی تا سال 1400، از روش تحلیل محتوا بهره جسته است و از طریق کدگذاری، مقوله‌بندی و دسته‌بندی مؤلفه‌های مؤثر بر سیاست‌ها و رویکردهای میراث جهانی در ایران تبیین شده است. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که مؤلفه نقش افراد در فرآیند میراث جهانی ایران، نقش اساسی در سیاست‌ها و رویکردهای میراث جهانی در کشور گذاشته است و این تأثیر تاکنون ادامه داشته است. هم‌چنین مؤلفه‌های مشارکت ذینفعان، ساختار سازمانی انتخاب آثار در ایران و مطالبۀ اجتماعی نیز بیشترین تأثیر را بر سیاست‌گذاری در حوزۀ میراث جهانی ایران گذاشته است. Abstract Iran is one of the most influential nations in the World Heritage Convention since its inception. World heritage designation is a much debated process in Iran. In the years following the inception of the world heritage convention diverse policies and approaches were adopted relevant to the convention, with different tangible measures and results emanating therefrom. Understanding these policies and approaches and their outcomes can aid future policymaking in the field of World Heritage. The aim of the present study is to identify World Heritage policies and approaches in a time context and to explain the factors affecting these policies and approaches. For this purpose, this study, by conducting in-depth and semi-structured interviews with key World Heritage stakeholders in Iran and examining supporting and related texts, has used the content analysis method to explain and analyze World Heritage policies and approaches in the period from the formation of the World Heritage Convention to 1400. Through coding, categorization, and classification, the components affecting World Heritage policies and approaches in Iran have been explained. The research findings show that the component of the role of individuals in the World Heritage process in Iran has played a fundamental role in World Heritage policies and approaches in the country, and this effect has continued to this day. In addition, the components of stakeholder participation, the organizational structure of the selection of properties in Iran, and social demand have also had the greatest impact on policymaking in the field of World Heritage in Iran.  Keywords: World Heritage of Iran, Cultural Heritage, Natural Heritage, Tentative List of World Heritage, Policymaking. Introduction The Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage is the most significant international instrument for the identification, inscription, protection, and management of the tangible shared heritage of humanity. Over time, it has been widely embraced by states and has come to occupy a central position in the development of heritage conservation practices. In Iran, long before the establishment of the World Heritage Convention, valuable cultural properties were identified and legally registered as national heritage. Iran actively participated in the formation of the Convention and joined it from its inception. Since then, Iran’s engagement has gone through various phases, leading to significant outcomes in the protection and recognition of cultural heritage. Throughout this process, different policies regarding World Heritage inscription were adopted in each period, influenced by a range of underlying factors and yielding significant results. Understanding these factors is only possible through an examination of the policies pursued regarding World Heritage from the Convention’s inception to the present day. Gaining insight into the components influencing World Heritage inscription in Iran may help bridge existing gaps at the national and international levels in the years to come and contribute to the refinement of adopted policies. In this context, the central research question addressed in this study is: “What factors have influenced World Heritage inscription policies in Iran?” Answering this fundamental question requires a comprehensive understanding of the policies pursued in Iran from the outset and the identification of the key elements shaping them To answer this question, the study gathers and categorizes the experiences of stakeholders involved in the field of World Heritage and analyzes relevant documentation in Iran across four historical periods, spanning from the establishment of the Convention to the year 2021. These data are then examined and interpreted according to the policy approaches adopted in each time period. The rationale for dividing the timeline into four distinct phases lies in the occurrence of major developments in the field of World Heritage in Iran. The first phase, from the adoption of the World Heritage Convention to the inscription of Iran’s first three properties, represents the country’s initial efforts to join and influence the Convention. The second phase encompasses a 24-year hiatus in inscriptions and explores the factors and circumstances underlying this interruption. The third phase marks the resumption of the inscription process in Iran, while the fourth phase is characterized by the diversification of inscription themes and the emergence of institutional structures aligned with this diversification, extending to the present day. Finally, through a detailed review of the pursued policies, supported by interviews and documentary evidence, the study identifies and explicates the components that have influenced these policy approaches. Discussion World Heritage policies in Iran reveal that these policies are predominantly influenced by specific factors that are not confined to a particular time frame. Several elements affecting the World Heritage process in Iran have manifested differently over time, including governmental pressures, weaknesses in management and conservation structures, the technical and professional capacity of the cultural heritage sector, and the role of universities and academic institutions. However, some factors have functioned as core elements in the World Heritage process in Iran. The following section elaborates on these fundamental factors that have played a central role in shaping policymaking within this process. The World Heritage Convention has undergone significant changes over time, directly influencing Iran’s world heritage policies. Shifts in the definition of Outstanding Universal Value (OUV), limitations on annual inscriptions, and UNESCO’s evolving registration priorities have reshaped the nomination process in the country. Among these factors, the Tentative List has gained particular importance. Currently (2025), it includes 58 properties (45 cultural, 11 natural, and 2 mixed), reflecting not only Iran’s potential World Heritage sites but also its policy directions. However, the lack of national guidelines, the persistent presence of certain unfeasible properties, and the absence of feasibility assessments have hindered the effectiveness of this list. The role of key individuals has been highly influential in Iran’s world heritage inscription process. Individual initiatives have played a decisive role in the success of nominations. However, this heavy reliance on individuals rather than institutional structures has led to vulnerabilities in sustaining progress. Moreover, limited technical and academic capacity within organizations and universities has resulted in inconsistent policy-making. In Iran’s world heritage process, structurally, the National Registration Council, as the main decision-making body, faces several issues, including limited diversity among its members, parallel operations with other councils, the absence of a defined role for civil society organizations, and a lack of clear operational guidelines. Decision-making is centralized within the Ministry of Cultural Heritage, with provincial offices playing a minimal role. Additionally, the lack of long-term planning, weak public communication, and an unclear framework for community participation have further complicated the process. While stakeholder participation is considered a core principle internationally, in Iran it remains underdeveloped. Interviews reveal that authorities often view public involvement skeptically, questioning the expertise of local stakeholders. This has led to limited transparency and reduced public trust. Nevertheless, the growth of social capital surrounding the concept of World Heritage has generated local and national support for nomination efforts. Still, when promises of inscription are not fulfilled, it may lead to public dissatisfaction and disillusionment. Conclusion The process of World Heritage inscription in Iran has followed a complex and turbulent path, yielding tangible outcomes. The evolution of the cultural heritage movement in the country has significantly contributed to the development of the very concept of cultural heritage and has, in itself, functioned as a mechanism for its protection. The policies and approaches concerning World Heritage in Iran have, over time, been influenced by a range of factors—some with effects limited to specific periods, and others exerting influence to the present day. Among these, the role of individuals has emerged as the most influential factor shaping World Heritage policies and approaches in the country. A historical review, supported by documentary evidence, reveals that policymaking in this domain has largely been driven by the perspectives and decisions of individuals involved in the process. The positive impact of individual agency is evident in the successful inscription of certain sites; however, in some periods, the same individual involvement has contributed to the failure of nomination dossiers. Furthermore, the prominent role of individuals has hindered the institutionalization and stabilization of a comprehensive organizational structure for World Heritage affairs. Despite the establishment of advisory councils within the Ministry of Cultural Heritage for the nomination and selection of sites, the influence of individuals remains a decisive factor in the success of nominations. On another front, although community participation is a fundamental aspect of the World Heritage process, stakeholders in Iran have rarely played a significant or influential role. This lack of engagement has led to a policy approach that is predominantly institutionally internalized. Nevertheless, the notion of stakeholder participation in Iran has often been equated with a form of social demand for World Heritage inscription, which may be understood as a type of social capital. This social capital—embodied in the desire of local communities to see their heritage sites inscribed—has in turn linked heritage protection efforts with the pursuit of World Heritage status as a justification for national-level policy initiatives. Additionally, the changing procedural and regulatory conditions of the World Heritage Convention itself—particularly shifts in the criteria and nomination requirements over time—have directly influenced national policymaking. In many cases, the sites selected for nomination have been aligned with UNESCO’s evolving strategies. In this context, Iran’s Tentative List has acted as a reflection of national policy direction, effectively shaping the future trajectory of the country’s World Heritage agenda.   World Heritage of Iran, Cultural Heritage, Natural Heritage, Tentative List of World Heritage, Policymaking. میراث جهانی ایران, میراث‌فرهنگی, میراث طبیعی, فهرست موقت میراث جهانی, سیاست‌گذاری میراث فرهنگی. 195 219 http://athar.richt.ir/browse.php?a_code=A-10-3189-5&slc_lang=fa&sid=2 2025/08/172025/07/172025/05/52025/03/152025/07/102025/08/52025/02/232025/02/13 1403/11/25 2025/11/292025/10/302025/08/62025/06/132025/08/142025/10/42025/05/42025/07/3 1404/4/12 Mohammad Reza Mahmoodi Ghouzhdi Assistant Professor, Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism, Imam Khomeini International University, Qazvin, Iran (Corresponding Author). محمدرضا محمودی‌قوژدی m.mahmoodi@arc.ikiu.ac.ir No استادیار گروه مرمت و احیای بناهای تاریخی، دانشکده معماری و شهرسازی، دانشگاه بین‌المللی امام خمینی (ره)، قزوین، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). Mohammad Hassan Talebian Professor, Department of Restoration, Faculty of Architecture, Fine Arts College, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. محمدحسن طالبیان Mh.talebian@ut.ac.ir Yes استاد گروه مرمت دانشکدۀ معماری، دانشکدگان هنرهای زیبا دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.

fa تحلیلی بر دگرگونی کارکردی و مفهومی اشیاء در فرآیند موزه‌ای شدن موزه‌ها همواره درحال تحول و بازتعریف ماهیت و نقش خود در جامعه هستند. این پژوهش با هدف تحلیل فرآیند موزه‌ای‌شدن اشیا و بررسی تحولات مفهومی، کارکردی و ارزش‌های شناختی آن‌ها در سه رویکرد شئ‌محور، اندیشه‌محور و محتوامحور انجام شده است. روش پژوهش این مطالعۀ توصیفی-تحلیلی است و با رویکرد کیفی و تحلیل محتوای متون نظری مرتبط و با اتکا به منابع کتابخانه‌ای و نظریه‌های موزه‌شناسی، تحولات در این‌زمینه را موردتوجه قرار می‌دهد. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که فرآیند موزه‌ای شدن، صرفاً انتقال فیزیکی اشیائ نیست، بلکه اشیا را از وضعیت عادی از طریق دگرگونی و جداسازی از بافت اصلی به مدرکی معتبر و نمادین تبدیل می‌کند و به آن‌ها به نمادهایی فراتر از کارکرد اولیه‌شان هویت جدیدی در حافظۀ جمعی می‌بخشد. در موزه‌های شئ‌محور، ارزش ذاتی و اصالت فیزیکی اشیاء در اولویت است، درحالی‌که در موزه‌های اندیشه‌محور، تفسیر نمادین و روایت‌های فرهنگی اهمیت می‌یابد. در نسل سوم موزه‌ها با رویکرد مفهومی و محتوامحور، اشیا به ابزاری برای گفت‌وگو دربارۀ مسائل گوناگون تبدیل می‌شوند. نتایج این پژوهش حاکی از آن است که موزه‌ای‌شدن یک فرآیند پویا و چندوجهی است که هم‌زمان با تحولات جامعه، نه‌تنها بر نمایش اشیاء، بلکه بر ساخت معنا و تولید دانش تأکید دارد. درنهایت، این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که موزه‌ها باید انعطاف‌پذیری خود را افزایش دهند تا بتوانند هم‌زمان حافظ میراث ملموس و ناملموس، و رسانه‌ای برای گفت‌وگوی فرهنگی باشند. این مطالعه از آن جهت حائز اهمیت است که چالش‌های موزه‌ها را در تقابل بین حفظ اصالت اشیاء و نیاز به روایت‌پردازی مفهومی را بررسی می‌کند.  Abstract Museums are continually evolving, redefining their nature and social roles. This study analyzes the process of museification and investigates how the conceptual, functional, and cognitive values of objects transform through this process. The primary research question asks: How does museification alter the identity and value of objects across different museum approaches? The hypothesis posits that museification is not merely a physical transfer but a deep re-contextualization that endows objects with new symbolic meanings and identities within collective memory. The study addresses the practical challenge museums face in balancing object preservation with narrative construction. A descriptive-analytical design was employed within a qualitative framework, using content analysis of theoretical museology texts. Library resources were consulted to focus on recent developments in the field. Museification fundamentally redefines objects: they are detached from their original contexts and transformed from ordinary items into meaningful, symbolic documents. Three distinct approaches emerged: (a) object-centered museums, where intrinsic value and physical authenticity are paramount; (b) thought-centered museums, which emphasize symbolic interpretation and cultural narratives; and (c) content-centered museums (the third generation), in which objects serve as tools for dialogue and addressing contemporary issues. Museification is a dynamic, multifaceted process aligned with broader societal transformations, emphasizing the construction of meaning and knowledge production alongside display. Museums should enhance their flexibility to function as guardians of both tangible and intangible heritage and as dynamic platforms for cultural dialogue, balancing authenticity with conceptual storytelling. Keywords: Museum Objects, Museification, Object-Centered, Thought-Centered, Content-Centered. Introduction Museums occupy a complex intersection of conservation and transformation. Although inherently conservative institutions, they are undergoing a dynamic evolution that redefines their nature and function, profoundly altering our understanding of museum objects and the core process of museumification. Recognized in museology as a multidimensional phenomenon, museumification is a communicative system that generates meaning, reproduces social relationships, and symbolizes reality, raising critical questions about what should be preserved, how, and for what purpose. The process extends beyond the mere physical transfer of objects into a museum’s collection; it involves profound cognitive, aesthetic, and cultural transformations that confer a new identity on objects as part of a collective heritage. Through this process, objects transcend their primary function to become symbols of cultural, social, and artistic legacies, playing a vital role in meaning-making, knowledge production, and the articulation of social narratives. The trajectory from object-centered museums to contemporary conceptual and content-centered institutions highlights a significant shift. Modern museums now seek to redefine objects not as passive entities but as active mediators of multi-voiced storytelling, with museumification designed to meet community needs, enhance knowledge, and foster participation.    The central research problem is to understand the profound semantic and functional metamorphosis objects undergo during museumification and how different museological approaches negotiate the tension between preserving an object’s authenticity and employing it for conceptual narrative. Consequently, this study analyzes museumification through three distinct approaches—object-centered, thought-centered, and content-centered—to elucidate the transformations in an object’s value and identity. The study’s necessity lies in providing a framework for museums to navigate their dual roles as guardians of heritage and dynamic platforms for cultural dialogue. The main research question investigates how museumification transforms the identity and meaning of objects across these approaches. The central hypothesis posits that museumification is not a simple physical transfer but a profound process of re-contextualization that detaches objects from their original context, granting them a new symbolic identity in collective memory. Sub-questions explore how objects become symbols with multiple, layered values and how different museological approaches influence this process (object-centered prioritizing intrinsic value; thought-centered emphasizing narrative; and content-centered using objects to catalyze contemporary dialogue). Ultimately, this research contends that museumification transforms objects into living elements in meaning production, knowledge creation, and identity—processes museums must manage with increasing flexibility and reflexivity. Discussion The phenomenon of museumification is a complex, multifaceted process formally recognized in museology since the 1970s. It transcends the mere physical act of placing an object in a museum, representing instead a profound institutionalization that endows the object with a new museological identity. Through this process, an object is separated from its original context and practical function, undergoing a transformation that elevates it into a valid document of collective heritage, imbued with new cognitive values. This journey unfolds through two interconnected stages: separation and transformation. In the separation stage, the object is deliberately detached from its native environment, allowing it to be examined as evidence of a specific reality. In the transformation stage, the object’s nature is altered; it is no longer intended for use or economic exchange but is re-contextualized to participate in cultural narratives. It becomes a symbol and a vehicle for transmitting knowledge about its culture of origin, endowing it with a new, symbolic identity. Across museological practice, this core process has been applied differently. The first generation of museums was predominantly object-centered, prioritizing display, conservation, intrinsic value, authenticity, and aesthetic qualities. Meticulous restoration, elegant presentation, and concise didactic information were central to success. Over time, the field shifted toward a more thought-centered perspective, wherein the focus moved from physicality to symbolic meanings, cultural messages, and social interaction. Museums became spaces for critical thinking, where objects functioned as documents to interrogate historical narratives and to explore multifaceted interpretations. This trajectory culminates in content-centered museums, the third generation, in which objects serve as tools to engage with broader ideas. The central goal is to generate dialogue around contemporary social, political, and environmental issues; messages and narratives take precedence, with objects selected and arranged to convey specific concepts and provoke public engagement. Conclusion Museumification is a purposeful process of re-contextualization that transforms objects into living sources of knowledge. It has evolved from a focus on physical display to a dynamic mechanism for constructing interactive meaning. The process unfolds as separation from the original context, followed by transformation into a valid interpretive document. Key findings indicate a shift in the nature of museums—from object-centeredness to idea-centered and, ultimately, content-centered approaches—and a corresponding change in the role of objects—from display tools to active instruments of meaning production. This meaning production is mediated by curation and increasingly by digital technologies (e.g., augmented reality and virtual reality), enabling adaptation across contexts. The study also notes challenges, including balancing object authenticity with conceptual storytelling, potential reductions in viewpoint diversity in traditional museums, and an identity crisis in conceptual museums. To succeed, museums must balance preserving authenticity with storytelling while remaining flexible enough to accommodate diverse contemporary needs. The proposed synthesis suggests combining object-centered, thought-centered, and content-centered approaches to maintain institutional identity while serving as platforms for reflecting contemporary issues. Museum Objects, Museification, Object-Centered, Thought-Centered, Content-Centered. موزه, اشیائ موزه‌ای, موزه‌ای شدن, شئ‌محور, اندیشه‌گرا, محتوا محور. 221 240 http://athar.richt.ir/browse.php?a_code=A-10-4006-2&slc_lang=fa&sid=2 2025/08/172025/07/172025/05/52025/03/152025/07/102025/08/52025/02/232025/02/132025/08/9 1404/5/18 2025/11/292025/10/302025/08/62025/06/132025/08/142025/10/42025/05/42025/07/32025/09/19 1404/6/28 Seyed Mahmood Mirazizi PhD Candidate of Visual Arts, Department of Advanced Art Studies, School of Visual Arts, College of Fine Arts, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. سید محمود میرعزیزی m_mirazizi@shirazartu.ac.ir Yes دانشجوی دکتری هنرهای تجسمی، گروه مطالعات عالی هنر، دانشکدۀ هنرهای تجسمی، دانشکدگان هنرهای زیبا، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Hossein Goudarzi Professor, Department of Advanced Art Studies, School of Visual Arts, College of Fine Arts, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran (Corresponding Author). مصطفی گودرزی goudarzi40@gmail.com No استاد گروه مطالعات عالی هنر، دانشکدۀ هنرهای تجسمی، دانشکدگان هنرهای زیبا، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول).

fa بازتاب مضامین دینی بر روی در و صندوق قبور چوبی بقاع مازندران (قرون نهم و دهم هجری‌قمری) کتیبه‌های مذهبی معماری در دوران اسلامی ایران، ازجمله تزئینات وابسته به معماری هستند که غالباً بازتابی از تفکر و اندیشه‌های دینی، سیاسی و فرهنگی دوران خود بوده‌اند. بقاع یا بناهای آرامگاهی هم‌چون سایر بناهای مذهبی سهم قابل‌توجهی از این کتیبه‌ها را داشته‌اند. درها و صندوق‌ قبرهای چوبی ازجمله مهم‌ترین بسترهای نمود کتیبه‌های بقاع بوده‌اند؛ از این‌رو، ایفای نقشِ شناختی و معرفتی کتیبه‌ها متناسب با فضای از پیش تعیین شدۀ خود، دور از ذهن نیست. هدف پژوهش حاضر، مطالعۀ مضامین دینی کتیبه‌های روی درها و صندوق‌ قبرهای چوبی بقاع خطۀ مازندران در قرن 9 و 10 ه‍.ق. است. پرسش‌های پژوهش بدین شرح است که، اولاً کتیبه‌های بقاع این منطقه دربرگیرندۀ کدام مضامین دینی هستند و ثانیاً چه ارتباطی بین شرایط مذهبی و سیاسی آن دوران با محتوای مضامین وجود دارد؟ پژوهش از نوع بنیادی است. داده‌ها به روش اسنادی و میدانی گردآوری شده‌اند و با دو رویکرد کمّی و کیفی و به روش توصیفی-تحلیلی مورد تحلیل و بررسی قرار گرفته‌اند. نکتۀ قابل‌توجه در یافته‌ها رواج چشم‌گیر بقعه‌سازی در این دوران پس از یک دورۀ رکود طولانی و هم‌زمان با تحولات قابل‌ملاحظه‌ای است که این منطقه از نظر مذهبی و سیاسی تجربه کرده است. در مضامین کتیبه‌های آرامگاهی، تأثیرپذیری از تحولات مذکور به‌وضوح قابل‌مشاهده و از ابعاد متعدد قابل‌تأمل است. نتایج نشان می‌دهد که تحکیم اصول اسلام و آداب مسلمانی، تجلی باورهای شیعی، توجه به حرز و توسل و تأثیرپذیری از شرایط سیاسی مهم‌ترین انعکاس کتیبه‌ها از شرایط آن جامعه است. Abstract Religious inscriptions in Islamic architecture are among the architectural ornaments that often reflect the religious, political, and cultural ideologies of their respective eras. Mausoleums and other funerary monuments, similar to other religious structures, contain a significant proportion of these inscriptions. Wooden doors and cenotaphs served as some of the most prominent surfaces for the manifestation of mausoleum inscriptions. Accordingly, it is not unexpected that the epistemic and cognitive roles of these inscriptions would be shaped in accordance with their predetermined architectural contexts. The present study aims to investigate the religious themes of inscriptions carved on the wooden doors and cenotaphs of mausoleums in the Mazandaran region during the 15th and 16th centuries CE (9th–10th centuries AH). The research raises two central questions: first, what religious themes are represented in the inscriptions of mausoleums in this region, and second, what relationship exists between the political and religious circumstances of the period and the thematic content of these inscriptions? This research is fundamental in nature. Data were collected through both documentary and field methods and analyzed using a descriptive analytical approach, employing both quantitative and qualitative perspectives. A notable finding is the widespread construction of mausoleums during this period, following a long phase of stagnation, and occurring simultaneously with significant religious and political transformations experienced in the region. The influence of these transformations is clearly evident in the thematic content of the funerary inscriptions and is worthy of reflection from multiple dimensions. The results indicate that the reinforcement of Islamic principles and Muslim practices, the manifestation of Shiʿi beliefs, the emphasis on talismanic protection and intercession, and the impact of political conditions constituted the most significant ways in which the inscriptions mirrored the circumstances of that society. Keywords: Mausoleums of Mazandaran, Wooden Door, Wooden Tomb Chest, Inscription, Religious Themes. Introduction Throughout the history of Iranian architecture in the Islamic period, inscriptions and writings have consistently been among the most distinguished artistic elements, particularly within religious buildings. These inscriptions reflected religious thoughts and ideas, while at the same time, through the use of various techniques and diverse materials, they also presented aesthetically impressive works of art. Based on this foundation, inscriptions can be observed on different parts and elements of buildings, such as walls, domes, entrance doors, columns, and wooden cenotaphs. By virtue of their reliance on script and verbal expression, inscriptions naturally possess greater clarity and explicitness compared to figurative motifs and visual symbols. This very feature has led them, beyond their outward and aesthetic aspects, to attract attention for their spiritual and communicative capacities. In religious buildings and sacred sites particularly mausoleums and shrines, which constitute the focus of this research inscriptions were employed purposefully as instruments for conveying messages. In certain cases, in accordance with the function of the building and sometimes influenced by the prevailing social and political conditions, they also transmitted various other themes to their audiences. In other words, inscriptions acted as an eloquent language, confronting their viewers with specific cognitive and epistemic dimensions within that space. Examples of such religious inscriptions can be observed in the mausoleums of Mazandaran province. From the perspective of artistic form, and naturally in accordance with the climatic conditions of the region, wooden artifacts constituted a significant share of inscriptional surfaces. Accordingly, this study focuses exclusively on inscriptions carved on the wooden doors and tomb chests inside mausoleums. In fact, the present research was undertaken with the aim of examining the religious themes of inscriptions in the mausoleums of Mazandaran during the 9th–10th centuries AH. It seeks to address two primary questions: what religious themes are represented in the inscriptions on the wooden doors and cenotaphs of Mazandaran’s mausoleums during this period, and how are these themes related to the prevailing religious and political conditions of the time? The study of these works of art is significant because they functioned as vehicles for transmitting a particular school of thought and religious doctrine to their audiences. Moreover, the existence of a relationship between the themes of mausoleum inscriptions and the ideological, cultural, and, at times, political contexts that informed their creation within a specific time and place, necessitates moving beyond a purely aesthetic perspective to engage in a deeper reflection upon the spiritual dimensions of the inscriptions and the meanings they were intended to convey. Discussion With the establishment of the Shiʿi Marʿashid dynasty in Mazandaran (9th–10th centuries AH), the tradition of constructing mausoleums and consequently the production of wooden doors and cenotaphs adorned with religious inscriptions suddenly experienced remarkable prosperity. The mausoleums of this region were generally the burial places of prominent figures, particularly scholars and religious dignitaries. Thus, special attention to this type of architecture is observed during a period in which religious and Shiʿi perspectives had come to dominate the very fabric of society. Within this context, the primary focus of the present study is limited to those mausoleums that contain inscriptions with religious content, including the inscriptions of 32 wooden cenotaphs and 18 wooden doors. The examination of these examples reveals a distinct spectrum of recurring religious themes. These include verses from Surat Yasin, Surat al-Fatḥ, Surat al-Baqara, Ayat al-Kursi, Surat al-Saffat, Surat al-Imran, Surat al-Rahman, Surat al-Tawhid, Surat al-Kawthar, Surat al-Qadr, Surat al-Ahzab, Surat al-Ala, Surat al-Nur, verse 13 of Surat al-Saff, the Salutations upon the Fourteen Infallibles, the Salutations upon the Twelve Imams, the Salutations upon the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), Dua-yi Nad-Ali, and hadith from the Prophet and Imam Ali (peace be upon him). The frequency of these themes has been quantitatively ranked, as shown in Chart 1. Two noteworthy points emerge from this ranking: first, the considerable difference in indicators compared to other studies; and second, the comprehensiveness of the research sample, which examines both extant and lost works, unlike the fragmented and case-specific studies of previous research. At the stage of conceptual analysis of the themes, as detailed in Table 1, the inscriptions as a whole reflect the most significant Islamic teachings, including the principles of religion (such as monotheism, resurrection, and prophet hood), the doctrine of Imamate, the glorification and remembrance of God, emphasis on renouncing worldly attachments, and the importance of prayer and the mosque for believers, among others. The relationship between the religious themes of the inscriptions and the prevailing religious and political circumstances of the period can be identified through several major components: the consolidation of Islamic principles in society, the manifestation of Shi-i beliefs, the promotion of the Islamic way of life, the reflection of political dimensions in the content of the inscriptions, and the attention to intercession and talismanic protection. A noteworthy point in the thematic analysis is that both general Islamic foundations and specifically Shiʿi principles received relatively equal attention.  Conclusion  Based on the examination of inscriptions on within the research sample, two primary findings emerge. First, the most frequently employed religious theme is Ayat al-Kursi. Following this, in descending order, are the Salutations upon the Fourteen Infallibles, Prophetic hadith, Surat al-Fath, Surat Yasin, the Salutations upon the Twelve Imams, the Salutations upon the Prophet, Dua-yi Nad-Ali, and other themes of lesser frequency. Second, through classification and analysis of the inscriptions, four major conceptual categories can be identified: 1. The establishment, consolidation, and reinforcement of the fundamental principles of Islam in both individual and social life such as monotheism, eschatology, justice, and Imamate which are typically manifested in religious beliefs, values, and even in social interactions. 2. The explicit manifestation of Shi-i beliefs, such as an emphasis on justice, reverence for the Ahl al-Bayt (peace be upon them), and loyalty to the doctrine of wilaya (guardianship). In other words, it appears that the selection of these themes in mausoleum inscriptions served as symbolic banners proclaiming the community’s devotion to the Imams and its adherence to Shi-i identity. 3. The consolidation and institutionalization of Muslim conduct encompassing ethics, behaviors, and traditions of life together with the presentation of exemplary models of living based on the Quran, the Sunnah of the Prophet, and the conduct of the Imams. 4. Enduring the hardships of life through intercession and supplication, aimed at strengthening faith and averting misfortune, a belief that significantly shaped the lifestyle of Muslims. Collectively, these themes not only sought to promote an Islamic way of life within society but also provided criteria for evaluating faith and for reshaping individuals’ perspectives on worldly existence and spiritual values. The political dimensions reflected in the inscriptions may also be discussed under four points: 1. The construction of political religious legitimacy for the rulers; 2. The promotion of religious unity and the demonstration of power and influence in the Mazandaran region; 3. The reinforcement of the ruler’s status as a servant of the Ahl al-Bayt; 4. The containment of rivals and the consolidation of Shi-i identity within society. In other words, it seems that under conditions in which other sects such as the Zaydis and Sunnis were also present in parts of Mazandaran, the Marashid rulers sought to reinforce the legitimacy of their rule by aligning themselves with Twelver Shiʿism and the lineage of the Alid Sayyids. Mausoleums of Mazandaran, Wooden Door, Wooden Tomb Chest, Inscription, Religious Themes. بقاع مازندران, در چوبی, صندوق قبر چوبی, کتیبه, مضامین دینی. 241 262 http://athar.richt.ir/browse.php?a_code=A-10-4048-1&slc_lang=fa&sid=2 2025/08/172025/07/172025/05/52025/03/152025/07/102025/08/52025/02/232025/02/132025/08/92025/06/29 1404/4/8 2025/11/292025/10/302025/08/62025/06/132025/08/142025/10/42025/05/42025/07/32025/09/192025/09/15 1404/6/24 Mahnaz Ehteshami Assistant Professor, Department of Handicrafts, Faculty of Art, Alzahra University, Tehran, Iran (Corresponding Author). مهناز احتشامی M.Ehteshami@alzahra.ac.ir Yes استادیار گروه صنایع‌دستی، دانشکدۀ هنر، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). Mohammad Madhoushian Nejad Assistant Professor, Department of Handicrafts, Faculty of Art, Alzahra University, Tehran, Iran. محمد مدهوشیان‌نژاد M.madhoushian@alzahra.ac.ir No استادیار گروه صنایع‌دستی، دانشکدۀ هنر، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران.