Abstract
Up to now, 35 rock reliefs have been identified from the Sassanid period, one of them is located outside the political borders of Iran, at the site known as the Rag-e Bibi in Afghanistan. 34 other rock reliefs have been discovered inside Iran’s political borders in various regions such as: Rey city, Taq-e Bustan, Salmas, Barm-e Delak, Goyum, Tang-e chogan of Bishapour, Naqsh-e Rostam, Naqsh-e Rajab, Sarab-e Bahram, Tangab-e Firouzabad, Darabgerd, Tang-e Qandil and Sar Mashhad. Although all of these rock reliefs were studied by archaeologists and domestic and foreign researchers repeatedly, but most studies have focused on identifying the main character of the rock reliefs -the Sassanid king. And there is no serious and diligent attempt at identifying other characters on the scene. Of course, some scholars tried to clarify the true identity of some of the characters in the Sasanian rock reliefs. But most of them did not succeed. Because most of these identities are based on speculation. However, identifying individuals in the Sasanian rock reliefs should be based on historical evidence or face recognition or semiotic studies. For example, some researchers said that the character discussed in this article should be the servant of the king. Some also said that he should be the representative of the Karin family. In this research, which is based on the purpose of basic research and based on the nature and method of historical research, was attempted to clarify the true identity of one of the characters in the rock reliefs of Ardashir Babakan with the help of historical evidence, face recognition and semiotic studies. The results of the studies show that the person present in the rock reliefs of Ardashir Babakan should be Tansar. An influential clergyman who has been tried to spread Zoroastrianism and to regulate the texts of Avesta, and helped Ardashir Babakan to reach power and also helped him stabilize his power. 
Keywords: Sasanian Rock Reliefs, Ardashir Babakan, Tansar, Historicl Approach, Face Recognition, Semiotic.

Introduction
Personology of Sassanid reliefs raised debates among researchers, because of same thematic models of Sassanid kings and lack of inscriptions. Present paper discusses Ardashir’s relief of investiture and crowned by Ahuramazda. 
The research is based on the purpose of basic research and based on the nature and method of historical research, whereas collected data bibliographically, identification and thorough study of different written historical sources, and fieldwork, visiting Ardashir’s reliefs at Tanganb Firuzabad, Naqsh-i-Rajab and Naqsh-i-Rostam. Comparative study of historical sources and analytical approach at archaeological evidences and using historical approache are the methods to analyze and interpret data. 

Visual Evidence and Semiotics
Sassanid martial activities initiated years earlier that Ardashir to overcome Persia. Different factors caused clergymen raised to power and became influential through Sassanid rule (Hosseini 1392). Ardashir Babakan was a priest of Anahita temple at Istakhr, Fars (Christensen 1367: 134) enjoyed and joined dissatisfied clergymen to his government and endowed them high positions; it was his philosophy because his new ruling based on religious power and aristocracy that concluded to unification of religion and ruling (Hosseini 1392). As conclusion, one can say Ardashir needed clergymen confirm him to legitimize his ruling. Direct relation and superiority on people, doubled acceptance and support of clergymen. Following study of historic and written sources on presence of a cleric figure alongside Ardashir, firstly there is need to involve in similar visual parameters of the relief, which is identified earlier, for personological studies of the figure. In order to conclude, figure of Kartir is the best option, among options, because of the similarities to target figure, on the other hand, we know Kartir for the badge on his hat (Moosavi Haji 13996: 166); powerful face with shaved face, a badged hat, and his hair that came out of his hat on neck (fig. 5). His official custom is a long robe to his knee and a belt with a sheath (fig. 6). All explanation about his appearance is comparable to our target figure, so one could suggest that the appearance characteristic of Sassanid clergymen relied on the same pattern and tradition. However, every clergyman has common characteristic in every given religion. 

Conclusion 
Accordingly, one could conclude:
- It is not logical that a neutral person, a servant, would be carved on a public media such as a royal relief, let alone in a scene of investiture ceremony and crowning of Ardashir as the representative of Ahuramazda on earth. 
- No servant allowed to hold sword.
- Accordingly, Ardashir always needed general legitimation and acceptance that could be facilitated by a chosen religious figure at people. 
- Considering Sassanid and further written and historical sources, presence of Tansar as great supporter and evangelist is undeniable. His appearance in the relief matches to the discussion of present paper. 
- Visual composition and evidences of the figure, garment, shaven face, hat, and hairs are completely similar to great clergyman Kartir of later Sassanid period, so one could probably suggest it as general homogeny of the clothing of clerics during Sassanid period. 
- Badge of the figure, is completely similar to Kartir’s badge, on the other hand, adaptable to fire altar of reverse of coins of Persid period. Persids ruled Fars province during Seleucid and Parthian eras, who were eager to religious issues, so some scholars name them “fire servants”. 
- The target figure is present at Sassanid sources and religious events of Ardashir reign, but according written sources, Kartir replaced him after this period with no further trace on reliefs. 

Abstract
With the foundation of Sasanian dynasty, the first fully anthropomorphic representations of Ohrmazd appeared in ancient Iranian art. He was depicted in eight rock reliefs at Firuzabad, Naqsh-i Rajab (2 scenes), Naqsh-i Rustam, Tang-i Chugan (2 scenes) and Taq-i Bustan (2 scenes) while investing a beribboned diadem to the Sasanian king. The iconography of Ohrmazd was not a new one and before Sasanian period in Commagene and Bactria, the image of Ohrmazd had mainly created by imitating Greek-Roman prototypes. But the iconography of Ohrmazd in Sasanian rock reliefs was different. He was completely depicted in Iranian artistic fashion, and in some scenes, he carried bundles of barsam. Barsam is an implement carry by priests in ceremonial rituals. However, Avesta reveals that barsam was not only use by priests, but also hold by some deities including Ohrmazd. In Aban Yasht, Ahura Mazda (Middle Persian Ohrmazd) praises Aredvi Sura Anahita with the barsam. There are still questions about the figure of Ohrmazd and the sources of his iconography in Sasanian rock reliefs. So it is significant to review Zoroastrian texts again and study whether they affect the iconography of Ohrmazd or not. By analyzing and comparing the characteristics and details of iconographical elements of Sasanian rock reliefs and also regarding Zoroastrian written sources, the authors try to find the origin of these artistic models and the reason why Ohrmazd carries a bundle of Barsam at Firuzabad, Naqsh-i Rajab, Naqsh-i Rustam and Taq-i Bustan investiture scenes. The results show that the iconography of Ohrmazd was especially modeled after the royal art and the king himself. Furthermore, Some Zoroastrian texts reveal that Ohrmazd incarnate in Gētīg (material world) as an Ahlaw man or a priest and probably Sasanian artists consciously depicting him while carrying barsam in his hand(s).    
Keywords: Ohrmazd, Sasanian Rock Reliefs, Royal Appearance, Zoroastrian Priest, Zoroastrian Texts.

Introduction
By defeating the last Parthian king, Ardavan V, Artaxerxes I (224-240/1 CE) established an empire which was concentrated on centralization of Iranian state and unification of religion. To unify religion (Zoroastrianism), the iconoclastic movement was formed by Artaxerxes I. According to ancient sources, Artaxerxes I ordered to destroy idols, and instead many fires established throughout the empire; even some pre-Sasanian sacred fires were replaced by new ones. However, it seems such strictness does not prevent creating images of divine beings. There are evidences of iconography of Zoroastrian deities in Sasanian art. An important point is that in the Avesta and the Middle Persian texts, some deities were incarnated in human or animal forms and so the religious texts may be good sources for representations of deities. Interestingly archaeological evidence and written sources revealed different version of Zoroastrian in Armenia and Central Asian and idol-worship customs were prevalent there. In Commagene and Bactria, the image of Ohrmazd was mostly depicted according to Greek-Roman prototypes. On the contrary, the image of Ohrmazd as the superior Zoroastrian deity in Sasanian art was different and imitated from Iranian models. At Naqsh-i Rustam, the definite image of Ohrmazd contribute identification of him in other Sasanian rock reliefs. Due to the inscription, it was the only certain known evidence of Ohrmazd in Iranian art. At the same time, it is regarded as a significant document of the iconography of Zoroastrian divinities from the early Sasanian period. Despite extensive and diverse studies on Sasanian art and representations of Zoroastrian deities, including Ohrmazd, there are still ambiguities about the iconography of Ohrmazd and the sources of his visual images, the contribution of religious texts, and the influence of other iconographies of Ohrmazd on his representations in Sasanian art.

Discussion
Archaeological evidence and written sources shows that Ohrmazd occupied the highest status in ancient Iranian beliefs. The oldest and most definite references to him traced back on Achaemenian inscriptions (Lecoq, 1997: 176-276) and fortress tablets at Persepolis (Henkelman, 2008: 527-529). Furthermore, some scholars regarded the images of the winged disk with or without a bearded bust on Achaemenian monuments as the very ancient image of Ohrmazd (Lecoq, 1984; Skjærvø, 2014: 179-180). Contemporary with Parthian at about 30 BC, the Commagene king, Antiochus I erected statues of gods at Nemrud Daq (Herzfeld, 1941: 275). According to the inscriptions, one of the statues belongs to Oromasdes who was synchronized with Zeus (Widengren, 1986). Although he dressed in Persian fashion (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1978: 189) and holding barsam, but he was depicted like Zeus. On Kushanian coins, Ohrmazd was depicted again more likely after Greek models (Shenkar, 2014: 61-62), but under the name of Ōoromozdo or the abbreviated name Ōrom (Humbach, 1975: 139-140). For the first time during Sasanian period, Ohrmazd was represented in a fully anthropomorphic figure while investing a diadem to the Sasanian kings. At Naqsh-i Rustam, Ohrmazd synchronized with Zeus (Lukonin, 2005: 307), but he was depicted completely different and he appeared resemble to Sasanian kings probably for legitimization goals. Furthermore, Ohrmazd holding barsam in several reliefs. According to Bundahišn, Shāyist Nāshāyist, Ohrmazd incarnated as an Ahlaw man or a priest (Zot or Atravan) in Gētīg. He also praised Aredvi-sura-Anahita with barsam (Yš. 5. 17). So it seems that Sasanian artists deliberately depicted barsam in the hand of Ohrmazd to show him in the figure of Zoroastrian priest. As the image of Ohrmazd was not remained similar during Sasanian period, barsam appeared on Artaxerxes I’s rock reliefs and reemerge on Khosrow Parviz’s investiture at Taq-i Bustan.

Conclusion
Before Sasanian period, no definite representation of Ohrmazd is detected in Iran. The only images of the winged disk on Achaemenian and post-Achaemenian monuments in Pars attributed to Ohrmazd by some scholars. Contrary to Parthians, the iconography of deities in Sasanian period is much fewer. Although ancient sources attribute iconoclast movement to Artaxerxes I, but archaeological evidence manifest production of divine images. However it is important to distinguish cultic statues and portrayal of deities in the art. During Sasanian period fire-temples were established all over the kingdom and the cult of fire become the state religion. Erecting cultic statues was prohibited, however the images of deities including Ohrmazd produced in Sasanian art. Investiture ceremonies on rock reliefs show Ohrmazd in the shape of a royal figure while in some cases carrying a barsam like Zoroastrian priests. As Sasanian kings emphasize their legitimate claim during their sovereign, Ohrmazd depicted similar to the king. The representation of Ohrmazd in these monuments was completely in Persian mode and was against the image of him in Commagene or Kushan where he was depicted after Zeus. In the Middle Persian texts, Ohrmazd is invisible even amongst the sacred beings, except for the prophet Zardosht. He can be comprehend through wisdom and the power of comparison. However in the Pahlavi Rivāyat and Shāyist Nāshāyist, Ohrmazd described with a human appearance. In a passage from Shāyist Nāshāyist, Ohrmazd is an intangible spirits who appears in Gētīg in the body of the Mard-i Ahlaw (Just man). According to Bundahišn, Ohrmazd appears in the form of Zoroastrian priest in Gētīg. Also, he comes to the world as Zot. He is Atravan. So it is not strange that Ohrmazd depicted as a priest in some reliefs, while carrying a barsam. 

Sasanian Empire was one of the most powerful periods in ancient Iran. Archaeological evidence and traces, and Sasanian and Post-Sasanian texts show cultural and artistic relations of the Sasanian Empire from the East to the West. However, official Sasanian methods of warfare are one of the most important legacies of the period that have been less studied. These offensive and defensive arms and armor can be analyzed by looking at remaining evidence left by kings and officials within the national borders to the lands abroad. Sasanian swords are depicted on rock reliefs, silver dishes, and coins (drachmas and dinars). Although studies have been done on the classification of Sasanian swords shown on rock reliefs, no systematic study on the depiction of Sasanian swords on Sasanian drachms has been done so far. The following paper tries to restudy the subject by comparing the swords depicted on Sasanian coins and compare them to the swords shown on rock reliefs and dishes. Sasanian swords are depicted on different Sasanian royal arts such as Sasanian coins, Sasanian silver dishes, and Sasanian rock reliefs. Different elements will be taken into consideration such as the shape of swords in general and their method of hanging from the belt in particular. A closer look shows that Sasanian drachmas and dinars show two major types of hanging Sasanian swords via a scabbard slide system: A. hanging the sword in front of the body. B. hanging the sword on the left or the right hip. Additionally, the following paper will compare them to some extant examples of Sasanian swords that are kept in museums and private collections. 

Abstract
In the past, there existed a relief known as Fath-Ali Shah’s lion hunting in Shahr-e Ray. Regrettably, this precious piece of history has undergone significant damage due to the mining activities of Ray Cement Factory. Presently, only a fragment of this relief is preserved. Since most of this relief is lost, there are many uncertainties about it; For example, the exact location of the relief in Shahr-e Ray remains unknown. Various studies attribute the construction year of this relief to 1246 AH, but its accuracy is still subject to debate. Additionally, there was an inscription surrounding the relief containing poetic verses in Nastaliq script, which have not been deciphered yet. On the other hand, due to the proximity of this relief to Cheshme-Ali’s relief, the information related to these two is sometimes mistakenly attributed to the other, causing researchers to make mistakes. This research aims to give a clear picture of this relief and to remove the gaps surrounding it. This research intends to answer the following questions: What was the original location of the relief on Sorsore Mountain and when was it built? What precisely is the content of the poetic inscriptions surrounding it? What alterations has this relief undergone over time, and what has ultimately become of it? This research adopts a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on historical texts and images as primary sources to guide the investigations. Finally, by the primary sources, the location of this relief on Sorsore Mountain is determined. The results show that the poems of the inscription are in praise of Fath-Ali Shah, and the chronogram indicates the year of its construction in 1246 AH. eventually, sometime between 1340 and 1345 SH, due to the explosions of the Ray Cement Factory, this relief was destroyed, and only a fragment of it including the lion’s tail and the inscriptions around it remained, which is kept in the museum of the Ray Cement Factory.
Keywords: Rock Relief, Fath-Ali Shah, Shahr-e Ray, Inscription.

Introduction
In the past, there existed two rock reliefs of Fath-Ali Shah Qajar in Shahr-e Ray, one of which has been disappeared. This relief, which is located on the southern part of Sorsore Mountain, is known as “Fath-Ali Shah’s lion hunting”. An older, probably Sassanid relief had been erased and replaced by the Qajar one. There are many uncertainties about Fath-Ali Shah’s lion hunting; For example, the exact location of the relief in Shahr-e Ray remains unknown. Various studies attribute the construction year of this relief to 1246 AH, but its accuracy is still subject to debate. Additionally, there was an inscription surrounding the relief containing poetic verses in Nastaliq script, which have not been deciphered yet. On the other hand, due to the proximity of this relief to Cheshme-Ali’s relief, the information related to these two is sometimes mistakenly attributed to the other. It is necessary to do detailed research on this relief to solve these mistakes and answer the ambiguities raised. This research intends to answer the following questions: What was the original location of the relief on Sorsore Mountain and when was it built? What precisely is the content of the poetic inscriptions surrounding it? What alterations has this relief undergone over time, and what has ultimately become of it? This research adopts a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on historical texts and images as primary sources to guide the investigations.

Literature
For the first time, Mustafavi wrote a note in the monthly information magazine, in which he stated the location and address of access to the lion hunting relief, the year it was made, and introduced the artists involved in making it (Mustafavi, 1953: 10). Luft, in an article entitled “The Qajar rock reliefs”, in a short mention to the Lion Hunting relief, tries to estimate the year of its construction (Luft, 2001: 32). Mirzaei-Mehr also describes the artistic aspects of the relief in Abdullah Khan’s book (Mirzaei-Mehr, 2014: 43-45). Doroodian has done a detailed research on the incomplete relief that Fath-Ali Shah erased in “A study about the Sasanian rock relief of Ray”. Doroodian introduces this role in his article and tries to identify its character. (Doroodian, 2016: 63&64). Safinejad has given an estimate of the size of the relief and the inscription around it in the book of Ray’s Historical Places and has described the details of the figure of Fath-Ali Shah and lion. He also deciphered the poems around the inscription, but his reading has many mistakes. (Safinejad, 2015: 344&345). Movathagh has given some information about Sassanid relief, which he has referred to the book of Kariman (movathagh, 2017: 110).

Discussion
First of all, the exact position of the relief is examined with the help of the remaining drawings and maps. According to Mustafavi’s descriptions of Ray cement factory near the relief in the 1960s, Jules Laurence’s painting in 1848, William Ouseley’s painting of the location of the Sassanid relief that existed former the lion hunting and his explanation of the access route to relief, its position can be determined on Schmidt’s aerial photo of the Sorsore Mountain. Before Fath-Ali Shah’s figure was engraved on the body of the Sorsore Mountain, there was an old relief. That relief was first found by Robert Gordon and James Morier in 1812. (Morier, 2007, Vol. 2: 229). Morier drew a sketch of this relief (image 7). William Price, William Ouseley, and Ker Porter also visited the relief, and described it in their travelogues. It can be concluded from their texts and images, that there were two flat tablets in the mountain at the rock site, one on top of the other. The lower plate was a half-finished sketch of a horseman with two orbs on his shoulder and one on his head, attacking an opponent whose horse’s head is depicted only. The upper slab was without a design. Fath-Ali Shah ordered to erase the mentioned ancient relief and replaced it with his own figure. Both Fraser in 1834 (Fraser, 1985: 150) and Korf in 1834 pointed out its disappearance. (Korf, 1993: 215).
There are many pictures of Fath-Ali Shah’s lion hunting relief in the archives of Iranians and foreigners who came to Iran. These images have been presented in order of creation date. (Images 11 to 21) In Roger Viollet’s 1958 photo collection, the inscriptions around the image, the king’s beard and crown, his horse’s boots and saddle, as well as the inscription under the horse, are all painted over. Another change is the frame above the relief, which is not present in the older images. These changes were apparently made by Ray cement factory in 1949 (Mustafavi, 1953: 10).
The inscription around the relief contains 11 verses and its poet is Mirza Taghi Aliabadi. In order to read and accurately record what was executed, several photos were used in each part of the inscription. (Images 23, 24, 25 and 26) Examining the remaining images and reading the inscription shows that some words of the poet’s original poem have been changed in some verses. Also, some verses have been removed and replaced by others in the execution of the inscription. The chronogram in the last verse includes the words after “ke”: “shod inak musiye emran ayan be sineye sina” gives the year 1246 AH. The last historical photo of lion hunting relief was taken by Hossein Malek-Iraqi in 1961. Kariman states in his book, which was published in March 1966, that the lion hunting relief was destroyed by an explosion. (Kariman, 1966, Vol. 1: 302)

Conclusion
in this article, the location of Fath-Ali Shah’s relief on the southern body of Sorsore Mountain was identified by the help of historical texts and images. Also, re-reading of the inscription’s poems was done, which showed that the content of the inscription’s poem is in praise of the statue of Fath-Ali Shah Qajar. According to the last verse and the chronogram of the inscription poem, this relief was made in 1246 AH. Rereading the poems made it clear that there were changes in the poem during its performance and the original poem of the poet was not performed. It was also identified that the designer of this relief is Abdullah Khan-e- Memar and its sculptor is Mohammad Qasem Khan-e- Hajjarbashi. On the other hand, numerous pictures revealed that this relief was painted during the repair by the Ray Cement Factory in 1949. The relief of Fath-Ali Shah, which was made by erasing the previous ancient relief, was finally destroyed sometime between 1961 and 1966 due to the explosions of the Ray Cement Factory, and its pieces fell to the foot of the mountain. The big piece of the relief was at the foot of the mountain for years, but there is no information about its fate. The smaller piece, which includes the lion’s tail and the inscriptions around it, was later moved to Ray Cement Factory by one of the technicians. It is kept in the museum of Ray Cement Factory now in 2023.