Abstract
Grey Ceramic culture in the second millennium B.C. have been the controversial issue in the Iranian Archaeology. Since most of the grey ceramics have been discovered from the burials, it remained some questions regarding the socio-economic conditions of the individuals. Also the rarity of settlement contexts have added some ambiguities as well. For this, material culture and archaeometrical analysis on the grey ceramics might be helpful to clarify some aspects of socio-economic condition such as, ceramic production, standardization and production organization. This paper will attempt to argue about some aspects of ceramic production in Qeytariyeh cemetery at Tehran plain with metric and chemical analysis. Ceramic analysis demonstrated a number of attributes which are including uniformity of decoration and dimensions, homogeneity of ceramic shapes, the variety of resources and preparation processes. The result of the analysis inspired us to draw the ceramic production organization through the standardization indicators. Finally, it can be proposed the scale and intensity of ceramic production in Qetariyeh might be the household industry or workshop industry.
Keywords: Metric Analysis, Chemical Analysis, Standardization, Production Organization, Qeytariyeh.

Introduction
Some sudden changes in cultural materials, the widespread cemeteries and unidentified settlement evidence in the second millennium B.C. encouraged scholars to study and propose some theories to interpret these cultural changes. According to the new researches and reassessment projects, it is needed to review and revise the chronology and older theories in this period.(Danti, 2013; Fazeli Nashali & Coningham, 2007; Hosseinzadeh et al., 2017; Fazeli, 2015; Sarlak, 2011; Farokhnia, 2020)
In fact, the comprehensive studies should be conducted to shed some lights on these ambiguities and restudy projects on some discovered collection would be necessary. Since just a few direct evidence related to the occupation have been found from the cemeteries, multidisciplinary studies such as archaeometrical analysis on the material culture (grey ceramics) might be helpful to study on the indirect evidence related to the ceramic production and production organization. In this paper, we have examined the standardization hypothesis in Qeytariyeh ceramic collection through the metric and chemical variabilities.
Qeytariyeh cemetery is located in the Shemiranat County, northern parts of Tehran and in the south of Qeytariyeh Park which is destroyed by construction of buildings and expanding residential areas in 1960s. The rescue excavation was conducted in 1968 and 1969 by Kambakhshfard (Kambakhsh Fard,1991). The restudy project was conducted in the National Museum of Iran (Farokhnia, 2020). The project provided us the opportunity to work on technological behaviors of the ceramic collection. 

Materials and Methods 
During the museum fieldwork, 1809 pottery vessels was registered. The ceramics were classified into different types or forms. The vessels present 23 types and 6 subtypes. The largest color category was grey (78.38). Of these 50% have burnished treatment techniques and 70% of the ceramic wares have fine texture bodies. 
The methodology combines the metric and chemical analysis to trace technological attributes. Metric indexes have been considered to evaluate the degree of standardization. Seven measurements were made on the pottery vessels: rim diameter, base diameter, wall thicknesses, height, pedestal height, spout height and neck height. 
The Potteries also were analyzed with a Portable Energy Dispersive X-Ray Florescence (ED- XRF), to study the compositional data and variability. Among these potteries, one hundred and eighty representative samples belongs to 21 type or forms were analyzed.

Disscusion
Metric indexes demonstrated the homogeneity of some dimensions in different types or forms. Besides that, some distinctive motifs have been used on the specific ceramic forms. 
Despite similarities in production techniques, the chemical composition of raw materials demonstrating two distinct type of clay sources. In this regard, availability of raw material, changing in technology, introducing new function, or even change in technical skills might be considered for changing in the raw source. The chemical composition of pottery samples shows that two distinctive geochemical groups does exist within our database. A calcareous clay composition with visible lime peddles whereas another clay is a siliceous deposit rich in Fe, Rb, and Nb. 
Among the collection, a large number of shapes associated with drinking function such as tankards, spouted jars, handled pitchers, spouted jugs which might be the most distinctive funeral function, have been identified. 
Obviously we don’t have access to the direct evidence of ceramic production in Qeytariyeh. However the recognized ceramic attributes would provide us the evidence of production organization.

Conclusion
Several Factors such as homogeneity in vessel form dimensions, manufacturing technology and chemical composition reflect specialized production in Qeytariyeh collection. In fact, most of the pottery vessels have very close dimensions in the specific form. The specialized production in Qeytarieh can be evidenced by standardized large number of final products, which show a constant formal and technological attribute. The high diversity in ceramic types and the ceramic surface treatment (burnishing surface treatment) brought to light the evidence of proxy of craft specialization and high skills of local producers. 
Thus our examination and documentation suggests Qeytariyeh ceramics have been produced by a given specialist workshop which are extremely homogeneous or standardized. 
Since both type of clay sources have been used simultaneously in manufacturing process, it can be deduced that probably two active Workshops were involved in production of entire manufacturing process.  
Taking in mind, that the calcareous clay has an advantage to form much easier and considering various range of skill level in production specific forms, it can be deduced that beside specialist also trainees were involved in manufacturing of end-product at least in some specific forms. This observation might explain the need for a shift in clay from siliceous to calcareous, as the raw source should also be in adjacent with professional skills. 
At the end, the result support the hypothesis household industry or workshop industry model for production organization in Qeytariyeh based upon standardized ceramic production and skilled producers in the ritual context.

Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Dr. Jebraeel Nokandeh Director of National Museum of Iran and his colleagues, Yousef Hassanzadeh, Nina Rezaee and Maryam Panahi. Also we want to thank Dr. Kamoldin Niknami for his comments on the text. We very much to thank Neda Tehrani and Nima Fakoorzadeh for photography of the collection.

Abstract
This study aims to recognize and characterize pottery production at the Hormangan site, a Neolithic settlement in the northeast of Fars province, Iran. An examination and analytical study of the potteries on this site was conducted to determine the manufacturing techniques of the Neolithic potteries, understand the raw materials and inclusions, the level of progress and knowledge of the potters from the final products, and the location of the production site. Excavating this site, ceramics and a heated structure, probably an open kiln, were found, belonging to the Mushki phase (6400-6000 BC). Thirty-six ceramic shreds were selected for thin-section petrography analysis according to their macroscopic features. After that, 18 of them were analysed using X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) and X-Ray Diffraction methods. According to the mineralogical studies and the XRD and XRF analyses, while three different clay types were used to produce these Neolithic ceramics, they were all local productions. These vessels were fired in an open and unsophisticated kiln at an uncontrolled temperature, probably not over 800 degrees. Although the combination of these archaeometrical techniques indicates that there are various sub-angular inclusions in each type of clay, most of the pots are vegetally tempered (chaff-tempered). The existence of the heated structure separately from residential construction, a variety of designs and decorations on the ceramics, and various clay sources all determine that the Neolithic community of the Hormangan site has gone beyond a primitive rural society and as semiprofessional individuals had a surplus of more than their demands.
Keywords: Neolithic Period, Hormangan Site, Ceramic Production, Petrography, XRD, XRF.

Introduction
Hormangan site is a Neolithic site located on the border of the Bavanat River basin, in Jeshnian village, in the northeast of Fars province, Iran. This site was excavated in 2016, revealing two phases dated back to 6373 to 6000 BCE. The earlier phase indicates no traces of architectural structures, and the later phase contributed to the settlements. Moreover, a heated structure was discovered simultaneously with the later phase, surrounded by potteries and divided spaces. Pottery vessels which were discovered from these two phases are similar to the ceramics of Tall-e Mushki, Tall-e Jari B, Kushk-e-Hazar, Tall-e Bashi, and Rahmat Abad. As these types of potteries were first discovered from the Tall-e Mushki, they are known as Mushki phase potteries. The heated structure discovered in the Hormangan site is a unique structure related to producing pottery during the Mushki phase, which was probably an open fire kiln. Since there are no similar structures have been found in the Neolithic sites in the Fars region, this study aims to understand pottery manufacturing technology with multi-analytical approaches. Moreover, considering the two phases of the Hormangan site occupied by different settlers for almost 300 years, it is attempted to differentiate potteries of these two phases from a technological point of view.

Geological Setting
A portion of the Bavanat plain lies in the Sanandaj-Sirejan zone, as well as the Shahreza-Abade- Hambast orogenic belt, characterised by high-quality clay deposits and Devonian sandstones (Houshmandzadeh and Soheili, 1990). Several types of rocks can be found in the Bavanat region (Emami and Yaghmai, 2008), spanning three tectonic-stratigraphic units: Late Permian and Middle Triassic rocks, Late Triassic and Cretaceous rocks, and Tertiary rocks (Ghazi and Moazzen, 2015; Ghorbani, 2011). From the mineralogical point of view, this area includes kaolinite, illite, quartz, and chlorite, and secondary minerals are goethite, paragonite, and gypsum. Also, sandstones and shales have been eroded in most cases, creating debris slides. There is a large hydrographic network density in Tutat Mountain (formed by internal and metamorphic formation). However, there is a lower density of hydrographic network in the Kitaban, Khaleisht, and Khatban Mountains. The clays in this region are therefore expected to contain high levels of lime and quartz minerals, but it is also likely to contain metamorphic minerals (Khademi and Hashemi Nasab, 2011).

Materials and Methods
Hormangan ceramics were primarily divided into six groups based on surface treatment, colour, and decoration style. In further classification, the Hormangan potteries were categorised based on their form, size, place of motifs and ceramic fashioning techniques. After initial macroscopic studies of these ceramic vessels, 36 pottery sherds were selected for thin-section petrographic analysis. For choosing these samples, not only the former classifications were considered, but also it was attempted to select potteries from different phases and various contexts and trenches. The earlier phase includes 14 samples, the later phase 12 samples, and the heated structure 10 samples were selected for this analysis. 
For getting inside into the primary and secondary mineralisation phases, determining firing conditions and maximum temperature, and environmental burial conditions, 18 samples (from those 36 samples) have been selected for the X-Ray Diffraction analysis (XRD) in order to determine the crystalline phase constituents. This methods is necessary as a complementary method to petrography. Moreover, X-Ray Fluorescence analysis as a semi-quantitative analysis has been applied to these 18 samples to detect the chemical characterisation of their main and trace elements and to identify whether the earlier and later phases’ samples become clustered into two different groups or not. 

Discussion
The thin-section microscopic analysis indicated a very porous matrix with angular and semi-angular inclusions, which are mainly quartz, and with traces of vegetal tempers. Moreover, the vessels were fired under the oxidation condition. The inclusions were distributed randomly in the matrix, which suggested that they were not homogeneous and consisted of quartz, limestone, calcite, plagioclase (albite and sanidine), and igneous rock fragments, including muscovite, iron oxide, granite, magnetite, hematite, apatite, and feldspars. In most sherds, secondary calcite was formed, resulting in burial in a humid condition. The XRD analysis enabled us to observe some high-temperature minerals, such as gehlenite and diopside, in some samples. These minerals are usually presented in ceramics when fired at more than 800 degrees. On the other hand, the presence of the main elements MgO+CaO, Al2O3, and SiO2, detected by the XRF analysis and diagramed by the Noll system, indicated a very similar final product in terms of raw materials and inclusions. In addition, Cl, MnO, and SrO have been identified in these samples as trace elements, indicating the environmental conditions of the vessels after abandonment. 

Conclusion
In light of the microscopical observations and the phase and chemical analyses, it was determined that the Hormangan potteries could be divided into three main groups. The potteries of the earlier and later phases could not be distinguished from one another. These three groups are comparable to the region’s geological map, meaning all potteries are locally made. Except for four samples that were fired above 800 degrees, the others were fired at temperatures around 750 degrees. Samples from the earlier and later phases were distributed randomly among these clusters, comprising the Calcareous, Iron-rich, and Calcium-rich matrixes. The clay minerals were all extracted in the vicinity of the site, despite the fact that there were three different types of clay materials. Therefore, the potter(s) at the Hormangan site have chosen diverse clay sources but employed different techniques each time to produce similar results. It has also been noted that samples obtained from the heated structure have very similar characteristics to the ceramics produced in the later phase. According to the absolute dating results, the heated structure and the later phase are contemporaneous. However, in terms of potters’ technological behaviours, this could point to some standardization of ceramic production during this time.
Another question we have attempted to answer is whether the potter(s) added any aplastic materials, such as quartz, to their clay in order to increase its workability. Based upon an ethnoarchaeological study of the current pottery production in ShahReza (Pincé et al., 2019), approximately 230 kilometers away from the Hormangan site, it has been found that additional tempering does not need to be applied to the clay for the production of ceramics, owing to the rich clay sources in the ShahReza-Abade-Hambast orogenic belt (located in the Sanandaj-Sirjan zone). There is a possibility that the richness of clay sources in this region allowed potters to avoid tempering their raw materials during different periods, which will be investigated in more detail in future studies.   

Acknowledgements
Dr Morteza Khanipour has generously allowed access to the Hormangan site’s ceramics for this study, and the authors are very grateful for his generosity.

Abstract
Human being has always attempted to produce and evolve weaponry based on the archaeological studies of the remaining cultural materials. As an important factor in achieving military success in all historical eras, a significant part of the metalwork industry and art has been devoted to the weaponry production. In spite of the prominent increase in archaeological studies of the Qajar period, the kinds of military weapons utilized in the period have gained less attention; since, studies conducted on the military context of the Qajar period have mostly concentrated on cold weaponry and the army’s military structure after foreign military delegations beginning to commute as well as their impacts; this is while the role of these weaponry in the Qajar era and the developments stemming from them have gained lower attention in the archaeological research. The present study aimed at the archaeological examination of these weapons, investigating the cultural behavior of each period in dealing with the production and importing weapons for answering the following questions: How were these weapons obtained or domestically manufactured? And how the differences among them can be explained? To conduct this study, a comprehensive study of written and non-written cultural materials, measurement, and assessment of cultural materials besides analysis and explanation of the obtained data were done. Results revealed that the army’s use of firearms as the main war weapons started at the early pre-Naserian period after Iran’s inter-regional and intra-regional relations with other countries; also, from the very beginning, attempts for their domestic production had been considered. Additionally, domestic guns have more length and less decorations in comparison with the imported ones, which are mostly with periodic geometric patterns.
Keywords: Archeology, Europe, Import, Firearms, Production, Qajar.

Introduction
In his work War and Anti-War, Toffler names three civilization waves: The first is specified by the agricultural revolution, the second by the industrial revolution, and the third, by technology. As he mentioned, each civilization has brought about its own special warfare and production ways. In the Qajar period that has the features of the second wave, the industrial revolution led to weaponry advancement and more attempts to apply industrial techniques in manufacturing them. Iran entered international relations as well as military confrontations with other countries in that time. Simultaneous with the regional conditions and unrest, all of these factors enhanced the importance of firearms and their availability so their import was put on the agenda of the central government. Additionally, more attempts were made to manufacture the weapons domestically simultaneous with the import of them.
Given the prominence of the Qajar period when Iran officially began international relations, it is essential to investigate each period’s cultural behavior in dealing with modern weapons and attempts to produce and use them. The main goal of this research was how these weapons were obtained and to examine the domestic production of weapons after an importation period. According to above-mentioned points, the research questions were stated as follows: 1- How were the weapons obtained or domestically produced in Qajar period? 2- How their difference can be explained in detail? 

Methodology
The research method involves a thorough and all-encompassing review of both written and unwritten cultural materials. This includes gathering the necessary data, documenting these materials, and photographing unwritten documents, such as weapons from domestic military museums. After the data is collected, it is processed, analyzed, and evaluated. Both written and unwritten materials are examined together to understand their connections and differences. Finally, the data is analyzed and explained to provide a better understanding of the role and significance of these cultural materials.

Ways of weaponry preparation 
The primary importation of military equipment was mainly through offerings by the political and military envoys of Western countries. Military firearms, especially guns and cannons have always been important components in the offerings of the ambassadors of foreign countries. Accordingly, producing the first Iranian weapons, similar to those of the Europeans, has been through following the imported samples by foreign military experts brought to Iran. Simultaneous with the arrival of European technology, manufacturing guns and weapons was done by Iranian craftsmen. It also appears that cannon production as the weaponry only at the disposal of the central government was manufactured in just the state-related cannon workshops; but, the weapon manufacturing was not necessarily dependent on the state-owned factory and was also produced in different cities both by the central government and craftsmen.
Producing firearms experienced a decreasing trend in Iran and developed against the import of weapons after the changes in the social, political, and economic conditions of that time. Eventually, these industries faced stagnation in the post-Naserian era due to the constitutional movements and internal crises.
Majority of these weapons were first imported by the government. However, Iran’s political situation, the requirement for a market to sell them, and the rich profits coming from the arms’ trade, which had replaced slave trading and piracy, led to the indiscriminate importation of weaponry. The ban on the free sale and purchase of weapons was brought to the attention of the government with the emergence of problems caused by the wide spread of weapons among the people, which itself induced the expansion of its illegal import.
Firearms of the Qajar period can be classified into light and heavy categories. Light weapons include rifles and handguns while heavy weapons consist of Zanburaks, cannons, and machine guns. As the archaeological evidence reveal, the light weapons utilized in the Qajar period included a variety of rifles and waist weapons, increasing in diversity and efficiency over time until the end of this period. Also, according to the extant archaeological evidence, domestically-produced weapons included muzzleloaders and breechloaders in different types. Almost all the early rifles were of the muzzleloader type. Besides, the first weaponry officially used by the government forces were the muzzleloaders.
 
Domestic rifles’ types 
Most domestic weaponry were utilized until the middle of this period. Among the features of domestic weaponry, the use of periodic geometric motifs (diamond shape) in the form of shell or ivory work in the butt of the gun, gold decorations in the barrel, the use of plant motifs in the form of shell or ivory work in the place of the gun belt, the use of very thick metals for the trigger housing and decorating it with plant motifs, as well as the use of thinner metal fasteners to connect the barrel and body to each other were more common than the imported examples.

Types of domestic small firearms 
The major difference between rifles and handguns is their size. The small firearms used in this period included pistols and then revolvers. 

All kinds of imported firearms
Foreign guns included different imported types in the form of gifts, purchases, and etc., used in different sectors, including combats, hunting, and ceremonial-decorations from different countries.

Types of imported small firearms
The revolver is the second type of the waist weapon and has a higher technology, and it entered Iran from the Naserian period.

All kinds of imported small firearms
Entering Iran since the Naserian period, the revolver is the second type of the waist weapon and has a higher technology.

All kinds of heavy weapons
The first official heavy weaponry used in the army was Zanburak in the pre-Naserian era. Then, the cannon and in the Naserian period, the machine guns were also added to it. Based on the studies conducted by the Authors and examining the documents and first-hand written sources from this period, it is evident that the cannon import was more in the early Qajar period.  Also, apparently, the cannon import was never in mass form and its domestic production had been accompanied with more success. To a large extent, the low import rate of it can be due to its heavy weight and transportation problems. Cannons were also applied in various segments during the Naserian era, while keeping the use of war, and were also used to punish people. In the post-Naserian period, the cannon lost its combat use for external wars and was mainly used in internal battles, a clear example of which can be the parliament bombardment by canons.
   
Conclusion
In summary, as the archaeological evidence suggest, the basis of martial weapons in the Qajar period had been modern weapons, supplied by domestic production and imports. Because of the internal production of weaponry by craftsmen in the market as well as governmental centers, this weapon has never been exclusive to the state forces and had been available to the general public as well. In the Naserian period, due to the excessive importation of firearms, the ban on their free sale and purchase was put on the agenda, which itself induced its illegal importation. Given the production of canons, it appears that it had been manufactured in government workshops and by government-affiliated specialists, remained in the hands of state forces.
Additionally, regarding the difference between domestic and imported weaponry, the difference in their size can be mentioned. This difference in weaponry length can be found in domestic and imported pistols as well. Another difference is tractable in the decorations of the weapons.   Investigating the existing weapons and the extant written sources, it appears that the rifles produced in Iran had been muzzleloaders, breechloaders, and flintlock rifles. In fact, rifles, such as Moser and Martini never reached the domestic mass production; but, the domestic mass production of muzzleloader and breechloader rifles and their various models continued at least until the middle Naserian period and before the vast importation of weaponry. On the heavy weaponry, despite the importance of the cannon, the Zanburak maintained its dual ceremonial-war role until the late Naserian period, after which it was completely abandoned. Additionally, for the the presence and importance of the machine gun in the post-Naserian period as a heavy weapon, the significance of the cannon was never decreased; however, due to the silence of the written sources about this weapon at the end of this period, it was seemingly abandoned or its use was limited. Finally, it can be concluded that until the end of the Naserian period, these weapons were used both in intra and inter-regional wars and in internal unrest; but, in the post-Naserian period, their use was mainly in the internal battles.