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Nasrin Beik-Mohammadi, Khalil-Ollah Beik-Mohammadi, Azar Sarmadijou,
year 6, Issue 22 (2-2023)
Abstract

Abstract
The Polychrome Enobe pottery attributed to Neishabour is one of the unique pottery of the Islamic era, which has many divers and symbolic motifs. According to the role of the ingredients of these pottery, they were created in deep connection with the mythological and religious beliefs of the people of the third and fourth centuries AH; Therefore, the correct interpretation of these pottery designs helps to understand the social, cultural, political and religious conditions of the people of that time. One of the illustrated symbols on these pottery is the symbol of a camel, which is drawn on a Polychrome bowl and is kept in the Reza Abbasi Museum. The camel drawn on this pottery is important because it seems to be indicative of deep concepts regarding the sanctification of “Camel” in Neishabur society. Until now, no purposeful study has been done to interpret the depicted camel on this pottery; Therefore, the authors are trying to study the symbol of the camel depicted on the pottery in this essay with “Iconography” method with the approach of “Erwin Panofsky”. To achieve this goal, the questions; what is the symbolic meaning of the camel depicted on the Polychrome bowl of Neishabur in relation to the jar and the bird? The Polychrome Enobe bowl with the motif of a camel, in combination with other motifs, is derived from the beliefs of which stratum of society is Neishabur? It has been suggested that in order to get the answers to the questions, the research method adopted for the future research is a library with a descriptive-analytical-historical approach, in which the discussed pottery motifs are analyzed first, and then to interpret its symbol with Panofsky’s three-step method. The result of the study of the camel symbol is that the motif of a camel with a jar under its belly and a hoopoe bird seems to be derived from the principles of Zoroastrian purification and also the Gomiz healing properties of camels among the Muslims of 3rd and 4th centuries AH living the north east of Iran. 
Keywords: Iconography, Pottery, Polychrome Enobe, Neishabur, Camel, Gomiz.

Introduction
The Polychrome Enobe pottery attributed to Neishabur is one of the most important and unique pottery produced in northeastern Iran after the arrival of Islam in terms of diverse and symbolic motifs. In addition to visual beauty, the patterns of the above pottery always have a special place in the studies of researchers in the field of art, especially archeology, due to the fact that they have special and symbolic scenes. The importance of studying the reinterpretation and origin of Polychrome Enobe patterns is due to the fact the researchers such as Lin (1948), Wilkinson (1973), Zack Nissen (1973) and Samavaki (2021) believe that the motifs of, the works on these pottery are often in deep connection with the mythological and religious beliefs of the people of the 3rd and 4th centuries AH. The symbolic concept of the camel with the symbols of the evil eye, which destroys demonic forces, finds more expression for the interpretation of the sanctification of Gomiz. A Polychrome Enobe bowl attributed to Neishabur with a camel motif and the symbolic concept of the sacredness of the camel cannot be applied to a specific stratum.  According to this belief, it is derived from the beliefs of the people as a result of the fusion of Zoroastrian religion with Islam as a result of political events parallel to the Abbasid rule in the third and fourth centuries of AH and was deliberately created by Zoroastrians, changed the Gomiz of a camel, a sacred animal in the Muslim belief, to cow Gomiz in order to preserve the tradition of purification, and it seems that they were able to preserve this tradition for themselves. With this reasoning, the mentioned bowl has a double meaning in the belief of Muslims and Zoroastrians; In a way, the special place of “camel “among the common people of the third and fourth centuries AH by drawing a camel and other figure such as a bird, a jar and the symbol of the evil eye, draw a picture. 

The Iconography of the Camel Symbol Depicted on the Polychrome Enobe Pottery Attributed to Neishabur 
In this part of the research, which is also the main body of the research; The symbol role of the camel in connection with other motifs in the Polychrome Enobe bowl of Reza Abbasi Museum is studied with the iconography method in three stages of description, analysis and interpretation. The bowl Polychrome Enobe attributed to Neishabur under the registration number of 1371 is kept in the Reza Abbasi Museum. In the central circle of the bowl, a camel with a single hump can be seen in light brown color with a six- petals flower pattern on the body with an embossed background. On the body of the camel, three curved lines are drawn near the front and back legs. The head and face of this camel is depicted upward and clinging to its hump with a big eye on its face. The camel ‘s tail is black with a few short branches and its hoovers are clearly marked with black inks, and there are two parallel blabk lines on the camel ‘s left hand near the neck, which may be a sign of decoration. To the left of the camel, a bird with a long abstract crown, which is probably a hoopoe can be seen. The head of this bird is light brown and its body is black with wings with a black checkered pattern on the body.  Under the camel ‘s belly, there is an image of a jar with a long base and a wider base compared to the mouth of the jar, in black color. On the body of this jar, there are four flowers and two abstract wings on both sides of the jar. On both sides of the jar, two circles are drawn with a dot in the middle, which seems to be a symbol of the evil eye. It should be mentioned that these circles that look like evil eye are distributed in the entire field of the dish. In front of the camel ‘s neck, there is a flower in the form of a Slimi. Also, in front of the camel ‘s neck and legs, a pseudo-inscription can be seen in back. Around the legs, hands and top of the camel’s head, four and six features’ flowers are drawn in pea color dots in the middle of each flower. A narrow light brown band surrounds the central circle. There is a pea color background with green and black coloured spots, with the symbol of the evil eye (fig 1). 

Conclusion
Research to reread the symbolic meaning hidden in the symbol of the camel depicted on a Polychrome Enobe bowl attributed to Neishabur by posing questions: what is the symbolic meaning of a camel depicted on a Polychrome Enobe bowl of Neishabur in relation to the jar and the bird? And the Polychrome Enobe bowl with the motif of the camel, in combination with other motifs, is derived from the beliefs of which segment of the Neishabur society? The idea of the research in line with the questions posed by Panofsky’s iconography method was that the camel has had a special and mythical place in the opinions and beliefs of people in different periods of history. This scared place of the camel can be traced in the third and fourth centuries of AH with the symbolic motif of the camel in the Polychrome bowl attributed to Neishabur. The symbolic meaning of the camel depicted on this pottery refers to the beliefs of Zoroastrians and Muslims about the cleansing and therapeutic properties of camel Gomiz in the third and fourth centuries AH of the living in the north east of Iran. This opinion takes on more expression by combining the motifs of the jar with two abstract wings, the head (pointing at the camel’s hump) and the symbol of the evil eye; so that the two abstract wings drawn on the body of the jar refer to the sacred aspect of camel’s Gomiz in the belief of the common people. Hoopoe, with the symbolic meaning of the pike, is a manifestation of God Soroush to destroy demonic/ satanic forces. 

Masoud Rashidi Nezhad, Seyed Mehdi Mousavi Kouhpar, Cyrus Nasrollahzadeh,
year 8, Issue 27 (5-2024)
Abstract

Abstract
Sassanid bullae are indicative of the administrative structure, commerce and other cultural concepts, which usually differ from each other in the sealed figures, size and the number of times they have been stamped. In many cases, these samples are accompanied by symbolic arrays like other cultural data of this period. In order to study of their importance and description and to answer questions about the symbolism mixed with the worldview of Mazdaznan religion and other concepts such as the knowledge of that time, we selected undocumented bullae in the archives of the National Museum. In this regard, semantics, the most frequent arrays, compatibility between these symbols with other symbols this period, relative chronology and their possible origins were investigated. Most of the images stamped on the bullae of this collection include human, animal, and geometric arrays (monograms). Some of the fifty studied bullae studied have lost their value in due to wear and corrosion or breakage. Also, there is no information about how they were discovered. These bullae are assigned to the Sassanid period only based on the writings and arrays. Our research is based on library studies and documentation of bullae of the National Museum archive and conventional methods such as photography and design of flower seals. 
Keywords: Bullae, Sassanid, Symbol, Iconography, Mazdaznan.

Introduction
Our purpose of writing this article is the iconography of bullae attributed to the Sassanid period from the archives of the National Museum. By studying these bullae, their administrative, commercial and ritual use can be understood. In order to better understand these features, symbols and writings (here symbols) have been studied. The Iconography of the archeological data of this period (especially seals and bullae) reveals points such as cultural interaction in the Sassanid Empire, similar to the concepts of the Mazdaist religion or other religions, Animal symbols in the seals of the Moghadam Museum with signs of the Mitra ritual (Dehpahlevan and Ghanavati, 2014, 47-67); or examples with Christian and Jewish symbols from Sassanid empire rituals (Lerner, 1976, 183-187 and Lerner 2009, 653-664). All in all, the symbolic nature (or not) of the arrays on the bullae can be interpreted as follows; Signs (monograms) are single or multi-purpose, human portraits are demonstrative or commanding and sometimes mythological, some of them like hearth are divine and other are mythological representations of quadrupeds or birds (Brunner, 1978, 11). However, each of which has a variety in form and details but it can be safely said that monograms are the most special type among them because it combines other symbols together (figure 1). Bullae in the archives of the National Museum are classified into human, plant, animal, astronomical and geometric types in a symbolic or natural framework. Meanwhile, their animal species is probably from the northern half of Iran in the 6th century AD. The purpose of this research is to deal with the symbolic and ritual concepts of the bullae of the National Museum and their use, classification and relative chronology of them. Their relative chronology is due to their similarity to the most well-known finds of this period, such as the documented flower seals of Takht Sulaiman and Abu Nasr Palace. The questions and assumptions of our research include What are the meanings of the Sasanian bullae symbols? What are the most repeated arrays in this collection and what are their similarities? What is the relationship between our research collection and other archaeological and documented findings? It is believed that the iconography on the seals, despite their mainly commercial or administrative use, shows the prominence of symbols and rituals in all aspects of Sasanian culture. Also, the iconography and inscriptions of some of the seals of the National Museum archive confirm their ownership to administrative and ritual positions. In this regard, we have a historical and analytical approach according to the documentation methods, typology and the review of archaeological reports.

Discussion and Analysis
Symbolism is an integral part of Iranian culture. Undoubtedly, since bullae were representative of the administrative and commercial system throughout the Sassanid Empire. the reflection of well-known and ancient symbols on bullae is also an effort to culturalization and reminding with them. According to the Authors, the common message of the symbols of each category clearly expresses systematic beliefs that are evident in all cultural and political aspects of this era. Just like the deification of all creations, which has been mentioned many times in Sasanian literature and art especially in the fourth century at the same time as Khosrow II Sassanid (Yarshater, 2016, 176-190). Iconography was of interest throughout this period and only the appearance and quantity of some of them, such as the animal examples of the time of Kartir and Bahram II or the symbols of the goddess Anahita during the time of Mobad-e-Mobadan Atorpat Mehraspandan (beginning of the 4th century AD) caused that some researchers consider them as new symbols. Sometimes iconography is a way to know the origin of bullae such as the arrays of camels and winged horses that are the symbol of the fire temple of Azargoshnasp that can show that part of this collection was made there or in the workshops of the northern half of Iran. In this regard the mineralogy of flower beads will also be our answer in belonging to the specific place of preparation of materials, the production and baking of flower beads. In addition, the names of Mad, Pars, Bishapur and Farah (Khora) of Ardashir (Firouzabad) are also mentioned on these seals. However, some names such as Azargashnesab were also used to name places and people (Yamauchi, 1993: 7-46). It is also possible that the flower seals and their iconography are more visible throughout this period, especially during political and social upheavals such as the period of Qabad I (488-496 AD) or Khosrow Anushirvan (531-579 AD).  In this regard, the archives of Takht Suleiman’s bullae and the reflection of the well-known early patterns of this period, such as the depiction of the king riding a horse on the bullae, clearly indicate their use and symbols for a long time, especially in the second half of this period.

Conclusion
The celestial and religious or scientific attitude to phenomena can be seen in Sassanid art and culture and before them in Iran. From a conceptual point of view, showing tangible species such as goats and rams, boars, etc. is also a good way to better believe the detailed definitions in a symbolic format. For example, in Iranian mythology, the gods had an iconic form of human, animal, etc., such as Anahita, the goddess of flowing waters, seal (Mitra) of the sun’s ray. All of them are represented in symbols, signs and inscriptions that are rooted in ancient beliefs.
The symbolism of bullae of the National Museum Archive helps us to understand ancient symbols and concepts such as animism and godliness and ideas mixed with the knowledge of the times. The role of symbols on the bullae for which administrative and commercial uses is presumed clearly indicates the value of product or message, the position of the seal holders and sometimes a sign of administrative and ritual base. Therefore, the symbol of the Sasanian seal and bullae, which was used as a medium to keep ancient ideas alive based on the materials and strategies of its time, can be a useful for the sociology of the Sasanian period. Seals and bullae have been most available to the elites in the judiciary, property, shrines, etc., and diverse human profile and different names on the archive of seals is a confirmation of this statement. Other points that can be seen from the symbolism of the bullae in addition to the recreation of symbols with concepts in the style of the millennia BC, the unreasonable interaction of cultures (symbols), especially based on the trade and shrewd attitude and policy of the Sassanid empire in coexistence with neighboring lands. Fleshy artistic style of arrays (especially human and animal species) is also a rare phenomenon in the history of Iranian art, although the geometric style of the Sassanid seals of Devin and Ajmiadzin of Armenia, or Qasrabun Nasr in the museum The New York Metropolitan, can be the result of the influence of individuals, the mass production of seals, the artistic style of seals and sometimes their inseparability from Parthian or pre-Party specimens.

Khalil-Ollah Beik-Mohammad,
year 8, Issue 28 (8-2024)
Abstract

Abstract
Monumental sculptures are considered significant artistic artifacts, primarily associated with ritualistic and religious contexts, and possess a long historical tradition. The creation of such commemorative and symbolic sculptures often aimed to represent the divine or transcendent status of their subjects. Within the cultural history of Iran, the tradition of sculpting with this approach dates back to the Neolithic period as exemplified by the “Venus of Sarab” and witnessed a substantial increase from the third millennium BCE onwards. This practice reached its height during the Elamite civilization, coinciding with the emergence of multiple deities and rulers. These sculptures were frequently used as votive offerings in temples or as grave goods in the burials of high-status individuals. The commemorative stone statue housed in the Nahavand Museum is one such artifact, yet its origin and precise nature remain unclear due to its non-archaeological discovery. Consequently, numerous ambiguities surround its contextualization. The main objective of this study is to examine the nature of this stone sculpture through an iconographic and chronological analysis. It seeks to address key questions regarding its material essence, function, artistic style, and usage, assuming it belongs to the Elamite period within the cultural domain of Simashki. To achieve more accurate contextualization and dating, the research employs comparative analysis with similar contemporaneous examples, aiming to enhance the understanding of Elamite art particularly during the Sukkalmah period in the Central Zagros region. This study adopts a qualitative methodology, utilizing a historical-analytical approach supported by library-based sources. To evaluate the research propositions, references are made to the sculptural styles of the Elamite civilization and comparative Mesopotamian examples. The findings suggest that the Nahavand stone statue, based on its formal and visual characteristics, can be classified as a monumental sculpture dating to the Sukkalmah period (second millennium BCE), and most likely originates from the greater Simashki region.
Keywords: Monumental Sculpture, Nahavand, Elamite, Sukkalmah, Iconography.

Introduction
What emerges more prominently in the archaeological data from western Iran during the Elamite period is not so much the material culture uncovered through excavations, but rather the names recorded in Babylonian and Assyrian inscriptions. Just as western Iran particularly Ecbatana served as a political center during the rise of the Medes and Persians, the discovery of this sculpture in Nahavand, alongside the limited number of Early Elamite finds from sites such as Giyan, may indicate the existence of cultural complexity even prior to these later civilizations. Alternatively, it could reflect a syncretic cultural expression influenced by Elamite traditions during the period of Kassite domination, especially considering the stylistic affinities of the sculpture under study. These possibilities warrant deeper examination and reflection. This discussion is situated within that very context: sculpture, as an integral component of cultural heritage, provides a valuable lens through which to understand the shifting cultural and political boundaries between Elam and Mesopotamia. The identification of Elamite-period artifacts particularly from the early Elamite era (Sukkalmah period) in western Iran, such as those associated with the early historical levels of Giyan V and Susa III, offer clues to the southern cultural sphere’s influence in this geography. Given that the sculpture analyzed in this study conforms stylistically to the early Elamite artistic tradition, it may represent a cultural artifact of that historical period and geographical reach within the Central Zagros. Accordingly, this paper aims to present further evidence of cultural contact or homogeneity between the northern parts of the Central Zagros and southern Elamite regions. Such a discovery might suggest the presence of one of the two models of Elamite governance autonomous or centrally controlled in western Iran from the late third millennium B.C. onward. Just as the cemetery seals of Susa reflect religious and ritual activities, this commemorative sculpture may also reveal similar ideological functions (cf. Hole, 1985: 21–24). To date, various artifacts seals, ceramics, figurative art, and paintings have contributed to our understanding of cultural convergence across different regions of Iran. Among these, sculptural objects offer a unique window into such interpretations. Place names such as Karin-Dash (modern Kermanshah), Shushur (in Iraqi Kurdistan), Elipi (Lorestan), Huni-Hur (Bakhtiari Mountains), and Simash (Khorramabad) (Majidzadeh, 1992), reflect the wide territorial reach of the Elamite state in western Iran. Therefore, the identification of this statue in Nahavand invites a reconsideration and deeper exploration of the Elamite presence in the region. To validate and further analyze these claims, the following sections of the study will provide a brief historical overview of Elamite sculpture and its stylistic characteristics, along with comparative examples. Ultimately, the goal is to determine the ritual and religious function of such an object, and to define its precise nature within this historical-cultural framework.

The Nahavand Commemorative Statue
The Nahavand stone idol, carved from limestone, stands approximately 37 centimeters in height and 11 centimeters in width at its base, where two back-to-back seated bulls support the sculpture. The figurine is composed of several components, each potentially bearing symbolic significance. The figure of the goddess, from the tip of her conical, woven headdress to her feet (which rest upon the backs of the two bulls), measures 24 centimeters in height. The statue is carved from a single block of stone but has suffered visible damage, including fractures at the goddess’s neck and feet. The goddess wears a tiered, pleated robe, intricately carved to cover the full length of her body, and a conical headdress woven in relief. The structured, layered nature of the clothing, along with the serene and formal depiction of the face, indicates the symbolic and sacred function of the figure. Her hands are positioned near the abdomen, possibly holding a vessel or an object though due to surface erosion, this remains uncertain. As noted, the goddess is depicted standing frontally atop two bulls, which are positioned in profile but rendered in full-face from the side view. This double-faced sculptural technique is strikingly similar to the posture and composition of the bull capitals used in the Apadana Palace at Susa during the late first millennium B.C. (see: Fig. 20). A hole located behind the bulls’ heads suggests that the statue may have been mounted on a base, suspended, or used in conjunction with a ritual element. A significant aspect of this sculpture is the rendering of the hands, which align with long-standing traditions in Mesopotamian and Elamite sculpture. These gestures are often associated with religious or ritual symbolism, as seen in various comparable examples (see: Figs. 7 and 8). This tradition derives from Sumerian representations of goddesses and priests shown in acts of reverence during religious ceremonies often bearing symbols of fertility and divine favor. Comparable Elamite statues depict deities holding vessels or sacred plants at the level of the torso or chest (see: Figs. 21 and 22). However, due to wear and erosion, it is unclear whether the hands in this statue are simply clasped over the stomach or if they originally held an object, as is evident in other Elamite figures, such as the well-known limestone statue from Susa believed to represent the goddess Napirisha, divine protector of Ontash-Napirisha. The Nahavand figure also closely resembles motifs seen in Elamite Middle Period representations, particularly in warrior or deity helmets. These helmets often portray divinities wearing tiered garments. The gesture of worship is replicated in smaller attendant figures, while the central deity holds a vessel from which two streams symbols of the waters of life flow (see: Fig. 22), (Naeimi Taraei, et al., 2017: 152–153).

Conclusion
Commemorative stone statues are among the artistic artifacts primarily associated with ritual and religious themes. As discussed throughout this study and supported by comparable examples, such representations have a long-standing tradition dating back to the third millennium B.C. and the early Sumerian dynasties. The creators of these monumental works often aimed to confer divine or transcendent status upon the figures depicted. From the third millennium onward, the production of such statues experienced notable growth, culminating during the Elamite civilization with the proliferation of divine and royal figures. These statues were often used as votive offerings in temples or placed in elite burials as funerary objects. The motif of deities overpowering or standing atop powerful beasts such as bulls or lions is a common iconographic tradition in the art of the ancient Near East, especially in Mesopotamia and Elam. Given its frequency and variety, this theme likely originated in Mesopotamia and subsequently permeated into Elamite cultural and artistic expressions throughout the third and second millennia B.C. Among the most significant examples are statues and iconographies from early Babylon and Middle Elamite, to which the Nahavand stone statue also belongs. The primary objective of this research was to analyze the Nahavand stone sculpture through an iconographic lens and to determine its temporal and geographical context. However, the precise origin and nature of this statue remain uncertain due to the lack of a well-documented archaeological context. Thus, this study approached the object cautiously, focusing primarily on its stylistic and iconographic features rather than its exact provenance. Across various mythological traditions from India to Mesopotamia and Iran gods and goddesses are frequently depicted riding or standing upon animals, not merely as mounts but as symbolic extensions of their divine attributes. For instance, Vishnu rides the mythical eagle Garuda; Shiva mounts the sacred bull, Nandi; and Durga stands or rides upon a tiger or lion, symbolizing triumph over evil. Similarly, Mesopotamian deities such as Inanna (Ishtar) and Marduk are shown riding or standing on powerful animals like bulls and lions Inanna, for instance, is sometimes shown standing atop a lion, signifying dominance over nature and primal force. In this context, the Elamite goddess depicted in the Nahavand statue, standing upon two bulls, appears to draw upon similar iconographic conventions shared among neighboring eastern and western civilizations. The findings of this study suggest that, based on its visual and stylistic attributes, the Nahavand stone statue should be classified as a commemorative sculpture dating to the Sukkalmah period (second millennium B.C.). Geographically, it is likely associated with the broader territory of Simashki. Given the presence of major Elamite sites such as Tepe Giyan in the region, it is plausible to trace the northern extent of Elamite cultural influence into the area of Nahavand.


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