Abstract
Understanding the Synchronicity between the Shagha-Taimuran culture and the Elamite period in Fars province requires a close look at the mentioned culture. In the Elamite texts, Anshan is mentioned as the place of the name which is the main part of Elam. Anshan is located in the northwest of the Kur River Basin of Fars province. On the other hand, in compiling the prehistoric chronology of Fars, it is the main basis of technological changes. The cultures before the rise of the Achaemenids in Fars were classified according to the changes and developments of pottery. The mentioned issues raised the necessity of accurate dating of the Shagha Taimuran culture. Tol-e Taimuran is one of the main sites of the cultures of the 2nd millennium in Fars and focal in the east of the Kur River Basin, eighty kilometers southeast of Anshan. In this article, we first try to deal with the relative and absolute chronology of this region then, according to the absolute chronology of the given region and neighbors during 2nd  millennium of Fars, comparing cultural materials, and recognizing cultural features, to evaluate the cultural sequence of the 2nd millennium in this region and neighbors in 2nd millennium. Dating of Tol-e Taimuran, there are 3 samples of charcoal were sent to the laboratory of Campania University (INNOVA SCaRL),on which the results show the period in between 1550 to 1100 BCE.
Keywords: Kur River Basin, Elam, Shagha Taimuran Culture, Tol-e Taimuran, 14C Dating.

Introduction
The Anshan is definitively identified at Tol-e Malyan, which is situated at the Kur River Basin (Reiner, 1973), which is one of the main centers for the formation of prehistoric cultures in Fars province, and the importance of Anshan as one of the main location in Elam and on the other hand, the identity of Elam as a cultural and political concept that has played a significant role in the Middle East for a thousand years (Alvarez Mon, 2018); The main question is the role and position of Fars prehistoric cultures in the centuries parallel to Elam in Fars. Geographically, Elam covers large parts of the southwest of the Iranian plateau. Part of Elam is located in the south of the Zagros Mountain range with distinctive features. These Sites are often ideal for pastoralism; and a limited number of areas were suitable for extensive and intensive settlement, which have an irregular distribution (Petrie 2013: 4).

Fars during the Second Millennium BCE
A plethora of chronological periodization has been proposed for Fars over the past 60 years, each with its strengths, weaknesses and terminological idiosyncrasies (Vanden Berghe, 1954; Sumner, 1972; Hole, 1987; Voigt and Dyson, 1992; Miroschedji, 2003). Vanden Berghe is the first researcher who, based on his extensive studies and speculations, has compiled a relative chronology of Fars cultures from the 7th millennium B.C to the Achaemenid period (Vanden Berghe, 1954). The Darvazeh Tepe is one of the main sites of Shagha Taimuran culture; 32 cases of radiocarbon dating in 1976 by Nicole on the charcoal samples of the Darvazeh Tepe show the time between 2140 to 640-500 BCE (Jacobs, 1980: 54). The chronological sequence of castle cultures, Shagha Taimuran in the VI chronological periods of the Kur River Basin in the Sumner study includes the 2nd half of the 2nd millennium and the beginning of the 1st millennium BCE (Sumner, 1974). In Tol-e Nurabad, absolute Chronology indicates the sequence of prehistoric Fars cultures from the Neolithic to the first half of the 2nd millennium of Fras. Tol-e Spid has a sequence from the Bakun period to the end of the Kaftari period. In these two Sites, we see a gap from the middle of the second millennium to the Achaemenid period (Potts and Roustai, 2009). Concerning the Tappeh Qasrdasht in the north of Marvdasht plain, the absolute dating of the area has been done by thermoluminescence and radiocarbon dates methods. Among the 16 samples tested by thermoluminescence method, 3 samples are completely related to the period of the second millennium, 1 sample shows the date of 2025± 250 BCE and 1 sample shows 965 ± 170 BCE (Atayi et al, 2019).

Absolute Chronology of Tol-e Taimuran
Tol-e Taimuran (Timaran) consists of two ridges at a distance of 90 meters from each other. The main oval Site with an area of 7 hectares with a west-east slope (Emadi et al, 2020), is located in the southwest of the Koushk-e Tavabeh village neighborhood and 100 km northeast of the center of Fars province, with geographical coordinates 39 R  X: 0718341, Y:3292841 and 1579 m ASL. During the excavation in Tol-e Taimuran, 10 samples of charcoal were found from different phases, of which 3 samples were sent to the dating laboratory for C14. The results are based on the depth of the sample in the table (Table, 1). According to the experiment, the sample of Taimuran 1 shows the time between 1271-1450 BCE, Taimuran 3 shows 1746-1891 BCE, Taimuran 5 shows 1434-1620 BCE (Fig, 1). Important findings in the site excavation process include ivory cylindrical seals, bronze vessels, and stone weights. Tol-e Taimuran including a large corpus of pottery and well-defined architecture. This is clear evidence for a settled community in Fars, most of the findings of Tol-e Taimuran are common in the areas of the second millennium of Fars. 

Conclusion
From the beginning of archaeological research in Fars, the presented chronologies have always faced challenges; Here, an attempt has been made to first express the chronological challenges of the Shagha Taimuran period of Fars, then to evaluate the presented chronologies using the results of the absolute chronology of the Tol-e Taimuran obtained by accelerating mass spectrometry with other areas of the Shagha Taimuran Fars. The results of radiocarbon dates of 3 charcoal samples in the Tol-e Taimuran show a date between 1550 to 1100 BCE. Comparing the dates obtained from radiocarbon dates in the Darvazeh Tepe area, the results of chronology by absolute thermoluminescence method of Tappeh Qasrdasht , and the materials found from this area in the 2nd millennium with Tol-e Taimuran and summarizing the results of 3 absolute chronological samples of radiocarbon dates at the Tol-e Taimuran suggest that the beginning of a culture that Vanden Berghe called the Shagha Taimuran is older than previously thought by researchers; It is noteworthy that the Shagha Taimuran can be considered as a continuation of the process of prehistoric cultures, apart from the political changes of the lowlands or the arrival of new tribes. However, the end of this culture in Tol-e Taimuran, 1100 BCE.
 

Abstract
In 2010 some human remains were discovered in Kan-Gohar cave, an iron mine which is located close to Bavanat city in Fars Province. By regarding the different hypothesis about the probable events which might have been occurred inside the cave and unknown date of them, after visiting the cave, a series of historical sources relevant to Bavanat regional history were considered. Some texts (e.g. Ale-Mozaffar and Timurid sources) pointed to the events which have been occurred in1350 AD through which after the death of Abu-Saeed Ilhkanid, people of a village in Bavanat were attacked by one of the Mongols son, so that all villagers to escape sheltered inside a cave to save their lives. But Mongol ruler ordered to set a huge fire in the entrance of the cave, thus all people were suffocated by the smoke and were killed in the cave. In order to compare these human remains with the mentioned event in historical sources, bioarchaeological studies were done with focus on violence using standard protocols of Buikstra & Ubelaker (1994). This method is rely almost solely on observations aiming to age estimation, sex determination, identification of pathological conditions and taphonomic agents. Considering the smoky roof and entrance of the cave, the number of females (37%), subadults (29%) and old individuals (30%) and lack of physical violence traces and observing the traces of burning on some of the bones, these assemblage of human remains are comparable with this historical event, with probability. These findings can provide an answer in order to find out the reason of discovering this human remains assemblage from Kan-Gohar cave. 
Keywords: Kan Gohar Cave, Bavanat City, Human Remains, Bioarchaeology, Archaeology of Violence.

Introduction
In 2010, a large number of human remains, burnt wooden objects and old shoes and clothing with lots of ash all around the cave specially in the entrance, were discovered from Kan-Gohar cave in Bavanat city in Fars Province. Since the bones were very well preserved, in addition to Fars Cultural Heritage Organization (CHO), Legal Medicine Organization (LMO) started to handle the studies on these bones, through collecting 47 skulls from the cave. The results of LMO studies revealed that most of the skulls belong to females and children, and they seemed that the skulls could not be assigned to the modern times and probably they are the victims of a firing. CHO studies by focus on cultural materials revealed that these are the mine workers who were killed by the collapse of the cave roof probably in the Safavid or Qajar periods. In addition to these hypothesis it was possible to assume that these human remains belong to people with dangerous infectious disease that are banished in this cave to save other people lives. Although there have been no a convincible answer, the case was closed. In 2015 through an archaeological survey project in Bavanat, and the director of this project stated that these are likely the victims of a war (Khanipour et al., 2015). After this project there was another chance to open this case for more investigation (Najafi 2018, Najafi et al., 2018). The aim of this article is to reveal the probable reason of discovering this human remains assemblage from Kan-Gohar cave. In this research 2 methods are used, the first, is studying the historical sources and the second is studying the human remains with using standard protocols (Buikstra & Ubelaker 1994). This method is rely almost solely on observations aiming to age estimation, sex determination, identification of pathological conditions and taphonomic agents. 

Discussion
Since the discovered cultural materials in the cave belong to Islamic Period, the relevant historical sources of different Islamic periods were evaluated. The result of this comprehensive survey on written sources revealed that some of the Ale-Mozaffar and Timurid sources would point to an event that has been occurred in 1343 AD. After the death of Abu-Saeed Ilkhanid, there was political instability and people of a village in Bavanat were attacked by one of the Mongols son, so that all villagers were sheltered inside a cave to save their lives. But Mongol ruler found the shelter and ordered to set a huge fire in the entrance of the cave, thus all people were killed in the cave through the influence of smoke. This event is mentioned in six sources with the same story. (Hafiz. Abru 1996, 1938, Qazvini 1993, Yazdi 1947, Kotobi 1985, Samarghandi 1993, Mirkhand 2001). So, this and it is possible that theses human remains are the victims of this event.
The results of bioarchaeological studies are related to age estimation, sex determination, identification of pathological conditions and taphonomic agents. The study of 40 skulls revealed 9 unidentifiable skulls, 15 females and 2 males. Age estimation showed 12 old individuals, 13 adults, 15 subadults (11 children and 4 adolescents). The pathological situations include pelagiocephaly in 16 skulls and it should be noted that this feature was observable in all ages, 5 old individuals, 6 children and 6 adults. 11 skulls were identified with porotic hyperostosis and 14 skulls with Cribra orbitalia. The last one is button Steoma in 6 skull. Taphonomic changes include smoky and burnt skulls with black and brown staining with post mortem breakage and crystalline spots. 3 antemortem trauma were identified that have been healed before death. No evidence of physical violence was observable on these skulls. 

Conclusion
The aim of this research is to find out why these human remains without usual burial practices are spread in this cave. The identified pathological items are not related to infectious disease and it is not acceptable that these individuals are abandoned in this cave, to die without hurting others. These human remains based on sex and age, don’t belong to mine workers, since almost all of them belong to old individuals, subadults and females that are not qualified to work in mine as mine workers. The reason of death isn’t roof collapse in the cave, since there is no evidences of pre-mortem breakage on the skulls that cause death. Based on the available proofs in archaeological context of these remains, like a thick layer of ash, burnt wooden materials and in some of the skulls, scattering bones in all around the cave and smoky entrance of the cave, it is likely that a huge fire was set in the entrance and the smoke has been scattered in all around and covered most places and objects too. Moreover the sex and age gender combination lead us to not only an accidental event in the cave, but also an organized action. One of the reasons that causes old individuals, children and subadults climbed the mountain and gather all together in such a dark and dangerous place, is a more dangerous event that can cause them to death. Based on this combination, the most probable reason can be war. So the geographical location of the cave, the condition of the context and age and gender combination prepare some clues to compare and connect it with the event which happened in Bavanat. These are likely the ones who sheltered in the cave to save their lives so they were killed with no physical violence, and they were suffocated by the smoke and died.  

Abstract
Among the collection of findings from the archeological excavations of the Iron Age cemetery of Lefour, in Savadkuh, there is an engraved a two-humped camel on a bronze belt buckle, skillfully made through molding method. According to the studies of physical anthropology, in terms of morphology of the skulls, it shows that the excavated dead bodies were different from the previous inhabitants, and the grave goods also indicate they were cattle breeders and nomads. The most prominent object found is a bronze belt buckle with the engraving of a western two-humped camel on it; this animal is definitely not native to the southern region of the Caspian Sea, and may belong to the plains of Central Asia; the southernmost habitat of this type of camel is in the north of Gorgan plain and in the south of Turkmenistan. In the Achaemenid period, two-humped camel is also shown with groups of gift givers who came from Central Asia and the east of the Caspian Sea. In the memorial stone carvings of Shalmaneser III, the King of Assyrians, there are also people carrying two-humped camels, along with the inscriptions seem to be belonged to a far distant country in the east. The most important questions in this study are: Were the human remains found in this cemetery are native or migrated from other areas? Whether the obtained grave inputs were made on site or imported, and to what extent were they influenced by the artistic and industrial techniques from near or far areas? And is it possible to reconstruct the migration route of these groups in the fertile and foothill areas of Mazandaran by studying the findings of this research? In this article, in addition to comparing the form and nature of the bronze belt buckle with other findings of Lefour Cemetery, the authors analyze and interpret it regarding historical documents and sources to provide more accurate answer to the questions. The result of the research reveals that this object was produced in another place and entered the region through immigrants.
Keywords: Iron Age, Bronze Belt Buckle, Lefour Cemetery, Savadkuh.

Introduction
The study and interpretation of the cultural characteristics of past societies and the study of the evolution of cultures based on the cultural relics left by these societies constitute the main framework of archaeological studies, the most important evidence in this regard is material and tangible effects. It is complex and difficult to know more accurately the cultural relics of past societies by relying on purely material evidence. The deep connection of religious beliefs with social customs and economic activities is one of the characteristics of past cultures. Therefore, one of the most important sources for understanding the religions, culture and functions of its predecessors is the study of ancient formulations and cultural materials. In this method, researchers usually consider one or more formative features such as objects placed inside the grave, adaptation of the grave or the general plan and location of the cemetery, and then, based on that class or social status of the buried people, adapt to the form, and compare the nature of objects. Despite the importance of accurate and scientific analysis of objects and graves from the Iron Age to explain religious beliefs, no independent research has been done so far. 
Research Question: The most important question that arise as a result of the two chapters of excavation of Lefour Cemetery is that according to anthropological studies  and comparison of ancient date, the graves of the deceased were relatives who migrated to this place from other areas and due to the similarity of form and was the nature of the particular object in question imported? And to what extent has it been industrial practices from near and far?
Research Method: In archaeological research, in addition to printing and disseminating data from field activities of an area, it is possible to analyze and compare the form and nature of an object with the data of regional and supra-regional sites to analyze the origin of a culture. In this article, focusing on the role of the bipedal camel on the bronze belt discovered from data from the Iron Age, Lefour and the similarity of this or that with the role of the western camel of the Persepolis donors, as well as the memorial stone of Shalmanser III it reinforces the hypothesis that it was intended to be imported and that its origin was in east and north of the Gorgan and Turkmenistan plains. 

Belt buckle with the Motiv of Balkhi Camel
The most prominent object of this burial was a unique Bronze belt buckle with the image of a Balkhi bipedal camel, and it is made by casting and embossing method and is reminiscent of desert and arid regions of the east of the Caspian Sea and the steppes of Central Asia

Conclusion
The plain and mountainous regions of the south of the Caspian Sea due to their suitable biological and climatic conditions are very important in studying the settlements of the Bronze and Iron Ages, but unfortunately no independent and complete research has been done on the origin and end of this period. It is done on a case-by-case basis and separately from each other in terms of time and place. Leford Savadkuh Cemetery is no exception. Regarding Leford Cemetery, it should be noted that according to the knowledge of cemeteries and settlements in the center of Mazandaran, it is clear that the cemeteries of nomads in mountainous area, unlike the plains, are often small and limited, and each cemetery probably belonged to a specific group or tribe. The nomads, whose main occupation was herding, spent most of their time in the highlands, migrating animals from one place to another in search of pastures throughout the year and the works obtained also show that in this sense it is economics and small works have on animal husbandry.

Abstract
Miankouh Area is contractually known as a district of southern part of the Central Zagros in the southwest of Iran. Despite its small area (680 km2), due to its location between highlands there are two distinct micro ecozones with natural resources and an abundance of plant and animal species and has been suitable for the vertical seasonal movements throughout the year in order to access to various resources in the subsistence from the Pleistocene to the present. Our knowledge of its Mousterian cultures is derived from three-season field surveys between 2009 and 2011 years in both Low Altitude (LAZ) and High Altitude Zones (HAZ) with an average altitude of 1510 and 2601 meters above sea level (m.a.s.l). This paper seeks to answer (1) what is the position of Miankouh’s MP cultures among the well-known Mousterian cultures in the Zagros Mountains of Iran? And (2) what is the radius of movement of MP hunter-gatherers of in the landscape of Miankouh through the study of the stone assemblage of both LAZ and HAZ? Totally, 1454 stone artifacts were collected from the Middle Paleolithic Open-air sites of both zones. Preliminary results show that the MP hunter-gatherers of Miankouh exploited both zones with relatively a homogeneous tool kit influenced by the permanent rivers in LAZ and pool resources available in HAZ within the daily radius of movement at a distance of 5 to 20 km, which had often been turned into flakes and various tools using several techniques. They also used the type of tools that are commonly recognizable in the stone industries of other MP cultures of Zagros.
Keywords: Zagros, Bakhtiari Highlands, Stone Industries, Mousterian.

Introduction
One of the largest bodies of research on montane adaptation comes from the Zagros Mountains of Iran and Iraq. Most of the Palaeolithic archaeological researches of Zagros have focused on, north, south (Azadi, 2017; Dashtizadeh & Hosseini, 2008; Conard et al., 2006; Rosenberg, 1985) as well as the north parts of Central Zagros (see Abdi, 1999; Adams, 1954; Biglari & Abdi, 1999; Coon, 1951; Dibble, 1984; Jaubert et al., 2009; Trinkaus & Biglari, 2006; Young & Smith, 1966; Roustaei et al., 2002; Roustaei et al., 2004). Broadly, it can be declared that there is no comprehensive evidence about conditions of the Palaeolithic sites in the Bakhtiari region in Southern part of the central Zagros.
This paper presents an analysis of a group of MP lithic assemblages collected from a set of open-air localities during field surveys conducted in both Lower Altitude (LAZ) and Higher Altitude Zones (HAZ) of Miankouh District with an area of approximately 680 km2 and an average elevation of 1510 and 2601 meters above sea level (m.a.s.l) in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari (ChB) Province, Iran (Khosrowzadeh, 2011, 2010a, 2009).
For the aims, these assemblages provide insights into mobility, landscape-use, and lithic technological decision-making in high-altitude environments by the MP hunter-gatherers in the Zagros Mountains and beyond.
These data presented in the current paper originates from the area of the Miankouh highlands (Bahraminia et al., 2022) from where MP evidence can help further elucidate the issues identified with the Zagros Mousterian as an explanatory framework for MP seasonal mobility and land-use patterns in the Zagros Mountains (Lindly, 1997; Skinner, 1965).
This paper seeks to answer (1) what is the position of Miankouh’s MP cultures among the well-known Mousterian cultures in the Zagros Mountains of Iran? And (2) what is the radius of movement of MP hunter-gatherers of in the landscape of Miankouh through the study of the stone assemblage of both LAZ and HAZ?

Materials and Methods
To record the surface findings, as soon as the first artefact was found, a radius of 200 meters around the point of this find was evaluated in different directions by a group of five people. By focusing on the MP period, 177 MPO locales in the form of points with XY coordinates incorporating 1454 stone artefact were analyzed. In order to assess the techno-typological aspects of the lithic assemblages in the region we used advanced analytical tools (SPSS tool boxes) at the local landscape level. 

Results
From the surface of both ecozones a low density of lithic artefacts ranging from 1 to 36 pieces was identified for the MP each identified here as a specific “locale”. The area under study provided a large number of cultural materials including lithic artefacts from MP UP and EP as well as a considerable amount of potteries from the Neolithic, Chalcolithic as well as the Late Islamic period. For the purpose of this paper, we only examined stone assemblage of the MP period. 
A total of 1454 lithic artefacts (whole and fragmented) were collected during the Miankouh survey, with 874 pieces from 113 MPO locales coming from LAZ, and 580 pieces from 63 MPO locales from HAZ. We identified four main groups including core, tool, unretouched flake, and debris.
In terms of lithic technology, preferential and recurrent Levallois methods are clearly used in the production of flakes. Recurrent methods of unipolar, bipolar, and centripetal were used to knap the flakes. Moreover, the dorsal scar patterns among the cores, tools and unretouched flakes indicate non-Levallois semi-pyramidal and discoidal methods are other debitage techniques in the MP stone industry of Miankouh.
For 970 artefacts which were categorized as tool, scrapers and blades represent highest frequency of tool types in assemblage which were followed by retouched flakes, points, notch/denticulates, borer/burins, and hand axes. In process of tool-making have generally been used the Plain/flat and faceted platforms more than other types. Points of both LAZ and HAZ are the end products in this group because about 82 % of them do not have any cortex on their dorsal face. Also, 50.88 % of total unretouched whole flakes have cortex on the dorsal face. Geneste has already classified such samples in the early stages of the reduction system in the tool production cycle (Geneste, 1985). 

Conclusion
The use of Levallois technique was initially reported not to be present in the Mousterian Zagros assemblages (Skinner, 1965). Its widespread use within Zagros Middle Palaeolithic assemblages was however eventually confirmed by Dibble (1984) (Bahraminia et al., 2022) (and papers in Olszewski and Dibble, 1993). That the utilization of Levallois technique in the region cannot however be expected to be universal has recently been established through excavations at Qaleh Bozi close to the Miankouh field survey area, where a relative absence of Levallois technique was reported (Biglari et al., 2009).
Unfortunately, we do not have reliable metric core data and other lithic artefacts from other MP sites of the Zagros in order to support our results. In order to better understand the effects of elevation on size and weight as well as its effect on the quality and quantity of MP toolkits, we need to measure metric values of lithic assemblages from other sites/locales within the Zagros Mountains at different elevations from a ‘landscape-oriented’ or ‘siteless’ approach.
The overall composition of the Miankouh lithic assemblage from a techno-typological point of view includes relatively short flakes. Retouched pieces on flake are other features of this collection. A glance at all cores from Miankouh reveal that in LAZ usually larger stone cobbles have been used as cores in comparison with HAZ. The mean weight of those from LAZ is 56.66 grams while in HAZ it is 41.98. In the case of core reduction strategies, the high frequency of cortical flakes, unretouched flakes, irregular retouched flakes, and typical tools suggest that the knapping processes were accomplished at some of localities of LAZ. It seems that the production of tools on cortical flakes (for example notch/denticulates) has been a common tool making tradition in the study area. The presence of short flakes in the Miankouh lithic assemblage may reflect the fact that the use of short flakes had been a common tradition at the MP sites in high-altitude environments. It can be raised that some Mousterian debitage strategies for the production of flakes and tools were commonly presented in Miankouh where stone raw material in the form of river pebbles and chert nodules of limestone outcrops were available in this mountainous region.

Abstract
This study aims to recognize and characterize pottery production at the Hormangan site, a Neolithic settlement in the northeast of Fars province, Iran. An examination and analytical study of the potteries on this site was conducted to determine the manufacturing techniques of the Neolithic potteries, understand the raw materials and inclusions, the level of progress and knowledge of the potters from the final products, and the location of the production site. Excavating this site, ceramics and a heated structure, probably an open kiln, were found, belonging to the Mushki phase (6400-6000 BC). Thirty-six ceramic shreds were selected for thin-section petrography analysis according to their macroscopic features. After that, 18 of them were analysed using X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) and X-Ray Diffraction methods. According to the mineralogical studies and the XRD and XRF analyses, while three different clay types were used to produce these Neolithic ceramics, they were all local productions. These vessels were fired in an open and unsophisticated kiln at an uncontrolled temperature, probably not over 800 degrees. Although the combination of these archaeometrical techniques indicates that there are various sub-angular inclusions in each type of clay, most of the pots are vegetally tempered (chaff-tempered). The existence of the heated structure separately from residential construction, a variety of designs and decorations on the ceramics, and various clay sources all determine that the Neolithic community of the Hormangan site has gone beyond a primitive rural society and as semiprofessional individuals had a surplus of more than their demands.
Keywords: Neolithic Period, Hormangan Site, Ceramic Production, Petrography, XRD, XRF.

Introduction
Hormangan site is a Neolithic site located on the border of the Bavanat River basin, in Jeshnian village, in the northeast of Fars province, Iran. This site was excavated in 2016, revealing two phases dated back to 6373 to 6000 BCE. The earlier phase indicates no traces of architectural structures, and the later phase contributed to the settlements. Moreover, a heated structure was discovered simultaneously with the later phase, surrounded by potteries and divided spaces. Pottery vessels which were discovered from these two phases are similar to the ceramics of Tall-e Mushki, Tall-e Jari B, Kushk-e-Hazar, Tall-e Bashi, and Rahmat Abad. As these types of potteries were first discovered from the Tall-e Mushki, they are known as Mushki phase potteries. The heated structure discovered in the Hormangan site is a unique structure related to producing pottery during the Mushki phase, which was probably an open fire kiln. Since there are no similar structures have been found in the Neolithic sites in the Fars region, this study aims to understand pottery manufacturing technology with multi-analytical approaches. Moreover, considering the two phases of the Hormangan site occupied by different settlers for almost 300 years, it is attempted to differentiate potteries of these two phases from a technological point of view.

Geological Setting
A portion of the Bavanat plain lies in the Sanandaj-Sirejan zone, as well as the Shahreza-Abade- Hambast orogenic belt, characterised by high-quality clay deposits and Devonian sandstones (Houshmandzadeh and Soheili, 1990). Several types of rocks can be found in the Bavanat region (Emami and Yaghmai, 2008), spanning three tectonic-stratigraphic units: Late Permian and Middle Triassic rocks, Late Triassic and Cretaceous rocks, and Tertiary rocks (Ghazi and Moazzen, 2015; Ghorbani, 2011). From the mineralogical point of view, this area includes kaolinite, illite, quartz, and chlorite, and secondary minerals are goethite, paragonite, and gypsum. Also, sandstones and shales have been eroded in most cases, creating debris slides. There is a large hydrographic network density in Tutat Mountain (formed by internal and metamorphic formation). However, there is a lower density of hydrographic network in the Kitaban, Khaleisht, and Khatban Mountains. The clays in this region are therefore expected to contain high levels of lime and quartz minerals, but it is also likely to contain metamorphic minerals (Khademi and Hashemi Nasab, 2011).

Materials and Methods
Hormangan ceramics were primarily divided into six groups based on surface treatment, colour, and decoration style. In further classification, the Hormangan potteries were categorised based on their form, size, place of motifs and ceramic fashioning techniques. After initial macroscopic studies of these ceramic vessels, 36 pottery sherds were selected for thin-section petrographic analysis. For choosing these samples, not only the former classifications were considered, but also it was attempted to select potteries from different phases and various contexts and trenches. The earlier phase includes 14 samples, the later phase 12 samples, and the heated structure 10 samples were selected for this analysis. 
For getting inside into the primary and secondary mineralisation phases, determining firing conditions and maximum temperature, and environmental burial conditions, 18 samples (from those 36 samples) have been selected for the X-Ray Diffraction analysis (XRD) in order to determine the crystalline phase constituents. This methods is necessary as a complementary method to petrography. Moreover, X-Ray Fluorescence analysis as a semi-quantitative analysis has been applied to these 18 samples to detect the chemical characterisation of their main and trace elements and to identify whether the earlier and later phases’ samples become clustered into two different groups or not. 

Discussion
The thin-section microscopic analysis indicated a very porous matrix with angular and semi-angular inclusions, which are mainly quartz, and with traces of vegetal tempers. Moreover, the vessels were fired under the oxidation condition. The inclusions were distributed randomly in the matrix, which suggested that they were not homogeneous and consisted of quartz, limestone, calcite, plagioclase (albite and sanidine), and igneous rock fragments, including muscovite, iron oxide, granite, magnetite, hematite, apatite, and feldspars. In most sherds, secondary calcite was formed, resulting in burial in a humid condition. The XRD analysis enabled us to observe some high-temperature minerals, such as gehlenite and diopside, in some samples. These minerals are usually presented in ceramics when fired at more than 800 degrees. On the other hand, the presence of the main elements MgO+CaO, Al2O3, and SiO2, detected by the XRF analysis and diagramed by the Noll system, indicated a very similar final product in terms of raw materials and inclusions. In addition, Cl, MnO, and SrO have been identified in these samples as trace elements, indicating the environmental conditions of the vessels after abandonment. 

Conclusion
In light of the microscopical observations and the phase and chemical analyses, it was determined that the Hormangan potteries could be divided into three main groups. The potteries of the earlier and later phases could not be distinguished from one another. These three groups are comparable to the region’s geological map, meaning all potteries are locally made. Except for four samples that were fired above 800 degrees, the others were fired at temperatures around 750 degrees. Samples from the earlier and later phases were distributed randomly among these clusters, comprising the Calcareous, Iron-rich, and Calcium-rich matrixes. The clay minerals were all extracted in the vicinity of the site, despite the fact that there were three different types of clay materials. Therefore, the potter(s) at the Hormangan site have chosen diverse clay sources but employed different techniques each time to produce similar results. It has also been noted that samples obtained from the heated structure have very similar characteristics to the ceramics produced in the later phase. According to the absolute dating results, the heated structure and the later phase are contemporaneous. However, in terms of potters’ technological behaviours, this could point to some standardization of ceramic production during this time.
Another question we have attempted to answer is whether the potter(s) added any aplastic materials, such as quartz, to their clay in order to increase its workability. Based upon an ethnoarchaeological study of the current pottery production in ShahReza (Pincé et al., 2019), approximately 230 kilometers away from the Hormangan site, it has been found that additional tempering does not need to be applied to the clay for the production of ceramics, owing to the rich clay sources in the ShahReza-Abade-Hambast orogenic belt (located in the Sanandaj-Sirjan zone). There is a possibility that the richness of clay sources in this region allowed potters to avoid tempering their raw materials during different periods, which will be investigated in more detail in future studies.   

Acknowledgements
Dr Morteza Khanipour has generously allowed access to the Hormangan site’s ceramics for this study, and the authors are very grateful for his generosity.

Abstract
A study on religious buildings related to fire such as fire temples and Chahar Taqis in the Sassanid era shows that different factors have been considered in constructing these monuments as an important place for religious and ritualistic ceremonies. One of these factors is deviation from north. In Avesta and other Pahlavi texts such as Vendidad, Khorde Avesta, Gozidaha-ye Zadesparm, Bundahish, Arda Viraf Nameh, Shayest Nashayest, and etc. north direction is the gateway to hell and a direction for Ahriman and the demons. According to this, and considering Avesta’s lack of clarity on temples and fire temples, the purpose of this study is to clarify how strongly religious, rituals and mythical matters have been considered in constructing fire temples. Aiming at answering the question: “Whether deviation from north and building worship places related to fire in ordinal directions, as well as placing interior elements of these worship places during the ceremonies not to face north are related to religious rituals or not?”, it has been tried to clarify the reasons of deviation from the north with a historical-analytical approach and based on archaeological evidence, compliance with Pahlavi texts and today’s Zoroastrian customs. Results of studying religious monuments in the Sassanid era show that, due to the belief of north being a direction for Ahriman and the demons in Zoroastrian rituals and Iranian myths, Mobads’ place during Zoroastrian ceremonies was of utmost importance. It had to avoid north. Also, the majority of the fire temples and palaces have been built in ordinal directions, or the main entrance to the building was built in any other direction except the north. Therefore, it can be assumed that some religious and ritualistic reasons are the reasons why the Sassanians paid extra attention to deviating from the north in building their religious monuments. 
Keywords: Fire Temple, North Direction, Apakhtar, Chahar Taqi, Sassanid Era. 

Introduction
The archaeological evidence indicates that many factors, including the construction of ordinal directions, were taken into account when constructing the fire-related monuments in the Sassanid era. Now, the main question is why should a fire temple or Chahar Taqi be built on ordinal directions? And basically, why it has been taken into account in all fire temples? To find the answer to this question, the religious and ritual texts of the Sassanid era and some of the Zoroastrian written sources can be helpful; thus, relying merely on archaeological evidence cannot answer all questions about religious monuments of the Sassanid era. Thus, achieving a comprehensive perspective in this regard necessitates finding a logical relationship between the archaeological evidence and the Zoroastrian written texts. The religious texts have pointed to the fact that the position of Ahriman and winter is the north direction or Apakhtar. Since Iranians assumed the north direction as the position of winter and had no enemy bigger than winter or north and also considered the coldness as the worst disaster, they likely tended to construct their major buildings in a direction that deviated from the north because this is an important point that had been taken into consideration in religious and ritual ceremonies in Zoroastrianism. By reviewing all of the groupings and classifications presented by researchers on the location and placement of the fire-related monuments across Iran, we can figure out that most of these monuments, either having a circumambulation or without it, either being isolated or being located at the villages or city centers, and either belonging to the early, mid, or late Sassanid era, have been built on ordinal directions, and the deviation-from-north pattern is observable in most of them. In the present work, the Authors attempt to investigate the reasons for the placement of the fire temples and Chahar Taqis on ordinal directions by using a descriptive-analytical method. For this purpose, initially, the religious texts such as Avesta, Vendidad, and other Zoroastrian texts are investigated through the documentary method. Then, relying on the archaeological evidence, the instances of deviation from the north in the fire temples are identified and introduced. On this basis, the fire temples and Chahar Taqis of the Sassanid era across Iran are investigated. Yet, the main analysis in this work is based on some newly found fire temples in the west of Iran, which have provided considerable evidence in this regard. 

Discussion 
Consider the Adur Gushnasp fire temple in Takht-e Suleiman as the criterion for the identification of the Sassanid fire temples architecture style, said that the influence of this type of building plan (especially deviation from the north) can be observed in other fire temples of this era. According to the explorations of the Sassanid fire temples in the west of Iran, most of them have some features in common, one of which is the deviation from north and construction on ordinal directions. For instance, among the three Shiyan, Mil-e Milegeh, and Palang Gerd fire temples, there are similarities in terms of the plan, material, firebases, T-shape platform, and deviation from the north. In Mil-e Milegeh and Palang Gerd, the T-shape platforms are placed between the northern piers while in the Shiyan fire temple; the T-shape platform is placed at the western gate. Despite various theories regarding the function of these platforms, the T-shape platforms have been placed in such a manner as to avoid facing the north while performing or watching the ceremonies. Considering the religious, political, and social changes occurring during the 3 several hundred years of the Sassanid dynasty, it is inferable that the plans of the religious buildings of the early, mid, and late Sassanid era exhibit some changes. However, the construction of religious buildings in ordinal directions is a factor that has been taken into consideration during the whole Sassanid dynasty without being changed. Based on the archaeological evidence we can observe the deviation from the north in the placement of the building of the temples, direction of the building’s entrance, and finally, the placement of the platforms in the interior space of the temples. Some of the reasons for considering the deviation from the north include the consideration of the ritual and mythical issues, the lethality of coldness in Iranian’s culture, confliction between the position of the Iranian and Indian Yazatas and demons, and a significant relationship between the direction and intensity of sunlight and its impact on the formation of spatial patterns of the constructions. 

Conclusion 
Although there is not sufficient information available regarding how the location for fire temples was selected, an investigation and comparison of the Avesta and Zoroastrian written sources with archaeological evidence indicates that some ritual aspects such as considering a deviation from the north have been probably an essential factor when constructing these monuments. The most obvious evidence for the consideration of the deviation from the north can be seen in Adur Gushnasp fire temple, the plan of which has been repeated in most of the fire temples of the Sassanid era, especially in fire temples of the west of Iran such as Shiyan, Mil-e Milegeh, and Palang Gerd. Since the direction to which the Mobads, individuals, and fire were facing has been very important in ritual ceremonies and other purification-related ceremonies, the construction of these monuments in a direction that deviated from the north might be attributed to the religious and mythical instructions. The comparison of the archaeological evidence with written Pahlavi sources and current Zoroastrian ceremonies indicates that the deviation from the north had been taken into consideration while selecting the temple locations, determining the building entrance directions, and the platform placement in the interior spaces of these locations.