Abstract
Coins are one of the most important findings in archaeological excavations, which are the best examples of historiography after geographical and historical sources and texts. By and analyzing the information contained in them, information about each region in various fields such as history, culture, economy, politics, religions and social conditions can be completed and more accurate judgments about the identity of that community can be obtained. In the archeological excavation of 2009, in the historical site of Zolpabad, Farahan, Markazi province, twenty complete coins and five cut scissors were found, which we will study in this research. The purpose of this study is to read the calligraphy,mint place, motifs and visual elements used in their decorations in order to achieve a connection with religion, language, calligraphy and their use in commercial and cultural exchanges. The present study is a historical research based on nature and method, descriptive-analytical research based on archaeological field and a library studies. The most important of questions in this research are: the coins discovered from the archeological excavations of Zulfabad What are period and which of the rulers? What are the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of these coins and what are the visual elements governing the decorative motifs struck on them? And what does indicate the presence of these coins in this site  ? The results of this research show that the coins discoverd from Zolfaabad are belong to three early rulers of the Ilkhanid period, namely HulaGu, Abaqa Khan and Ahmed Tekuder. These coins have inscriptions in Uyghur and Kufic script, Religious inscriptions in geometric decorative frames consisting of circles and squares, floral motifs and squares are the most visual representations used in these coins. 
Keywords: Coin, Ilkhanid, Zolfaabad, Farahan.

Introduction
Coins are a written, valid document and an important source of information for examining any government’s culture, history, language evolution, beliefs, and economy. As the most enduring historical document, the coin is a manifestation of the various dimensions and aspects of a society’s life that reflect the industry, type of clothing, religious rites, and so on. Despite its economic function and facilitating the trade exchanges of societies, the coin has acted as a symbol and image of society and a transmitter of religious messages and concepts between societies (Thawaqeb et al., 2016: 67).
In terms of a variety of themes and motifs, the coins in this period of time have a lot of information that is very significant for researchers. The Mongols used the script and language of the conquered lands and the Uighur script in their coins. However, until the middle of the Ilkhanate government, the scripts of coins were to some extent influenced by the Mongolian culture, so the kings of this period wrote their names in the Uyghur language and script (Jafari Dehghi, 2013: 23).
Research Questions and Hypotheses: The most important questions of this research are: 1- Coins discovered from Zolfabad archeological excavations belong to which period and which Ilkhani governors? 2- What are the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of these coins, and what are the visual elements governing the decorative motifs mint on them? 3- What is the role of discovering these coins in the studies of this area? The proposed hypotheses in answer to these questions are: The results of the study, research, and reading of the discovered coins show that these coins belonged to the governors of the early patriarchal period, that means, from the time of Hulagu to Ahmad Takudar, and they have inscriptions in Kufic and Uighur scripts and geometric patterns. 
Research Method: Therefore, the present study has been done by descriptive-analytical method and relying on field research and library studies.

Research Objectives
The main purpose of writing this article is to know the coins better and more accurately, read the scripts, decorations, place of beatening and accurate dating of the area through these coins.

Investigation and Analysis of Zolfabad Farahan Ilkhani Coins
Zolfaabad historical site is located in the south of Tafresh city, 3 km northeast of Farmahin city.

Coins of Holakokhan (663-654 AH)
The coins discovered from Holako in Zolfabad (Table 1) have the same design and writing. On the coin in decorative Kufic script inside the pearl circular frame is written “The Great Law of Hulagu Ilkhanum al-Mu’azzam”, and in the margin, based on similar samoles, it is written “Haza al-Darham” and contains the name of the mint and the year multiplied by the Kufic script inside the circular box. The text “La ilaha illa Allah wahada lashrikullah Muhammad Rasoolullah” is written on the back of the coin and inside the circular box. On one of the coins, the word “Allah” is added at the beginning of the inscription.

Coins of Abaghakhan (680-663 AH)
Four types of coins were obtained from Abaqan: The first type of coins are the coins on which the titles and names of the governor that is “Khaqanunarbar Abaqa Deld Kogoluxin” meaning “the coin was minted by Abaqa on behalf of the great house”, is written in the Uyghur script and inside a pearl-shaped circular box. On the back and inside the square box, the phrase “La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah” is written in Kufic script. And outside the box at the top, mint coin location is written and, on the left, the year and the units digit of the year are given, on the lower part the tens digit and on the right side the hundreds digit of the year is written in Arabic.
The second type are coins on which, in a hexagonal frame with the Gereh design, the words “Qaan al-Adil” are written and the back of the coin is the same as coins type 1.
The third type is such that the phrase “Qaan al-Azam Abaqa Ilkhan al-Mu’azzam” is written on the coin and in the center of it inside a circular pearl frame. And in the margin on the coin, based on similar examples, the phrase “Hazal Derham”, the name of the mint and the year multiplied by the Kufic script are written inside the circular box. On the back of the coin in the center, inside the circle, the phrase “Lel Molk, La ilaha illa Allah Muhammad Rasoolullah Sallal lah Alayhe vas alam “ is written and in the margin inside the circular pearl frame a part of verse 26 of Surah Al-Imran is written. 
In the fourth type of coins, based on coin 73-A in the book of Ilkhans, on the coin and inside the circular box of pearls, the phrase “Qaan al-Azam Abaqa Ilkhan al-Mu’azzam, rival of Umm Khaldullah Malik Homa” is written. ]n the margin of the coin, the phrase Bismillaha and also, the type of coin, year and the place of minting is mentioned. On the back of the coin, inside the circular box, the phrase “La ilaha illa Allah ova Wahda Laashrikullahu Salah Allahu alayhi wa sallam.”  Is written, and the verse 33 of Surah Tawbah was in the margin. 

Coins of Sultan Ahmad Takudar (683-680 AH)
Only one coin was obtained from Ahmad Takudar in Zolfabad. The titles and name of Ahmad Takudar “Khaqano Narbar Ahmadun Deldekgoluxin” are written in the Uyghur script on the coin. and on the back of the coin, it is like the first type of Abaqa coins, and the date of minting, 681 AH, is engraved on the margin.

Scrap Coins
Five scrap coins were found from the coins discovered in Zolfabad area, of which one belonged to Hulakukhan and the other four pieces could not be read, and they were traded simply by weighing. Scrap coins were used in the past for two reasons: One is the transaction with weight, which is a certain amount to get the exact weight and a coin must be added to it to get the exact weight, and the second is the daily transaction for goods that are worth less than one dinar or dirham (Quchani, 2004: 89).

Conclusion
By conducting archaeological research in Zolfabad, valuable historical and cultural documents, including coins, architecture, and pottery, were obtained, which marked a part of the history of this region in the Ilkhani period. Like most coins of the Ilkhani period, these coins were dirham and made of silver; they were also the type of coins of the first and second periods of the Ilkhani period. In the first period, coins under the influence of pre-patriarchal coins and under the influence of rich Islamic culture used Islamic expressions to mint their coins in Kufic script. In the second period, the effects of Mongolian culture on coins increased. During this period, in addition to using Islamic expressions in Kufic script on the back of the coin, they wrote their titles and names in the official Mongolian language, the Uyghur language, on the coin. Coins show that Zulfabad existed from the beginning of the Ilkhani period and expanded and flourished during this period. The study of discovered coins shows that Zulfabad has been prosperous since the time of the first Ilkhani governor, Holaku, in the early second half of the seventh century AH. Most of the studied coins belong to the reign of Abaqa Khan (663-680 AH), the son of Holako, who are often minted in Tabriz. In addition to the coins, historical texts have also confirmed the presence of Abaqa in the Farahan region. Therefore, Zulfabad was more important in the Abaqa period and later lost its importance. Only one coin was obtained from Ahmad Takudar, and no coins were obtained from the governors after Takudar. Discovered coins show important documents related to the prosperity and historical, cultural, economic geography of Zolfaabad. Coins related to Abaghakhan by multiplying the commercial and political importance of Zolfaabad. In the coins related to Abagakhan, by minting in different regions, the importance and commercial and political prestige of Zolfabad in the era of Ilkhans and especially during the government of this governor is shown. According to the studies carried out from this period, the coin of Zulfabadabad has not been mentioned in numismatic sources and books. For this reason, it can be considered that during this period, especially after the Abaqa Khan period, Zolfabad was less important than other cities of this period in which coins were minted and they are mentioned a lot in historical texts, and it has not been as big as big cities.

Abstract
The more specialized and technical studies of historical paintings are the greater will be the history of Iranian art and, in fact, Iranian art and the identity of Iranian culture. Therefore, each of the historical cases will be valuable and influential. The purpose of this article is studying the nature of a destroyed paining on canvas and its overall shape, subject and identity which found in the storeroom of Mary Church of Isfahan. Accordingly, this article tries to answer the question of what is the nature of the painting discovered from the Mary Church of Isfahan? In order to achieve this goal, the library and field studies as well as laboratory studies including microscopic imaging and elemental analysis (SEM-EDS) was used for data collecting. In the following, it is attempted to prove the identity of the painting as Canvas-Marouflaged mural by comparative study of it with similar murals of the three churches of Vank, Maryam and Bethlehem. One of the main results of the research is the recognition of the painting from a technical and thematic point of view as well as its identification as a Canvas-Marouflaged mural and its presentation place at the time of the creation of the painting in front of the altar of Mary Church Isfahan.
Keywords: Canvas-Marouflaged Mural, Isfahan Mary Church, Painting, Angel of Seraphim.

Introduction
Murals as visual art works are among the most significant architectural decorations that have undergone many changes over time. The factor that distinguishes these works from other paintings is their dependence to the architectural space, which is known as the determining factor of their identity and authenticity (ICOMOS, 1964). In fact, a mural is designed and executed to complement the architectural space. It is completely coordinated with that space, so separating it from the architecture and displaying it in another place can changes or loses the values of mural and endanger its identity. Therefore, the detailed study of paintings in order to know their identity and nature is necessary.  Accordingly, the following points can be mentioned that clarify the necessity of this study: a) unknown specific characteristics for studied painting (marouflage), b) the lack of definite and specific criteria for displaying this painting, c) recognizing and differentiate the studied painting from the marouflage. Based on this, in this article, detailed studies have been carried out on an Iranian special painting, which at first glance seems to be the easel painting on canvas, which detailed investigations and studies present a hypothesis that it was a marouflage. The term marouflage refers to those paintings that are painted on a canvas and pasted on the wall in such a way that it is considered a part of the architecture. The marouflage separation from the original location distort its integrity and authenticity (Hamzavi et al., 2015: 131). This article aimed to find the nature of a historical painting discovered from Maryam Church in Isfahan, relying on technical studies and conservation issues, and tries to answer the main question of the research: What is the nature of discovered painting from Maryam Church in Isfahan?

Materials and Methods
The article is a qualitative and quantitative research based on the content of the research question and the achievement of the research aim. According to the type and necessity of the research, two theoretical and technical approaches can be introduced. In this research, primary data and information have been collected using the documentary and field methods as well as laboratory studies. Then the data has been analyzed according to the subject of the painting and its technical information to clarify how to perform the painting and display it (Figure 1). 
     The images, other than the ones mentioned in the reference, were took using a Canon EOS 700D / KissX7i DSLR camera with a Kit 18-135 lens. The metallography microscope model IMM 420 manufactured by Isfahan Optical Industries Company and fiberoptic device brand LECA CLS 100X connected to DSLR camera Canon EOS 700D / KissX7i used for imaging from the painting layers. Field emission electron microscope (FE-SEM) model MIRA3 manufactured by TESCAN company equipped with X-ray diffraction spectrometer (EDX) with resolution of 1.5 nm at 15 KV voltage and 4.5 nm at 1 KV voltage was used to determine the percentage of constituent elements and microscopic imaging with high magnification.

Data
After attaching the pieces of painting on canvas, the subject of the painting was revealed, which is a painting with the theme of a six-winged angel named Serafin (or Seraphim) (Hospian, 2014). Based on the visual and artistic characteristics of the painting and according to the date of construction of the Church of Maryam, its approximate date is attributed to the 18th century. The studied painting is in the form of Pābārik under the dome. Pābārik is one of the components of Kārbandi and is in the form of a kite. The painting is done on a cotton fabric support, which consists of sewing two pieces of fabric together (Figure 15). Being two pieces due to the small width of the fabric can be interpreted in the direction of the traditional weave of the fabric and attribute the time of the work to at least before the invention of weaving machines in the 19th century. Also, the texture of the fabric shows the non-uniformity of the thickness of the threads that make up the fabric, which can be a sign of manual and traditional spinning. There is the trace of frame in the edge of the painting (Figure 13) and in this part, there was a nail trace along with rust (Figure 14). Microscopic examinations of the cross-section of the painting in the gilded part show the existence of six layers and in the blue part of the painting background five layers (Figure 16). No trace of crushed gold particles (pigment) which is used in the production of gold color was seen, and a continuous and uniform sheet is visible in the scanning electron microscope image.

Discussion
Based on the shape, dimensions of the work, this hypothesis was created that the painting was probably custom made and adapted to one of the parts of the church building. According to the traces of nails left on the edge of the canvas, it installed on the wall after the execution. The subject of the painting is also related to the subjects of religion of Christians and is consistent with their beliefs. Visual observations of the interior of Maryam Church, Vank Church and Bethlehem Church in Isfahan show that the studied painting is compatible with other wall paintings in Armenian churches in terms of design, shape and subject. In such a way that the similar works are also in a Pābārik frame and they are executed as murals along with the image of the Seraphine angel with gilded wings under the dome. X-ray Electron Diffraction Spectroscopy (EDS) elemental analysis on the brown colored spots around the place of the nails in the edge of the support canvas (Figure 19, Table 1) shows the amounts of calcium oxide and sulfur oxide, which reinforces the possibility of the presence of calcium sulfate (gypsum). It strengthens the hypothesis of connecting the painting to a plaster wall.
The field survey of Maryam Church showed that the entire interior is covered with murals with various religious themes, except for the space in front of the altar, which it is contradictory by Christians believed in relation to the necessity of painting in all levels of churches. The existence of such a space inside the church creates the assumption that probably there were four murals in the Pābāriks in these parts as well. The size of the diameters of these Pābāriks is a little bigger than the studied painting. Comparing the Pābāriks of the three studied churches, it was determined that a decorative border was implemented around the angel.

Conclusion
According to the research on the nature of the painting, it can be concluded from the investigations that the studied painting is a marouflage that is pasted on the surface of the wall, and the place of its display was probably a Pabarik in the architectural space of the altar of Maryam Church in Isfahan.

Acknowledgments
The authors thank Tabriz Islamic Art University for providing the technical study of the painting.

Abstract
While the Qajar era was in a recent past, little independent research has been done concerning the architecture and urban engineering of the first half of this era (1795 – 1847). The main reason behind such negligence might be that this period of Iranian architecture occurs between the golden age of architecture in Safavid Iran and the modern period in which Western architectural models infiltrated Iranian architecture and urban construction. In the present research, the aim is to identify the process of constructing architectural works and urban renovation in the first half of the Qajar period by drawing on historical evidence, written sources, and on top of that, archeological evidence. To do so, it is necessary to identify the factors that contributed to strategic policies of Qajar rulers vis-à-vis urban developments and renovations. Given that details of many civil constructions of the Qajar period are not available, this paper rests upon the assumption that archeological studies might be effectively drawn on to know the national strategy of these rulers in the development of cities. The research finds that factors, such as giving legitimacy to the Qajar government, attracting and seeking support of clergy and religious scholars, as well as attempts to achieve economic and civil development of the country for purposes of promoting the political power, played major parts in civil constructions by the Qajar dynasty. Other factors include military and defense policies, the question of succession and rivalries among senior Qajar princes, archaism of Qajar rulers, and their religious beliefs.
Keywords: Iran, Qajar Period, Srchitecture, Urban Construction, Civil Strategies.

Introduction
Urban construction and architecture of the first period of the Qajar era (1795 – 1847) is less studied as compared to other post-Islamic periods of Iranian architecture. Indeed, many researchers have rested content with Safavid and Zand periods. On the other hand, since the second period of the Qajar era marked watershed events such as advent of modernism in Iranian architecture, particularly during the reign of Naser al-Din Shah, a great number of studies have been devoted to developments of Iranian architecture in this period. This has resulted in a disproportion in studies of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction. Another significant point in a study of Qajar-era architecture and urban construction is its dependent, imitative character, as stressed by the majority of researchers. In their view, Safavid-era School of Isfahan left such a great impact on Iranian architecture and urban construction that no new element was contributed to that style, and the main tenets of the School of Isfahan were preserved throughout the Qajar period. This assessment is, however, based on the fact that there is no complete inventory of religious, governmental, and non-governmental buildings of the Qajar period and their architectural features, and indeed, all architectural works of the period have not yet been independently studied. As a matter of fact, one might say that the glory of Safavid architecture overshadowed the Qajar architecture in ways that many features of the latter have been overlooked. Regardless of the extent to which Qajar-era art and architecture was affected by Safavid art and architecture, because of the short temporal distance between the two periods, there is an assumption of full-fledged awareness of art and architecture in this period. In other words, since the Qajar period is close to our period, features and characteristics of its art, architecture, and urban construction tend to be overlooked in ways that other historical periods of Iranian architecture do not.
The research, the results of which are reported here, sought to fill the above gap through a study of elements of civil constructions of Qajar rulers in the first half of their reign (1795 – 1847) by drawing on a historical-analytic method. To do so, a picture of characteristics and quantities of civil constructions in this period is provided with a focus on archeological data and Qajar-era historical texts. Finally, all collected data are used in the analysis and assessment of the research hypothesis. The main question of this research pertains to the quantity and quality as well as the domain of civil enterprises of the first half of the Qajar period: Overall, could we talk about a coherent governmental strategy or project in executing civil policies of the period? It is assumed that, with the aid of archeological studies and architectural evidence, the national strategy of the rulers of this period concerning the development of cities and their civil constructions can effectively be studied and its characteristics can be accounted for. Moreover, while it goes beyond the scope of this paper to give an inventory of all architectural works and enterprises associated with the development of Iranian cities in the period, we have tried to consider the activities of rulers in the first half of the Qajar period in Dār al-Khilāfa (Caliphal Center) of Tehran and other major centers of Iranian provinces of the time. In this way, an outline of the comprehensive governmental plan can be provided and its features can be delineated. That is, we focus on enterprises that seem to have been carried out in harmonious, inclusive, and comprehensive ways as an all-embracing governmental plan in the majority of cities and centers of provinces.

Conclusion
In reply to the main question of this research concerning the factors relevant to the national strategy of Qajar rulers in urban renovations and developments of civil constructions from 1795 to 1847, three such factors might be highlighted: attempts to give legitimacy to and establish the Qajar government, winning the support of the clergy and religious scholars, and economic and civil development of the country in line with the promotion of the political power. Furthermore, during the reign of Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar, and given the political circumstances and military struggles of his period, as well as the need for the establishment of the sovereignty of the Qajar government, buildings began to be built with defense and military functions, including Agha Mohammad Khani Castle in Bagh-e Takht in Shiraz (Eslami 1350, 68) and construction of fortifications in Sari (Malkonov 1363, 151). In addition, upon his enthronement, Agha Mohammad Khan commanded the restoration of paintings in Chehel Sotoun pavilion, including the paintings of the Battle of Chaldiran and the Battle of Karnal, which suggests his special concern for the establishment of national sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Iran. A consideration of sources and architectural works constructed in the first half of the Qajar period reveals that the majority of civil constructions was done in big cities such as Tehran, Isfahan, Qom, Tabriz, Qazvin, Shiraz, and Kashan, as well as smaller capital cities of provinces, such as Kerman, Sanandaj, and Yazd. Nevertheless, because of unfortunate economic circumstances, lack of liquidities, and huge expenses of constant battles with the neighboring countries, most of buildings in smaller cities were built by people, businessmen, and clergies, without much interventions by the government in their development and civil construction. Notwithstanding this, there seems to have been a vast governmental enterprise, like that of the Safavid era, in the first half of the Qajar period, although the general construction of Iranian cities did not undergo a dramatic change in that period, and just like its preceding period, cities were developed around mosques and bazaars. Although the project fell short of the Safavid project in its principles of architecture and artistic character, it still resembled the Safavid enterprise in its vastness and distribution. Moreover, it had its own artistic qualities and peculiarities, which make for its distinction from other periods. In fact, the buildings of this period have a particularly Qajar mark on them. On this account, while Qajar-era architecture and urban construction should be deemed continuous with Safavid architectural developments and urban construction, and in general, with the Safavid-era Isfahan School, it does involve modifications and novelties in virtue of which it might be distinguished from Safavid architecture. In view of the relative political stability of Iran in this period, after decades of wars and conflicts, many architectural works and public buildings were repaired and restored. It would not be an overstatement if we called this a period of building restorations. Aside from numerous cases of restoration of religious buildings, many public buildings such as caravanserais, bathhouses, cisterns (ab anbars), and bazaars were restored and renovated in this period. Constructions of all sorts of mosques and schools in this period, which came to be called “Sultani” (monarchial or affiliated with the sultanate) schools or mosques, are somewhat reminiscent of civil constructions of the Seljuk period, in which Khwāja Niẓām al-Mulk built Niẓāmiyya schools, only that instead of reinforcing the Shāfiʿī branch of Sunni Islam, this time the Uṣūlī branch of Shiite jurisprudence was intended to be reinforced through these mosques and schools. Uṣūlī (as opposed to Akhbārī) scholars were honored and treasured by Qajar rulers. A case in point is the construction of mausoleums for this group of Shiite scholars. The close tie between the monarchial court and religious groups was more evident in religiously sanctified cities such as Qom and Shiraz, where elaborate civil constructions were carried out for purposes of attracting the support of religious scholars. As a result of trying to imitate the structure of the Caliphal Center (i.e. Tehran) and the attempts by those affiliated with the Qajar court in smaller provincial capitals, a general pattern of some sort was visible throughout the country. All this made for a pattern that can be characterized as an architectural and urban-planning school of the first half of the Qajar period.

Acknowledgment
The authors feel obliged to express their gratitude to the anonymous reviewers of the journal who graciously accepted the task and enriched the content of the article with their constructive suggestions.

Observation Contribution
The authors declare that, considering the article is extracted from a doctoral dissertation, the manuscript was written by the first author under the guidance and supervision of the second author and the consultation of the third author.

Conflict of Interest
The authors, while adhering to publication ethics, declare the absence of any conflicts of interest.

Abstract
One of the burial methods in the Zoroastrian religion is the Xwaršēd Nigerišnand the placement of the corpse in the towers of silence. With reference to the classical sources and archeological findings, this burial tradition has been reported in the Zoroastrian religion from the beginning of the historical period until today. So far, few studies have been carried out on the tower of silence of Ray. These studies often focus on description of the site and its architectural features. It is not possible to acquire a comprehensive understanding of the evolution of this architectural structure and the construction history of the site by solely relying on these studies. This research tries to evaluate the evolution of the architecture of the tower of silence of Ray from the early to the late Islamic centuries. In addition, it seeks to obtain evidence regarding the relative construction dating of the site. As a result, this research tries to answer two questions: 1) how was the original architectural structure of the tower of silence of Ray and what architectural developments have taken place in it? 2) With reference to the literary sources and comparative studies, when was the tower of silence of Ray constructed? In order to find answers to the aforementioned questions, a descriptive-analytical method has been used. The library method, alongside with field and comparative studies were the most important information gathering means for this investigation. The results of this study indicates that the tower of silence of Ray belongs to the Early Islamic period and continued to be used up to the Late Islamic era. Furthermore, the comparative study of the architectural structure of the site, while confirming the proposed dating, places the tower of silence of Ray alongside with the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman in a particular generation of towers of silence. A generation that continued the tradition of the Pre-Islamic era towers of silence and represented the towers of silence of the early Islamic centuries.
Keywords: Tower of Silence, Ray, Early Islamic Centuries, Late Islamic Centuries, Architectural Structure.

Introduction
One of the oldest burial traditions in the ancient world is the XwaršēdNigerišn or the exposure of a corpse to open air. This burial tradition has been reported from the Epipaleolithic (McAuley, 2013: 8) and Neolithic periods (Hole & Flannery, 1963: 245-246; Lambert, 1980: 6) to the present day (Geiger, 1885: 88). There is still no accurate information regarding the entry of this burial tradition into Zoroastrianism and the quality of its spread in ancient Iran. Literary sources and archaeological data provide scattered information about this burial tradition in the Achaemenid (550-330 B.C.), Parthian (247-224 A.D.) and Sasanian (224-651 A.D.) periods. Herodotus mentions the prevalence of XwaršēdNigerišn among the Magians (Herodotus, Histories: I: 140; Godley, 1920: 179) and Strabo considers it a common tradition in the eastern regions of Iran during the Parthian period (Strabo, Geography: XXI. 3. 15; Sanatizadeh, 2003: 327).Although the XwaršēdNigerišn was mostly carried out in the mountains, without involving or creating architectural constructions, in some cases this tradition was performed in circular and enclosed spaces known as the towers of silence. The tower of silence of Chil’pyk in Khwarezm dates back to the 2nd - 4th centuries A.D. (Abdullaev, 2014: 309) and while confirming Strabo’s claim, represents the oldest instance of a Zoroastrian tower of silence in the eastern domains of the Parthian Empire. At the same time, the performance of XwaršēdNigerišn in the theater of Ai Khanom, after the departure of the Greeks, is another evidence of Dakhma burial in the Eastern Parthian lands (Frye, 1984: 190). So far, only the roofed tower of silence of Bandian has been reported from the Sasanian period (Rahbar, 2007: 455-473).This burial tradition later emerged in the Islamic period and became the most common burial method among Zoroastrian minorities.
An instance of Zoroastrian tower of silence burials can be seen at the slopes of Mount Tabarak in the city of Ray. On the one hand, this tower of silence follows the tradition of the tower of silence of Chil’pyk(Abdullaev, 2014: 309), and on the other, it is a reminiscent of the Dakhma of Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman(Huff, 2004:620-623). The lack of entrance space and the use of grave-like pāvis for the Xwaršēd Nigerišnare the architectural features of this burial structure that cannot be perceived in similar cases. The reports of the European travelers of the Qajar period (D’Allemagne, 1956: 803; Dieulafoy, 1992: 146-148; Orsolle, 2003: 303;Feuvrier, 2006: 190; Williams Jackson, 2008: 495), along with the monograph of Wolfram Kleiss (Kleiss, 1987: 369-382), and the brief description of GhadirAfround and KhosroPourbakhshandeh who surveyed the city of Ray (Afround&Pourbakhshandeh, 2002: 62), constitute the bulk of available information regarding the tower of silence in Ray. In this research, in the first place, an attempt has been made to identify the architectural structure of the tower of silence in Ray. In the next step, the architectural developments of the tower of silence will be evaluated, and finally, some hypothetical assumptions regarding the construction date of the site will be presented. In order to achieve the aforementioned goals, the study of literary sources and a comparative study of the tower of silence of Ray with similar structures is the approach of the present research.

Description of the site
The tower of silence of Ray is an isolated structure and does not have any extensions. It is situated on the northern slope of Bibi Shahrbanu Mountain, overlooking the seventh unit of Tehran Cement Factory in Ray County, at 39.217 ′51 ′ longitude and 15.388 ′36 ′ latitude and an elevation of 1203 meters above sea level. This burial structure is built with stone rubble and plaster mortar and has a diameter of 1780 cm, a height of 450 cm, and an average thickness of 100 cm (Figs. 1-2).

Evaluation
The evolution of the architectural structure and the dating of the site are the two research problems of the tower of silence in Ray.Abu Dulaf al-Khazraji’s reference and Nizam al-Mulk’s explanation are indicative of a Zoroastrian burial structure at the slopes of Tabarak Mountain in Ray. Probably, its positioning on the other side of Mount Tabarak and behind the city of Ray was due to the burial nature of the site and the performance of Xwaršēd Nigerišn in the open air. In addition, it can be assumed that the presence of Bibi Shahrbanu Shrine near Mount Tabarak was influential in the construction of the tower of silence on northern slope of the mountain. At any rate, although the word “sotōdān” had evolved from “astōdān” (i.e. bone-container), Nizam al-Mulk’s explanation is reminiscent of an architectural structure. The “sotōdān” of the Siyāsatnāmeh (i.e. Book of Politics) is mentioned in the same section where the tower of silence in Ray is located. At least until the Qajar era, this “sotōdān” was without an entrance door, and one had to use a ladder in order to get inside. The double-layers of the“sotōdān”may also indicate that the tower of silence was double-surfaced. These statements are repeated several centuries later in the reports of European travelers. The use of pāvi-like graves for the Xwaršēd Nigerišn, the absence of a central a stōdān and the deposition of bones in the corner of thetower of silence are other information that European travelers of the Qajar period have provided. Despite the emphasis on the lack of an entrance until the Qajar period, in the aerial photograph from 1335 (and onwards) and Kleiss’s visit in 1985, the tower of silence can be seen with one or two entrance doors. In addition, a podium has been built next to the site, which was probably created after its abandonment. During the surveys, no bones were found in the pit at the center of the tower of silence. This pit was made by unauthorized excavators, probably dug in the contemporary period. A comparative study of the tower of silence of Ray with other towers of silence of Iran indicates that the Ray’s example is comparable with the silent tower of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman from the following points of view: 1) the existence of an enclosure wall, 2) the lack of a central a stōdān, 3) the place where bones are collected in the corner of thetower of silence, and 4) the lack of extensions. At the same time, the absence of a roof, astōdān rooms, and central a stōdān shows that the main structure of the tower of silence in Ray should not have been built after the Seljuk period. The existence of the enclosure wall also implicitly testifies to the Islamic nature of the tower of silence. With reference to Abu Dulaf’smention and Nizam al-Mulk’s report, it can even be assumed that the tower of silencein Ray belongs to the Buyid period. Thanks to the works of Islamic era authors, there are available reports on the freedom of religious minorities, the tendency of the power holders to pre-Islamic cultural traditions, and the relative power of the Zoroastrian minority during the Buyid period.

Conclusion
One of the burial traditions in the ancient world was the exposure of a corpse to open air. This burial custom later entered the Zoroastrian religion and became one of the common burial methods of this religion. The practice of XwaršēdNigerišn in the towers of silence is one of the examples of this burial tradition in Zoroastrianism. An instance of this burial method has been reported at the Bibi Shahrbanu Mountain in Ray. In this research, the tower of silence in Ray was examined and studied from the perspectives of date of construction and architecture. The study of historical texts and evaluation of available evidence indicates that the tower of silence in Ray was constructed during the Early Islamic centuries and continued to be used up to the Late Islamic centuries. The recurrence of the Book of Politics’ statements regarding the architecture in the reports of Qajar era travelers, while confirming the dating of the site, provides a partial understanding of the original construct of the tower of silence in Ray. The second phase of the architectural evolution of the site goes back to the Qajar period. Despite Maneckji’s residence in Tehran during the Qajar era and his influence on the architectural structure of the towers of silence in Iran, his proposed model has never been implemented in the tower of silence in Ray. The application of grave-like pāvis is one of the few changes made in the architectural structure of this tower of silence in the Qajar period. The creation of the podium and the entrance, probably during the Pahlavi period, is the last phase of architectural changes in the tower of silence in Ray. Regarding the architectural model of the tower of silence in Ray, it can be stated that it is the continuation of the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman. These burial structures, all of which probably belong to the first centuries of Islam, are limited by an enclosure wall and the XwaršēdNigerišnwas performed inside its natural space. The absence of a central astōdān and the place where bones are collected in the corner of the tower of silence are the other common features of these burial tradition in the first centuries of Islam in Iran. Although the architectural structure of the towers silence changed as a result of socio-religious developments of Zoroastrianism in later periods, the Ray’s example continued to exist without being influenced by newer generations. As a result, based on the architectural and literary sources studies, the tower of silence in Ray shows the continuation of the tradition of the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman and hence related to the early Islamic centuries in Iran. The literary sources of the early Islamic centuries, while confirming this dating, provides relative statements about the architectural structure of the tower of silence. The Buyid period, one of the golden ages in the history of Ray, as Nizam al-Mulk has pointed out, can be considered as a hypothetical assumption for the construction of this Zoroastrian burial structure. A period in which, thanks to the literary sources of the Islamic period, there is information, albeit scant, regarding the position of this religious minority in its sociopolitical affairs.

Abstract
The Mersin Chal cemetery lies to the east of Telajim village, situated in the Poshtkouh district of Mehdi Shahr city. This site is located in the north of Semnan province, within Iran’s central plateau. The Telajim region offers significant biological diversity and livelihood potentials, providing the Mersin Chal people access to a diverse range of flora and fauna. Studying the skeletal remains from the Mersin Chal cemetery serves as an important resource for understanding various aspects, including paleodiet, dietary habits, and human behaviors. They provide insights into the levels of adaptation and environmental compatibility, and offer a basis for modeling economic conditions. The focus of this research was to investigate the biological and subsistence strategies employed by the individuals buried in this cemetery during the second half of the first millennium BC, utilizing bioarchaeological methods. To achieve the stated objective, a key question emerges: how can the dietary patterns of the population from the study area be identified through stable isotope analysis conducted on biological samples obtained from archaeological excavations at the Mersin Cal cemetery? To address the question, this study employs a laboratory-analytical approach, specifically stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotope analysis, conducted on dental collagen samples. Statistical methods were applied to analyze and interpret the results from the isotope analysis. The investigation focuses on the human skeletal remains from 12 graves among 49 excavated burials at the Mersin Cal cemetery. Physical anthropological research indicates that the examined skeletal remains are of adults, encompassing both male and female individuals. Considering the biological potentials of the studied area, this research concluded that the Mersin Chal community had a mixed diet based on C3 and C4 plants. Their protein intake was derived predominantly from herbivores (a diet based on C3 and C4 plants), with a smaller portion coming from carnivores.
Keywords: Mersin Chal Cemetery, The Second Half of the First Millennium BC, Biological Strategies, Dental Collagen, Carbon Isotope, Nitrogen Isotope.

Introduction
“Human skeletal remains serve as the foundation for shaping both individual and collective experiences of the world throughout our lifetime. The dual nature of skeletal remains, viewed both as biological and cultural entities, serves as a basis for theoretical research in bioarchaeology, which studies the biological remains left by past peoples in their cultural contexts (ancient sites)” (Afshar, 2018:82). Chemical analysis of bones and teeth has become a fundamental tool in bioarchaeology, offering insights into human migration and movement, livelihoods, biological strategies, paleodiet, gender differences, etc (Basu et al., 2015; Bogaard & Outram, 2013:333, Lewis et al., 2017:45, Makarewicz & Sealy, 2015:146-14). The isotopic composition of a diet can be assessed by analyzing the ratio of carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotopes found in the collagen of bones and teeth (Agarwal & Glencross, 2011: 413-414). The isotopic values (δ13C and δ15N) derived from the food consumed by animals and humans are incorporated into their tissues. By analyzing the stable isotopes of carbon and nitrogen in the dental collagen of human remains, it is possible to determine the proteins consumed by each individual in the last years of their life due to tissue regeneration processes (Bocherens et al., 2005:10; Budd et al., 2013:862). Therefore, it is essential to identify the main components of the diet, including C3 and C4 plants, marine-based proteins, and non-protein sources (Price, 2015: 74). The stable carbon isotope ratio (δ13C) serves as an indicator for estimating the proportional intake of C3 and C4 plants in both human and animal diets. C3 plants have more negative δ13C values (-20 to -35%), and C4 plants have more positive δ13C values (-9 to -14%) in human skeletal collagen (Agarwal and Glencross, 2011:414, Ambrose, 1986:711, Ambrose and Lynette, 1993:2-3, Price, 2015:73, Katzenberg, 2008:423-424). The proportion of the stable carbon isotope is influenced by dietary intake, whereas the proportion of the stable nitrogen isotope is affected by both diet and habitat conditions (Katzenberg, 2008: 430-431). Nitrogen isotope (δ15N) levels are influenced not only by trophic level but also by environmental variables like rainfall and agricultural management practices, including fertilization methods (Budd et al., 2017:5; Sołtysiak, 2020:117; Sołtysiak and Schutkowski, 2018:1). In this regard, this research focuses on reconstructing the livelihood patterns and biological strategies of the people buried in the Mersin Chal cemetery during the second half of the first millennium BC, utilizing an analysis of the stable isotopes δ13C and δ15N.

Discussion 
Analyzing carbon and nitrogen isotopes in skeletal remains, including bones and teeth, provides valuable insights into palaeodiet, biological strategies, and dietary habits. The isotope values (δ¹³C and δ¹⁵N) found in the food consumed by animals and humans are retained within the tissues of the individual consumer. By analyzing stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes found in the dental/bone collagen of human or animal remains, it is possible to identify the diet consumed during the last years of the individual’s life (Bocherens et al., 2005: 10; Budd et al., 2013: 862). In the third season of archaeological excavations at the Mersin Chal cemetery in 2021, 49 pit grave burials dating back to the second half of the first millennium BC were identified (Nemati, 2021). Skeletal remains, much like other archaeological evidence, have significant value in reconstructing the past. This research examined the remains obtained from this cemetery using a bioarchaeological approach. A total of 12 skeletal remains with third molars were chosen for laboratory isotopic analysis.  The samples consisted entirely of adult skeletons, comprising a mix of both male and female individuals. Carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses were conducted at the Center for Physical Science and Technology in Vilnius, Lithuania, utilizing an isotope ratio mass spectrometer. These analyses revealed that the δ¹³C ratios varied between -16.33% and -17.86%, while δ¹⁵N ranged from 11.12% to 8.61%. These isotopic values indicate a mixed diet based on C3 and C4 plants, as well as protein sources such as herbivores and carnivores. Sołtysiak & Schutkowski (2018) noted, “The isotopic values of domesticated ungulates (goats, sheep, and camels) overlap with humans. However, certain instances reveal slightly more positive δ¹³C values. Conversely, wild ungulates (gazelles and horses) show higher δ¹³C values and lower δ¹⁵N values compared to humans and domesticated animals. The presence of more positive δ¹³C values in wild ungulates suggests that these ungulates (gazelles, equines) occasionally grazed on C4 plants” (Sołtysiak & Schutkowski, 2018: 7). The δ¹³C isotope values provide insight into dietary habits: higher positive values suggest a likelihood of consuming C4 plants, while lower negative values point to the consumption of C3 plants. It highlights that the primary source of fodder for the herbivores contributing to their diet came from both C3 and C4 plants. The geographical position of Mersin Chal cemetery, situated in a region rich in environmental assets and diverse flora and fauna, has granted the community convenient access to food resources.

Conclusion 
The carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of skeletal remains from the Mersin Chal cemetery holds significant value as a key aspect of archaeological research, offering crucial insights and serving as a vital source of information for reconstructing past cultures and studying the social and economic conditions of past societies. Research on paleo-nutrition has predominantly centered on the examination of skeletal remains. Collagen found in biological remains, such as teeth and bones, serves as the foundation for carbon and nitrogen isotopic analysis. Consequently, ensuring the presence of collagen in optimal condition is one of the most important criteria for selecting a skeleton for isotopic research. If the amount of collagen in the sample is insufficient, the sample becomes unsuitable for analysis. Thus, to reliably reconstruct dietary patterns, it is crucial to use samples with intact and well-preserved collagen. The tooth samples from the Mersin Chal skeletal remains exhibit favorable collagen quality indicators, including collagen concentration, collagen yield ranging between 16.12% and 7.67%, carbon concentration between 40.16% and 36.38%, nitrogen concentration from 14.60% to 13.28%, and a C/N atomic ratio spanning 3.25 to 3.18, confirming their well-preserved condition. Analysis of stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotopes in the dental collagen extracted from skeletal remains at the Mersin Chal cemetery revealed that the isotopic values for the region fall within the ranges of δ13C (-16.33% to -17.86%) and δ15N (11.12% to 8.61%). These isotopic values indicate a diet composed of C3 plants, including cultivated cereals such as wheat and barley, as well as rice, legumes, vegetables, and fruits, and also C4 plants. The people of this region primarily derived their protein from herbivores that fed on C3 plants, such as goats, sheep, and camels, as well as from herbivores with a mixed diet of C3 and C4 plants, including cattle, gazelles, and equines. Based on isotopic evidence, the inhabitants of this region incorporated carnivores such as Felidae indet into their diet, albeit in limited amounts. carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses have revealed no evidence of aquatic-based dietary contributions, indicating that the Mersin Chal community relied entirely on terrestrial animals as their primary protein source. Considering the rich biological diversity of the research field, it is clear that the Mersin Chal community has direct access to both plant and animal food resources. These environmental potentials have played a crucial role in shaping the most suitable biological strategies for the residents of this region.