Abstract
Up to now, 35 rock reliefs have been identified from the Sassanid period, one of them is located outside the political borders of Iran, at the site known as the Rag-e Bibi in Afghanistan. 34 other rock reliefs have been discovered inside Iran’s political borders in various regions such as: Rey city, Taq-e Bustan, Salmas, Barm-e Delak, Goyum, Tang-e chogan of Bishapour, Naqsh-e Rostam, Naqsh-e Rajab, Sarab-e Bahram, Tangab-e Firouzabad, Darabgerd, Tang-e Qandil and Sar Mashhad. Although all of these rock reliefs were studied by archaeologists and domestic and foreign researchers repeatedly, but most studies have focused on identifying the main character of the rock reliefs -the Sassanid king. And there is no serious and diligent attempt at identifying other characters on the scene. Of course, some scholars tried to clarify the true identity of some of the characters in the Sasanian rock reliefs. But most of them did not succeed. Because most of these identities are based on speculation. However, identifying individuals in the Sasanian rock reliefs should be based on historical evidence or face recognition or semiotic studies. For example, some researchers said that the character discussed in this article should be the servant of the king. Some also said that he should be the representative of the Karin family. In this research, which is based on the purpose of basic research and based on the nature and method of historical research, was attempted to clarify the true identity of one of the characters in the rock reliefs of Ardashir Babakan with the help of historical evidence, face recognition and semiotic studies. The results of the studies show that the person present in the rock reliefs of Ardashir Babakan should be Tansar. An influential clergyman who has been tried to spread Zoroastrianism and to regulate the texts of Avesta, and helped Ardashir Babakan to reach power and also helped him stabilize his power. 
Keywords: Sasanian Rock Reliefs, Ardashir Babakan, Tansar, Historicl Approach, Face Recognition, Semiotic.

Introduction
Personology of Sassanid reliefs raised debates among researchers, because of same thematic models of Sassanid kings and lack of inscriptions. Present paper discusses Ardashir’s relief of investiture and crowned by Ahuramazda. 
The research is based on the purpose of basic research and based on the nature and method of historical research, whereas collected data bibliographically, identification and thorough study of different written historical sources, and fieldwork, visiting Ardashir’s reliefs at Tanganb Firuzabad, Naqsh-i-Rajab and Naqsh-i-Rostam. Comparative study of historical sources and analytical approach at archaeological evidences and using historical approache are the methods to analyze and interpret data. 

Visual Evidence and Semiotics
Sassanid martial activities initiated years earlier that Ardashir to overcome Persia. Different factors caused clergymen raised to power and became influential through Sassanid rule (Hosseini 1392). Ardashir Babakan was a priest of Anahita temple at Istakhr, Fars (Christensen 1367: 134) enjoyed and joined dissatisfied clergymen to his government and endowed them high positions; it was his philosophy because his new ruling based on religious power and aristocracy that concluded to unification of religion and ruling (Hosseini 1392). As conclusion, one can say Ardashir needed clergymen confirm him to legitimize his ruling. Direct relation and superiority on people, doubled acceptance and support of clergymen. Following study of historic and written sources on presence of a cleric figure alongside Ardashir, firstly there is need to involve in similar visual parameters of the relief, which is identified earlier, for personological studies of the figure. In order to conclude, figure of Kartir is the best option, among options, because of the similarities to target figure, on the other hand, we know Kartir for the badge on his hat (Moosavi Haji 13996: 166); powerful face with shaved face, a badged hat, and his hair that came out of his hat on neck (fig. 5). His official custom is a long robe to his knee and a belt with a sheath (fig. 6). All explanation about his appearance is comparable to our target figure, so one could suggest that the appearance characteristic of Sassanid clergymen relied on the same pattern and tradition. However, every clergyman has common characteristic in every given religion. 

Conclusion 
Accordingly, one could conclude:
- It is not logical that a neutral person, a servant, would be carved on a public media such as a royal relief, let alone in a scene of investiture ceremony and crowning of Ardashir as the representative of Ahuramazda on earth. 
- No servant allowed to hold sword.
- Accordingly, Ardashir always needed general legitimation and acceptance that could be facilitated by a chosen religious figure at people. 
- Considering Sassanid and further written and historical sources, presence of Tansar as great supporter and evangelist is undeniable. His appearance in the relief matches to the discussion of present paper. 
- Visual composition and evidences of the figure, garment, shaven face, hat, and hairs are completely similar to great clergyman Kartir of later Sassanid period, so one could probably suggest it as general homogeny of the clothing of clerics during Sassanid period. 
- Badge of the figure, is completely similar to Kartir’s badge, on the other hand, adaptable to fire altar of reverse of coins of Persid period. Persids ruled Fars province during Seleucid and Parthian eras, who were eager to religious issues, so some scholars name them “fire servants”. 
- The target figure is present at Sassanid sources and religious events of Ardashir reign, but according written sources, Kartir replaced him after this period with no further trace on reliefs. 

Abstract
The ancient site of Natel is located in the village of Natel Kenar-e Olia, a district of the city of Nour, which is 6 kilometers southwest of this city in the west of Mazandaran province. According to historical written sources, this city was considered as one of the important cities in Tabaristan during the Abbasid period and had a military garrison. Due to the importance of this historical site, in addition to archaeological surveys, three excavations have been carried out in this site so far in 2008, 2010, and 2016 under the supervision of Abdolreza Mohajerinejad. The present study focuses on some pottery findings of the first and second seasons of these excavations, during which 2166 pieces of glazed and non-glazed pottery were obtained among other findings. Chronology of the aforementioned samples and consequently more detailed and precise knowledge of the settlement periods, better and greater recognition of the pottery of this site, in particular, and pottery of the Islamic period in the southern margin of the Mazandaran Sea, in general, awareness of the similarity and differences of the pottery obtained from this site with the major pottery centers of the Islamic era required a thorough and in-depth study of these samples in the form of classification, typology, and a typological comparison that was carried out in this research. The results of this study show that most of the studied samples belong to the early (3 and 4 AH) and mid-Islamic (5 and 9 AH) centuries, while the samples of the Ilkhanid and Timurid period in this collection are much lower in number than those of the previous centuries. Also, the results of statistical studies on pottery of the historical town of Natel indicate that these pottery wares have relatively good production quality and strength, but they have a lower level in terms of manufacturing technique and diversity of motifs. 
Keywords: Natel, Islamic Pottery, Classification, Typology, Typological Comparison.

Introduction
The ancient site of Natel is located in the village of Natel Kenar-e Olia, a district of the city of Nour, which is 6 kilometers southwest of this city in the west of Mazandaran province. Given the importance of this site in the Islamic period of Iran, especially the southern margin of the Mazandaran Sea, the first scientific studies to identify and determine the location of this town were carried out by Abdolreza Mohajerinejad in 2006 during a season of a survey (Mohajerinejad et al., 2017: 247) and then these studies were continued under his supervision during three seasons of excavation in 2008, 2010, 2016 (Mohajerinejad, 2008; ibid, 2010; ibid, 2016). During the first and second seasons of the excavation, along with other findings, 2166 pieces of pottery were discovered which were provided to the authors for further investigations. Therefore, during the classification and typology stages, 235 indicative pottery types were selected and excluded from the collection. To advance the research, the authors selected and studied 50 pieces from among the indicative samples selected from among the collection based on the non-repetitive variable. Due to the diversity and multiplicity of the pottery types and for better identification of the pottery of this site in particular and the pottery of the southern coastal areas of the Mazandaran Sea in general, the similarity and differences of pottery obtained from this site with those of the major pottery centers of the Islamic era, and also to gain more accurate knowledge of the settlement periods of the site, it was necessary to study the pottery samples very carefully. Accordingly, the present study seeks to answer the research questions through recording, registering, classifying, typology, and typological comparison of these pottery collections (2149 fragments belonged to the first season and 67 fragments belonged to the second season). The most important questions this research seeks to answer through scientific and systematic studies are: 1: to which period or periods do the pottery samples discovered in the historic town of Natel belong? 2: how is the status of the pottery samples discovered from the historic town of Natel, in terms of production quality and decorations compared to the major pottery centers of Iran during the Islamic era? In answer to the first question, it should be noted that the pottery discovered from the first and second seasons of excavation in the Natel historical site belongs to a time period extending from the early Islamic centuries to the Timurid era. And the answer to the second question is as follows: the production quality of the Natel pottery as well as the decorative quality of Sgraffito pottery are similar to those of the major Iranian pottery centers, but other pottery samples obtained from Natel are in a lower level in terms of their decorative quality, especially in color painting. 

A Summary of the Paper
Initially, the samples were classified according to two variables, i.e. their coating type and being simple or painted, which are divided into four groups: non-glazed simple pottery, non-glazed painted pottery, glazed simple pottery, and glazed painted pottery. Then, at the typology stage within the classification framework, each group of pottery was classified into several types and sub-types according to one or more variables. The investigations were carried out with great sensitivity and accuracy and finally, this resulted in the typology of the pottery in the form of 45 types and sub-types. Statistical studies on the ceramics of this collection indicated that the glazed simple pottery was the most frequent type among all the groups with a frequency of 46.53%. Overall, these ceramics have relatively good production quality and strength, but the glazed painted ceramics are at a lower level in terms of production technique and variety of motifs. The non-glazed painted pottery pieces in this collection have geometric motifs and the dominant motif type in this group is ripple motif in terms of motif design variable. At the typological comparison stage of classification which has been carried out according to the classification and typology of pottery collection, it was attempted to compare a large number of fragments with pottery found in Islamic sites. Therefore, in addition to reviewing various reports of excavations carried out in Islamic sites (generally, the northern sites of the country are considered), we have carefully studied the authentic sources of Islamic pottery prepared and organized by the efforts of foreign and domestic scholars and accordingly the pottery types, which were compared with similar example or examples, were dated and the comparisons are presented in the form of tables in the main text of the paper. From among the regions or sites whose ceramics are comparable to those of the Islamic period of Natel, Bamiyan, Nishabur, Jorjan, Poinak castle of Varamin, Imam Zadeh Ali Lafourak in Savadkouh, Sarqala of Lavasan, Sheikh Safieddin Ardebil’s tomb, Sistan, Golkhandan fortress, Kaseh al-Mout, Gaskar site of Gilan, Haft Daghnan of Gilan, northwest of Iran, Osbou Kola Lofer, and Jahan Nama site can be mentioned. 

Conclusion 
According to the contents of the present study as well as the classification, typology, and typological comparison of the pottery discovered from the historic town of Natel, it can be stated that there are a total of 45 different ceramic types and subtypes in this collection. The results of typological comparisons of the pottery of the Islamic period of Natel showed this collection had the highest rate of similarity and relationship with the pottery obtained from the sites of the Islamic period in the north of the country; this cultural and artistic similarity supports the existence of a wide cultural and connection network between Natel and its neighboring regions and indicates the production and expansion of formal and standard pottery types during different Islamic times that were produced in specific centers and exported to other regions. Their production techniques were imitated in local workshops with a lower quality. In general, the results of this study suggest that most of the studied samples belong to the early (3 and 4 AH) and mid-Islamic (5 and 9 AH) centuries. The results of the statistical studies on the pottery of Natel also indicate that these pottery findings have a relatively good production quality, but they are at a lower level in terms of production technique and diversity of motifs.  

Abstract
Qal’eh Bandar is situated on top of the mountain on the northern edge of the Shiraz plain. It overlooks a gorge which, along with Allah Akbar Gorge, was one of the few access routes from the Shiraz plain to the northern plains and the Marvdasht plain. The remains of this castle, including its towers and its three intriguing deep stone wells, are overlooking the street that leads to Saadi Tomb. According to historical and archaeological evidence, before the construction of the new city of Shiraz Qal’eh Bandar, alongside other fortifications such as Qasr-i Abu Nasr and possibly Pol-i Fasa Qal’eh, controlled the Shiraz plain during Sasanian and early Islamic periods. There are limited archaeological investigations of this fort, however the authors attempt to reconstruct the history, periods of occupation, and abandonment of this significant castle in the Shiraz plain by gathering and analyzing historical documents and archaeological findings. The main question of this research is the history of settlement of Qal’eh Bandar, as well as its connection to the name “Shahmubad Castle,” mentioned in some early Islamic geographical sources. The study results indicate that Qal’eh Bandar was used intermittently and frequently, at least from the Sassanian to the Safavid period, after which it was abandoned. However, there were also periods when the castle was abandoned and possibly unused. Folklore literature and culture reveal interesting similarities between the narratives of Qal’eh Bandar and the stories of the “One Thousand and One Nights,” which have not been previously considered. Additionally, contrary to common belief, “Shāhmubad Castle” does not correspond to Qal’eh Bandar but rather to the ruins of “Qasr-i Abu Nasr.
Keywords: Shiraz Plain, Qal’e Bandar, Pahandar, Shāhmubad, Qasr-i Abu Nasr.

Introduction
Historical evidence suggests that the Shiraz region lacked urban structures prior to the establishment of the new city in the latter half of the first century AH. Ibn Balkhi clearly indicated the absence of any city in this area before the Muslim Arab invasion. He described pre-Islamic Shiraz as a region with strong Castles. Considering the use of names similar to Shiraz and the mention of the Shiraz Castle in the Elamite tablets of Persepolis (Ti-ra-iz-zī-iš / Šir-zī-iš / Ti-ra-zī-iš / Ši-ra-iz-zī-iš), which reflect the Elamite version of the Old Persian name *Dīrāčiš, Richard Frye proposed the hypothesis that during the Achaemenid period, the name Shiraz referred to a region encompassing several villages and Castles. After the Achaemenid era, the name Shiraz reappears in the form of šyrɔcy as part of the Ardashir-Khwarrah district in Sasanian seals discovered at the site known as Qasr Abu Nasr in Shiraz. These pieces of evidence are significant for two main reasons. They help in determining the precise location of Shiraz in Sasanian era. They also provide insights into the political and administrative divisions of that period. It appears that, alongside Qasr Abu Nasr, other Castles were important in controlling and administrating of the Shiraz plain before Islam. Among these castles, Qal’eh Bandar holds great importance. Researchers have often identified it with the Shāhmubad Castle, the most important Castle in Shiraz according to early Islamic sources. However, no clear evidence has been provided to support this identification yet. The present research intents to answer two primary questions. First, is there a historical and geographical connection between Qal’eh Bandar and toponym Shāhmubad castle? Second, based on historical texts and archaeological evidence, when this Castle was inhabited and abandoned? Despite the significant historical and archaeological importance of Qal’eh Bandar, there has been little comprehensive research on the history and archaeology of this castle. By examining and analyzing the historical and geographical sources, and then correlating them with archaeological findings, this article reveals information on the history and periods of settlement and abandonment of Qal’eh Bandar in the Shiraz plain. It also provides a more detailed understanding of the role and significance of Qal’eh Bandar in the context of the broader historical and administrative landscape of Shiraz.

Discussion
Several famous Islamic geographers referred to an ancient castle called “Shāhmubad” in Shiraz. Moreover, Istakhari mentioned a Tasuj called “Shāhmubad/Shāhmarnak” among the thirteen Tasujs of the Shiraz plain. Most modern researchers have considered Shāhmubad castle to be the same as Qal’eh Bandar without any evidence. Moreover, Whitcomb has attempted to define the area of Tasuj Shāhmarnak/Shāhmubad in the Shiraz plain based on Qal’eh Bandar’s location (or Shāhmubad castle, in his opinion and that of other researchers). The authors, however, believe that Shāhmubad’s castle is not actually Qal’eh Bandar but rather the ruins of Qasr-i Abu Nasr. In support of this location, one should consider a bulla discovered at Qasr-i Abu Nasr, which is the most common seal impression in this collection. It bears the Middle Persian inscription šylɔcy mgwx. The legend “mgwx” or “mgwh” referred to the most common administrative position seen in the administrative seal impressions on Sasanian bullae. There has been much discussion about it. Frye suggested that “mgwx” is an abbreviation of /magu-x[wadāy]/ mgwx[wtɔy], meaning chief magu/chief priest. To support this reconstruction, Frye referred to a bulla in the British Museum which bears the full form of the word mgwxwdɔt. 
Since the Middle Persian word xwadāy means Lord, and it was usually translated to Shah in New Persian texts—such as the translation of Khwaday-Namag into Shahnameh—the authors believe that “Shāhmubad” could also be a new translation of magu xwadāy. Furthermore, if a Sasanian and early Islamic castle was named “Shāhmubad” or a similar version of this word, the castle is not Qal’eh Bandar but possibly Qasr-i Abu Nasr, where magu xwadāy or his administrative institution was located.
Based on historical texts, nine phases can be identified in Pahander Castle, including construction, restoration, addition, and destruction:
- Phase 1: Construction, Sasanian period, probably Shapur II’s reign
- Phase 2: Addition, Sasanian period, probably Yazdgird III’s reign
- Phase 3: Destruction, Arab conquests, 1st century AH
- Phase 4: Restoration, Buyid, Imad al-Dawla (327 AH)
- Phase 5: Restoration or addition, Buyid, Aḍud al-Dawla
- Phase 6: Restoration, Buyid, Abu Qanim ibn-i Amaid al-Dawla
- Phase 7: Restoration or addition, Muzaffarids, Shāh Shoja (760 AH)
- Phase 8: Restoration, Timurid, Amir Sunjak (796 AH)
- Phase 9: Final destruction, Safavid, Imam Quli Khan (after 1031 AH)
Moreover, three phases of abandonment can be considered:
- Phase 1: From the late 1st century AH until the Buyid period
- Phase 2: From the middle of the Seljuk period until the Injuids
- Phase 3: From the middle of the Safavid period until the present
The mentioned phases are based only on historical evidence and should be complemented with archaeological surveys and investigations.

Conclusion
Before the construction of the newfound city of Shiraz in the second half of the first century AH, a system of fortifications, including Qal’eh Bandar, Qal’eh Pol-i Fasa, and Qasr-i Abu Nasr as the center, were erected to control the Shiraz plain during pre-Islamic (particularly Sasanian) and early Islamic periods. It remains unclear why previous researchers have identified Qal’eh Bandar as the Shāhmubad castle mentioned in Islamic geographical sources. The present study clarifies that there is not solid evidence to substantiate this claim. In addition, the sigillographic evidence from Qasr-i Abu Nasr indicates that it is very probable that Qasr-i Abu Nasr, rather than Qal’eh Bandar, considered as the Shāhmubad castle. Although Qal’eh Bandar is situated on a rather low mountain, its strategic position allowed to control the Shiraz plain and the adjacent gorge, which was one of the few significant routes providing access from the Shiraz plain to the northern regions and the Marvdasht plain. This location advantage resulted in intermittent occupations at Qal’eh Bandar from its construction during the historical period—probably Sasanians—up to the later Islamic centuries. The significant strategic position of Qal’eh Bandar is evident from its intermittent settlements over the centuries. However, when the adjacent route lacked its importance, and the Safavid sought to reduce government expenditures, Qal’eh Bandar was destroyed by Imam Qoli Khan. Following its destruction, the castle was never rebuilt again. Despite its destruction, Qal’eh Bandar left a rich legacy in the collective memory of the people of Shiraz. This legacy persists in both bitter and sweet memories; Most often bitterly, due to the harsh punishment inflicted on adulteresses by throwing them into the well of the castle, or sometimes sweetly, through the recollection of its rock slide, which has become a part of local folklore.