Abstract
Up to now, 35 rock reliefs have been identified from the Sassanid period, one of them is located outside the political borders of Iran, at the site known as the Rag-e Bibi in Afghanistan. 34 other rock reliefs have been discovered inside Iran’s political borders in various regions such as: Rey city, Taq-e Bustan, Salmas, Barm-e Delak, Goyum, Tang-e chogan of Bishapour, Naqsh-e Rostam, Naqsh-e Rajab, Sarab-e Bahram, Tangab-e Firouzabad, Darabgerd, Tang-e Qandil and Sar Mashhad. Although all of these rock reliefs were studied by archaeologists and domestic and foreign researchers repeatedly, but most studies have focused on identifying the main character of the rock reliefs -the Sassanid king. And there is no serious and diligent attempt at identifying other characters on the scene. Of course, some scholars tried to clarify the true identity of some of the characters in the Sasanian rock reliefs. But most of them did not succeed. Because most of these identities are based on speculation. However, identifying individuals in the Sasanian rock reliefs should be based on historical evidence or face recognition or semiotic studies. For example, some researchers said that the character discussed in this article should be the servant of the king. Some also said that he should be the representative of the Karin family. In this research, which is based on the purpose of basic research and based on the nature and method of historical research, was attempted to clarify the true identity of one of the characters in the rock reliefs of Ardashir Babakan with the help of historical evidence, face recognition and semiotic studies. The results of the studies show that the person present in the rock reliefs of Ardashir Babakan should be Tansar. An influential clergyman who has been tried to spread Zoroastrianism and to regulate the texts of Avesta, and helped Ardashir Babakan to reach power and also helped him stabilize his power. 
Keywords: Sasanian Rock Reliefs, Ardashir Babakan, Tansar, Historicl Approach, Face Recognition, Semiotic.

Introduction
Personology of Sassanid reliefs raised debates among researchers, because of same thematic models of Sassanid kings and lack of inscriptions. Present paper discusses Ardashir’s relief of investiture and crowned by Ahuramazda. 
The research is based on the purpose of basic research and based on the nature and method of historical research, whereas collected data bibliographically, identification and thorough study of different written historical sources, and fieldwork, visiting Ardashir’s reliefs at Tanganb Firuzabad, Naqsh-i-Rajab and Naqsh-i-Rostam. Comparative study of historical sources and analytical approach at archaeological evidences and using historical approache are the methods to analyze and interpret data. 

Visual Evidence and Semiotics
Sassanid martial activities initiated years earlier that Ardashir to overcome Persia. Different factors caused clergymen raised to power and became influential through Sassanid rule (Hosseini 1392). Ardashir Babakan was a priest of Anahita temple at Istakhr, Fars (Christensen 1367: 134) enjoyed and joined dissatisfied clergymen to his government and endowed them high positions; it was his philosophy because his new ruling based on religious power and aristocracy that concluded to unification of religion and ruling (Hosseini 1392). As conclusion, one can say Ardashir needed clergymen confirm him to legitimize his ruling. Direct relation and superiority on people, doubled acceptance and support of clergymen. Following study of historic and written sources on presence of a cleric figure alongside Ardashir, firstly there is need to involve in similar visual parameters of the relief, which is identified earlier, for personological studies of the figure. In order to conclude, figure of Kartir is the best option, among options, because of the similarities to target figure, on the other hand, we know Kartir for the badge on his hat (Moosavi Haji 13996: 166); powerful face with shaved face, a badged hat, and his hair that came out of his hat on neck (fig. 5). His official custom is a long robe to his knee and a belt with a sheath (fig. 6). All explanation about his appearance is comparable to our target figure, so one could suggest that the appearance characteristic of Sassanid clergymen relied on the same pattern and tradition. However, every clergyman has common characteristic in every given religion. 

Conclusion 
Accordingly, one could conclude:
- It is not logical that a neutral person, a servant, would be carved on a public media such as a royal relief, let alone in a scene of investiture ceremony and crowning of Ardashir as the representative of Ahuramazda on earth. 
- No servant allowed to hold sword.
- Accordingly, Ardashir always needed general legitimation and acceptance that could be facilitated by a chosen religious figure at people. 
- Considering Sassanid and further written and historical sources, presence of Tansar as great supporter and evangelist is undeniable. His appearance in the relief matches to the discussion of present paper. 
- Visual composition and evidences of the figure, garment, shaven face, hat, and hairs are completely similar to great clergyman Kartir of later Sassanid period, so one could probably suggest it as general homogeny of the clothing of clerics during Sassanid period. 
- Badge of the figure, is completely similar to Kartir’s badge, on the other hand, adaptable to fire altar of reverse of coins of Persid period. Persids ruled Fars province during Seleucid and Parthian eras, who were eager to religious issues, so some scholars name them “fire servants”. 
- The target figure is present at Sassanid sources and religious events of Ardashir reign, but according written sources, Kartir replaced him after this period with no further trace on reliefs. 

Abstract
The ancient site of Natel is located in the village of Natel Kenar-e Olia, a district of the city of Nour, which is 6 kilometers southwest of this city in the west of Mazandaran province. According to historical written sources, this city was considered as one of the important cities in Tabaristan during the Abbasid period and had a military garrison. Due to the importance of this historical site, in addition to archaeological surveys, three excavations have been carried out in this site so far in 2008, 2010, and 2016 under the supervision of Abdolreza Mohajerinejad. The present study focuses on some pottery findings of the first and second seasons of these excavations, during which 2166 pieces of glazed and non-glazed pottery were obtained among other findings. Chronology of the aforementioned samples and consequently more detailed and precise knowledge of the settlement periods, better and greater recognition of the pottery of this site, in particular, and pottery of the Islamic period in the southern margin of the Mazandaran Sea, in general, awareness of the similarity and differences of the pottery obtained from this site with the major pottery centers of the Islamic era required a thorough and in-depth study of these samples in the form of classification, typology, and a typological comparison that was carried out in this research. The results of this study show that most of the studied samples belong to the early (3 and 4 AH) and mid-Islamic (5 and 9 AH) centuries, while the samples of the Ilkhanid and Timurid period in this collection are much lower in number than those of the previous centuries. Also, the results of statistical studies on pottery of the historical town of Natel indicate that these pottery wares have relatively good production quality and strength, but they have a lower level in terms of manufacturing technique and diversity of motifs. 
Keywords: Natel, Islamic Pottery, Classification, Typology, Typological Comparison.

Introduction
The ancient site of Natel is located in the village of Natel Kenar-e Olia, a district of the city of Nour, which is 6 kilometers southwest of this city in the west of Mazandaran province. Given the importance of this site in the Islamic period of Iran, especially the southern margin of the Mazandaran Sea, the first scientific studies to identify and determine the location of this town were carried out by Abdolreza Mohajerinejad in 2006 during a season of a survey (Mohajerinejad et al., 2017: 247) and then these studies were continued under his supervision during three seasons of excavation in 2008, 2010, 2016 (Mohajerinejad, 2008; ibid, 2010; ibid, 2016). During the first and second seasons of the excavation, along with other findings, 2166 pieces of pottery were discovered which were provided to the authors for further investigations. Therefore, during the classification and typology stages, 235 indicative pottery types were selected and excluded from the collection. To advance the research, the authors selected and studied 50 pieces from among the indicative samples selected from among the collection based on the non-repetitive variable. Due to the diversity and multiplicity of the pottery types and for better identification of the pottery of this site in particular and the pottery of the southern coastal areas of the Mazandaran Sea in general, the similarity and differences of pottery obtained from this site with those of the major pottery centers of the Islamic era, and also to gain more accurate knowledge of the settlement periods of the site, it was necessary to study the pottery samples very carefully. Accordingly, the present study seeks to answer the research questions through recording, registering, classifying, typology, and typological comparison of these pottery collections (2149 fragments belonged to the first season and 67 fragments belonged to the second season). The most important questions this research seeks to answer through scientific and systematic studies are: 1: to which period or periods do the pottery samples discovered in the historic town of Natel belong? 2: how is the status of the pottery samples discovered from the historic town of Natel, in terms of production quality and decorations compared to the major pottery centers of Iran during the Islamic era? In answer to the first question, it should be noted that the pottery discovered from the first and second seasons of excavation in the Natel historical site belongs to a time period extending from the early Islamic centuries to the Timurid era. And the answer to the second question is as follows: the production quality of the Natel pottery as well as the decorative quality of Sgraffito pottery are similar to those of the major Iranian pottery centers, but other pottery samples obtained from Natel are in a lower level in terms of their decorative quality, especially in color painting. 

A Summary of the Paper
Initially, the samples were classified according to two variables, i.e. their coating type and being simple or painted, which are divided into four groups: non-glazed simple pottery, non-glazed painted pottery, glazed simple pottery, and glazed painted pottery. Then, at the typology stage within the classification framework, each group of pottery was classified into several types and sub-types according to one or more variables. The investigations were carried out with great sensitivity and accuracy and finally, this resulted in the typology of the pottery in the form of 45 types and sub-types. Statistical studies on the ceramics of this collection indicated that the glazed simple pottery was the most frequent type among all the groups with a frequency of 46.53%. Overall, these ceramics have relatively good production quality and strength, but the glazed painted ceramics are at a lower level in terms of production technique and variety of motifs. The non-glazed painted pottery pieces in this collection have geometric motifs and the dominant motif type in this group is ripple motif in terms of motif design variable. At the typological comparison stage of classification which has been carried out according to the classification and typology of pottery collection, it was attempted to compare a large number of fragments with pottery found in Islamic sites. Therefore, in addition to reviewing various reports of excavations carried out in Islamic sites (generally, the northern sites of the country are considered), we have carefully studied the authentic sources of Islamic pottery prepared and organized by the efforts of foreign and domestic scholars and accordingly the pottery types, which were compared with similar example or examples, were dated and the comparisons are presented in the form of tables in the main text of the paper. From among the regions or sites whose ceramics are comparable to those of the Islamic period of Natel, Bamiyan, Nishabur, Jorjan, Poinak castle of Varamin, Imam Zadeh Ali Lafourak in Savadkouh, Sarqala of Lavasan, Sheikh Safieddin Ardebil’s tomb, Sistan, Golkhandan fortress, Kaseh al-Mout, Gaskar site of Gilan, Haft Daghnan of Gilan, northwest of Iran, Osbou Kola Lofer, and Jahan Nama site can be mentioned. 

Conclusion 
According to the contents of the present study as well as the classification, typology, and typological comparison of the pottery discovered from the historic town of Natel, it can be stated that there are a total of 45 different ceramic types and subtypes in this collection. The results of typological comparisons of the pottery of the Islamic period of Natel showed this collection had the highest rate of similarity and relationship with the pottery obtained from the sites of the Islamic period in the north of the country; this cultural and artistic similarity supports the existence of a wide cultural and connection network between Natel and its neighboring regions and indicates the production and expansion of formal and standard pottery types during different Islamic times that were produced in specific centers and exported to other regions. Their production techniques were imitated in local workshops with a lower quality. In general, the results of this study suggest that most of the studied samples belong to the early (3 and 4 AH) and mid-Islamic (5 and 9 AH) centuries. The results of the statistical studies on the pottery of Natel also indicate that these pottery findings have a relatively good production quality, but they are at a lower level in terms of production technique and diversity of motifs.  

Abstract
The northeast Iran has been the context of some of the most important events of the Parthian Period, in a way that one can restrict the geography of the Parthians to Pathawa and Hyrcania until before gradual expansion of the territory during Mehrdad the First (138-171 BC).One of the least-known aspects of the Parthian in the northeast region is the potteries assemblages. Pottery is the most abundant of the archaeological finds and is the most important one to understand the cultural specifics of the historical periods. The Parthian pottery is not the same throughout the whole empire and it can be grouped into several categories based on geographic regions. The pottery assemblage under study in this paper, collected from two seasons of excavations at ShahrTappeh in Dargaz, represents part of the Parthian pottery corpus of the northeast region. In current research, the pottery aasemblage of ShahrTappeh has been studied from the typological perspective and it has been tried to put forward specifics of the pottery of Parthian period of the northeast region by comparative studies of the similar assemblages.The most frequent forms amongst the pottery assemblage of ShahrTappeh are jar, pithos, handled jar, pot, caldron, trough, bowl and cup. These forms, which are seen from the early to late phase of the Parthian period, are comparable with specimens from Marv, Nisa, Qumes, Chasada, Shamshir Ghar, Ai Khanom, HasaniMahale, Tol Espid, Tappeh Yahya, Bardsir cemetery, Gowri Kohneh, Nadali, south of Baluchestan, Khorheh, Sang-e Shir cemetery, QalehEzhdahak and Bisotun. In addition, finding of some kiln waste in the second season of excavation at ShahrTappeh suggest that this site was a center for pottery production in the northeast during the Parthian period. Lack of glazed ware, rarity of the painted ware and the prevalence of the plain ware are the most characteristics of the ShahrTappeh pottery assemblage. The latter was used as common ordinary ware during the Parthian period and based on comparative studies they were parts of the pottery tradition of the Parthians. 
Keywords: The Northeast Region of Iran, Dargaz, ShahrTappeh, Pottery, Parthian Period.

Introduction
The site of ShahrTappeh is located near the town of Chapeshlow in the northeast Iran. From several aspects this site has important in archaeology of the Parthian Period: with more than 70 ha, the site of ShahrTappeh is one of the largest sites of this period in the northeast Iran; 2. The site is just 100 km, as crow flies, from the first capital of the Parthians; 3. Archaeological data, including fortifications, acropolis, sharestan (lower town), industrial quarter and cultural materials recovered from the excavations comparable with those from Nisa, suggest that the site was a city in the Parthian period; 4. Based on materials recovered from the surface and excavations, ShahrTappeh was a single-period site of the Parthian period in the northeast region. These items suggest that ShahrTappeh was one of the most important Parthian centers of the northeast region. Regarding the importance of the site of ShahrTappeh in the northeast region we try in this paper to discuss the main pottery characteristics of the site to some extent. In this line, first we have studied the pottery forms of the site and then we have chosen 89 sherd fragments and whole vessels for in-depth studies. We have tried to choose the pottery sample so that it is the representative of the whole assemblage. In the following the pottery assemblage has been divided into two classes: open forms and closed forms, and then each class has been discussed. Finally, we tried to discuss, in a separate part, the common features of the Parthian pottery of the region from this study and at the end we propose a pattern for identification and characterization of the Parthian pottery in the northeast region. 

Typology and General Characteristics of the Study Sample
From the pottery collection recovered from two seasons of excavations at ShahrTappeh, 89 pottery fragments and whole vessels were chosen for study here. At the first stage, these potteries are divided into two classes: open forms and closed forms. The closed forms of the ShahrTappeh assemblage include necked jars and simple jars, pithoi, stoups, caldrons, troughs, a vessel type known as Misagh and base fragments of the vessels. The open forms include bowls and cups. Without considering the various types of forms, the ware has some general characteristics. The pottery collection under study is all plain. No glazed ware is found in ShahrTappeh yet. Some of the sherds have incised, applique or burnished decorations. The sherds usually have mean thickness, but both thick and thin variants are also seen. The color paste covers a spectrum: buff, light orange, orange, red and gray. The color of slip ranges from buff, light buff, dark buff, greenish buff, orange buff, reddish buff, buff orange, light orange, dark orange, reddish orange, red, greenish red, buff brown, gray to greenish gray. All samples are wheel made and the temper agent used is mineral, including sand, silt and white particles. The kiln temperature was enough and all sherds were exposed to proper heat. 

Conclusion
With more than 70 ha in area, ShahrTappeh is one the largest Parthian sites of the northeast region. The important point about this site is that it is a single-period site and discussing about its finds can be pursued from this perspective. One of the most important finds of ShahrTappeh is pottery. Except typological and technical grounds, the Parthian potteries of ShahrTappeh can be assessed from the viewpoints of chronology, comparable specimens, imported potteries and local production. The potteries assemblage of ShahrTappeh is datable to the early to late Parthian period. This conclusion is based on comparative grounds. On this basis, the ShahrTappeh specimens are comparable with those of eastern Parthian Empire. The early Parthian potteries of the site are comparable with those of Nisa, Marv and Qumes. Some of the specimens are comparable with pottery from Charseda, Shamshir Ghar and Ai Khanomwhich are categorized in the Seleucid-Parthian context. Although the site established in the early Parthian period, it lasted to the end of the era. Among the potteries assemblage of ShahrTappeh there are specimens that are comparable with those from Tol Spid, Tappeh Yahya, Bardsir cemetery, Gowri Kohneh, Nadali, south of Baluchestan, Khorheh, Sang-e Shir cemetery, QalehEzhdahak and Bisotun. The pottery types of ShahrTappeh can be assessed from the import and local production viewpoints. Amongst the potteries of ShahrTappeh a burnished vessel dated to the 1st to 3rd centuries AD has been found. Existence of this specimen indicates the importation of such vessels from the southeast region to the northeast region including ShahrTappeh. On the other hand, discovery of large amounts of kiln waste suggest that the site was a manufacturing center for pottery vessels. It should be noted that as no deformed specimens were found, we cannot make comments about the local variants. In general, potteries of ShahrTappeh which are comparable with assemblages from the eastern Iran can be dated from the early to the late Parthian period. These pottery types that in which imported specimens and local production can be seen, are representatives of some of the Parthian pottery types of the northeast region. 

Abstract
Mehr-Narseh is known as one of the most important character of the middle Sassanid era. Based on the written historical sources, the construction of some buildings has been attributed to him, among which the most outstanding ones are five fire-temple monuments built in the southwest of Fars. Although various theories have been put forward regarding the location of the structures, by far, the nature and qualitative value of them are unknown. In this study firstly, the political-religious personality of this Sassanid minister in various ways was investigated, then besides recognizing their religious nature and value via analysis of the sources related to Mehr-Narseh fire temples, the Chahar-Taqis attributed to him was also studied, according to the current theories,  so as to reveal some features of  the religious architecture of Sassanid era. This is a fundamental or basic research, and the nature and method of which is historical and descriptive-analytical. The data is also collected from library and fieldwork. Based on the results of this study, it seems that the fire temples built by Mehr-Narseh included two separate types and four fire temples attriuted to him located in Abruwān area were related to family fire meaned “Dādgāh”. According to the field studies and similarity, the previous theories can be criticized and a new group of religious temple of Sasanian period in Farashband can be introduced that contains one or several fire temples, which are attributed to Mehr-Narseh. It seems that these kinds of fire temples have a complex plan with additional architectural and probably had a number of attendants to do the work related to the fire temple. Overall, this research can provide a correct understanding of the fire temples of “Dādgāh” Fire during the Sassanid period. This also provides a new grouping manner for such these temples and can be known as a pattern for reviewing of usage and religious value of other similar Chahar-Taqis.
Keywords: Mehr-Narseh, Fire Temple, Chahar-Taqi, Sassanid Era, Dādgāh Fire, Farashband.

Introduction
One of the important points mentioned in the historical resources is the information regarding the personality of Mehr-Narseh, as one of the significant figures of the middle Sassanid period, who built several fire temples and made other services in several other fire temples, which has been attributed to him by the order of the Sassanid emperors. Discovering the fire temples constructed under the order of Mehr-Narseh has been one of the most interesting study topics related to the religious architectures of the Sassanid period during the last century. There are different theories regarding the probable location of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh, which mainly include the region between the current Kazerun, Farashband, Dehram, and Firouzabad. This article attempts to study the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh from a different perspective. In the first step, we study and explore Mehr-Narseh character to determine his political position in the middle of the Sassanid period and have an idea of his religious position in the system. The second step is to survey the nature and characters of the fire temples attributed to him from in terms of the quality value and their positions, to have a final analysis of their architectural complexities. The main question of this study is the religious quality of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh and what kind of fire was kept in the fire temples attributed to him? Also, based on the fires kept in these fire temples, what is the level of architectural complexity of the mentioned structures? The proposed hypothesis for this question is that it is possible that the four fire temples of Mehr-Narseh were containing the fire of “Dādgāh” and the fire temple of Jereh contained the fire of Ādarān. It is also assumed that the Dādgāh fore temples of Mehr-Narseh had additional spaces in the form of small architectural complexes. Based on the purpose of the study, this is basic research and from the perspective of nature and methodology, the study is conducted via the historical and descriptive-analytical method. The data collection method was library study and fieldwork. Initially, the political and religious figure of  Mehr-Narseh was analyzed and studied, with the help of the written sources related to him or the fire temples attributed to him, to reach understanding about the nature of his fire temples through a comparison between his character and the characteristics of the fire temples attributed to him. The next step was the archeological surveys in the fieldwork alongside the library researches and evaluating the archeological documents and reports about the proposed Chahar-Taqs for the location of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh, from an architectural perspective to finally reach a suitable point of view about the architectural and religious quality of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh.

Discussion
According to Pahlavi and Islamic sources, Mehr-Narseh, the minister of the Middle Sassanid period, has attained his highest religious official during the reign of Bahram V, as the honored titles of the servant of the two fire temples, since in the “Matigan-i Hazar Datistan” there is no mention of him being resented by Bahram V. During the reign of Yazdgerd II and Pirouz, he and his wife were sentenced to be the “Ādurwaxšīh” or tending the fire of the temple fire, due to a sin that some researchers associated with Zurvanism. The religious dedication of Mehr-Narseh resulted in the construction of several public buildings in the provinces of Ardashir-Khwarrah and Shapur –Khwarrah and also four religious temples on his ancestral lands for himself and his three sons, which were run by his heirs until the first centuries of Islamic period; these fire temples were shires dedicated to the “Atash-e Dadgah”. Based on the archeological findings and the presented theories, the remains of the three Chahar-Taq of “Malik”, “Tall-i Djangi”, and “Khurma yak” can be identical with one of the four fire temples belonging to Mehr-Narseh, as well as to match the information provided in written historical sources. Meanwhile, the site of “Pir-e Jeyran” may also be considered as the fourth fire temple of Mehr-Narseh in Abruwān. Based on the comparison studies of the archaeological evidence and the written sources, it can be concluded that during the Sassanid period, the shrines associated with the fire Dādgāh, could be very magnificent according to the financial conditions and social status of its founder and have donations such as gardens and farmland, and their revenues were spent for the happiness of the soul of the founder. Such fire temples were also run by a person named “Sallar” or the guardian who was chosen by the founder of the fire temple, and this responsibility was transferable to their heirs. The existence of such a title could indicate that other people also served in these private fire temples, and therefore this category of family fire temples, like the fire temples associated with the “Behrām” and “Ādarān” fires, could have hierarchical complexities in terms of the number of servers.

Conclusion
Based on the results of this study, it seems that the fire temples built by Mehr-Narseh included two separate types and four fire temples attriuted to him located in Abruwān area were related to family fire meaned “Dādgāh”. According to the field studies and similarity, the previous theories can be criticized and a new group of religious temple of Sasanian period in Farashband can be introduced that contains one or several fire temples, which are attributed to Mehr-Narseh. It seems that these kinds of fire temples have a complex plan with additional architectural and probably had a number of attendants to do the work related to the fire temple. Overall, this research can provide a correct understanding of the fire temples of “Dādgāh” Fire during the Sassanid period. This also provides a new grouping manner for such these temples and can be known as a pattern for reviewing of usage and religious value of other similar Chahar-Taqis. Before this, no specific structure for the fire temples related to the fire of “Dādgāh” in the Sassanid period, had been introduced, and the only available evidence was about the findings in “Tull-i Sifidak” which has a cruciform architectural space beside the residential context, as a sacred place for the fire. Based on conducted analyses of this study, it is possible to categorize the different types of religious architectural structures dedicated to the fire of “Dādgāh” into two groups: The first type was the buildings that include a cruciferous space attached to their residential section, that might have simpler procedures and endowments. The second type was complexes including Chahar-Taq and interconnected architectural spaces, which were probably built in the endowed properties of the fire temple, including gardens and agricultural lands, and belonged to people with high social ranks in the Sassanid society, such as Mehr-Narseh fire temples.

Abstract
One of the burial methods in the Zoroastrian religion is the Xwaršēd Nigerišnand the placement of the corpse in the towers of silence. With reference to the classical sources and archeological findings, this burial tradition has been reported in the Zoroastrian religion from the beginning of the historical period until today. So far, few studies have been carried out on the tower of silence of Ray. These studies often focus on description of the site and its architectural features. It is not possible to acquire a comprehensive understanding of the evolution of this architectural structure and the construction history of the site by solely relying on these studies. This research tries to evaluate the evolution of the architecture of the tower of silence of Ray from the early to the late Islamic centuries. In addition, it seeks to obtain evidence regarding the relative construction dating of the site. As a result, this research tries to answer two questions: 1) how was the original architectural structure of the tower of silence of Ray and what architectural developments have taken place in it? 2) With reference to the literary sources and comparative studies, when was the tower of silence of Ray constructed? In order to find answers to the aforementioned questions, a descriptive-analytical method has been used. The library method, alongside with field and comparative studies were the most important information gathering means for this investigation. The results of this study indicates that the tower of silence of Ray belongs to the Early Islamic period and continued to be used up to the Late Islamic era. Furthermore, the comparative study of the architectural structure of the site, while confirming the proposed dating, places the tower of silence of Ray alongside with the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman in a particular generation of towers of silence. A generation that continued the tradition of the Pre-Islamic era towers of silence and represented the towers of silence of the early Islamic centuries.
Keywords: Tower of Silence, Ray, Early Islamic Centuries, Late Islamic Centuries, Architectural Structure.

Introduction
One of the oldest burial traditions in the ancient world is the XwaršēdNigerišn or the exposure of a corpse to open air. This burial tradition has been reported from the Epipaleolithic (McAuley, 2013: 8) and Neolithic periods (Hole & Flannery, 1963: 245-246; Lambert, 1980: 6) to the present day (Geiger, 1885: 88). There is still no accurate information regarding the entry of this burial tradition into Zoroastrianism and the quality of its spread in ancient Iran. Literary sources and archaeological data provide scattered information about this burial tradition in the Achaemenid (550-330 B.C.), Parthian (247-224 A.D.) and Sasanian (224-651 A.D.) periods. Herodotus mentions the prevalence of XwaršēdNigerišn among the Magians (Herodotus, Histories: I: 140; Godley, 1920: 179) and Strabo considers it a common tradition in the eastern regions of Iran during the Parthian period (Strabo, Geography: XXI. 3. 15; Sanatizadeh, 2003: 327).Although the XwaršēdNigerišn was mostly carried out in the mountains, without involving or creating architectural constructions, in some cases this tradition was performed in circular and enclosed spaces known as the towers of silence. The tower of silence of Chil’pyk in Khwarezm dates back to the 2nd - 4th centuries A.D. (Abdullaev, 2014: 309) and while confirming Strabo’s claim, represents the oldest instance of a Zoroastrian tower of silence in the eastern domains of the Parthian Empire. At the same time, the performance of XwaršēdNigerišn in the theater of Ai Khanom, after the departure of the Greeks, is another evidence of Dakhma burial in the Eastern Parthian lands (Frye, 1984: 190). So far, only the roofed tower of silence of Bandian has been reported from the Sasanian period (Rahbar, 2007: 455-473).This burial tradition later emerged in the Islamic period and became the most common burial method among Zoroastrian minorities.
An instance of Zoroastrian tower of silence burials can be seen at the slopes of Mount Tabarak in the city of Ray. On the one hand, this tower of silence follows the tradition of the tower of silence of Chil’pyk(Abdullaev, 2014: 309), and on the other, it is a reminiscent of the Dakhma of Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman(Huff, 2004:620-623). The lack of entrance space and the use of grave-like pāvis for the Xwaršēd Nigerišnare the architectural features of this burial structure that cannot be perceived in similar cases. The reports of the European travelers of the Qajar period (D’Allemagne, 1956: 803; Dieulafoy, 1992: 146-148; Orsolle, 2003: 303;Feuvrier, 2006: 190; Williams Jackson, 2008: 495), along with the monograph of Wolfram Kleiss (Kleiss, 1987: 369-382), and the brief description of GhadirAfround and KhosroPourbakhshandeh who surveyed the city of Ray (Afround&Pourbakhshandeh, 2002: 62), constitute the bulk of available information regarding the tower of silence in Ray. In this research, in the first place, an attempt has been made to identify the architectural structure of the tower of silence in Ray. In the next step, the architectural developments of the tower of silence will be evaluated, and finally, some hypothetical assumptions regarding the construction date of the site will be presented. In order to achieve the aforementioned goals, the study of literary sources and a comparative study of the tower of silence of Ray with similar structures is the approach of the present research.

Description of the site
The tower of silence of Ray is an isolated structure and does not have any extensions. It is situated on the northern slope of Bibi Shahrbanu Mountain, overlooking the seventh unit of Tehran Cement Factory in Ray County, at 39.217 ′51 ′ longitude and 15.388 ′36 ′ latitude and an elevation of 1203 meters above sea level. This burial structure is built with stone rubble and plaster mortar and has a diameter of 1780 cm, a height of 450 cm, and an average thickness of 100 cm (Figs. 1-2).

Evaluation
The evolution of the architectural structure and the dating of the site are the two research problems of the tower of silence in Ray.Abu Dulaf al-Khazraji’s reference and Nizam al-Mulk’s explanation are indicative of a Zoroastrian burial structure at the slopes of Tabarak Mountain in Ray. Probably, its positioning on the other side of Mount Tabarak and behind the city of Ray was due to the burial nature of the site and the performance of Xwaršēd Nigerišn in the open air. In addition, it can be assumed that the presence of Bibi Shahrbanu Shrine near Mount Tabarak was influential in the construction of the tower of silence on northern slope of the mountain. At any rate, although the word “sotōdān” had evolved from “astōdān” (i.e. bone-container), Nizam al-Mulk’s explanation is reminiscent of an architectural structure. The “sotōdān” of the Siyāsatnāmeh (i.e. Book of Politics) is mentioned in the same section where the tower of silence in Ray is located. At least until the Qajar era, this “sotōdān” was without an entrance door, and one had to use a ladder in order to get inside. The double-layers of the“sotōdān”may also indicate that the tower of silence was double-surfaced. These statements are repeated several centuries later in the reports of European travelers. The use of pāvi-like graves for the Xwaršēd Nigerišn, the absence of a central a stōdān and the deposition of bones in the corner of thetower of silence are other information that European travelers of the Qajar period have provided. Despite the emphasis on the lack of an entrance until the Qajar period, in the aerial photograph from 1335 (and onwards) and Kleiss’s visit in 1985, the tower of silence can be seen with one or two entrance doors. In addition, a podium has been built next to the site, which was probably created after its abandonment. During the surveys, no bones were found in the pit at the center of the tower of silence. This pit was made by unauthorized excavators, probably dug in the contemporary period. A comparative study of the tower of silence of Ray with other towers of silence of Iran indicates that the Ray’s example is comparable with the silent tower of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman from the following points of view: 1) the existence of an enclosure wall, 2) the lack of a central a stōdān, 3) the place where bones are collected in the corner of thetower of silence, and 4) the lack of extensions. At the same time, the absence of a roof, astōdān rooms, and central a stōdān shows that the main structure of the tower of silence in Ray should not have been built after the Seljuk period. The existence of the enclosure wall also implicitly testifies to the Islamic nature of the tower of silence. With reference to Abu Dulaf’smention and Nizam al-Mulk’s report, it can even be assumed that the tower of silencein Ray belongs to the Buyid period. Thanks to the works of Islamic era authors, there are available reports on the freedom of religious minorities, the tendency of the power holders to pre-Islamic cultural traditions, and the relative power of the Zoroastrian minority during the Buyid period.

Conclusion
One of the burial traditions in the ancient world was the exposure of a corpse to open air. This burial custom later entered the Zoroastrian religion and became one of the common burial methods of this religion. The practice of XwaršēdNigerišn in the towers of silence is one of the examples of this burial tradition in Zoroastrianism. An instance of this burial method has been reported at the Bibi Shahrbanu Mountain in Ray. In this research, the tower of silence in Ray was examined and studied from the perspectives of date of construction and architecture. The study of historical texts and evaluation of available evidence indicates that the tower of silence in Ray was constructed during the Early Islamic centuries and continued to be used up to the Late Islamic centuries. The recurrence of the Book of Politics’ statements regarding the architecture in the reports of Qajar era travelers, while confirming the dating of the site, provides a partial understanding of the original construct of the tower of silence in Ray. The second phase of the architectural evolution of the site goes back to the Qajar period. Despite Maneckji’s residence in Tehran during the Qajar era and his influence on the architectural structure of the towers of silence in Iran, his proposed model has never been implemented in the tower of silence in Ray. The application of grave-like pāvis is one of the few changes made in the architectural structure of this tower of silence in the Qajar period. The creation of the podium and the entrance, probably during the Pahlavi period, is the last phase of architectural changes in the tower of silence in Ray. Regarding the architectural model of the tower of silence in Ray, it can be stated that it is the continuation of the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman. These burial structures, all of which probably belong to the first centuries of Islam, are limited by an enclosure wall and the XwaršēdNigerišnwas performed inside its natural space. The absence of a central astōdān and the place where bones are collected in the corner of the tower of silence are the other common features of these burial tradition in the first centuries of Islam in Iran. Although the architectural structure of the towers silence changed as a result of socio-religious developments of Zoroastrianism in later periods, the Ray’s example continued to exist without being influenced by newer generations. As a result, based on the architectural and literary sources studies, the tower of silence in Ray shows the continuation of the tradition of the tower of silence of the Yazd Mountain and the ancient Dakhma of Kerman and hence related to the early Islamic centuries in Iran. The literary sources of the early Islamic centuries, while confirming this dating, provides relative statements about the architectural structure of the tower of silence. The Buyid period, one of the golden ages in the history of Ray, as Nizam al-Mulk has pointed out, can be considered as a hypothetical assumption for the construction of this Zoroastrian burial structure. A period in which, thanks to the literary sources of the Islamic period, there is information, albeit scant, regarding the position of this religious minority in its sociopolitical affairs.

Abstract
Sassanid bullae are indicative of the administrative structure, commerce and other cultural concepts, which usually differ from each other in the sealed figures, size and the number of times they have been stamped. In many cases, these samples are accompanied by symbolic arrays like other cultural data of this period. In order to study of their importance and description and to answer questions about the symbolism mixed with the worldview of Mazdaznan religion and other concepts such as the knowledge of that time, we selected undocumented bullae in the archives of the National Museum. In this regard, semantics, the most frequent arrays, compatibility between these symbols with other symbols this period, relative chronology and their possible origins were investigated. Most of the images stamped on the bullae of this collection include human, animal, and geometric arrays (monograms). Some of the fifty studied bullae studied have lost their value in due to wear and corrosion or breakage. Also, there is no information about how they were discovered. These bullae are assigned to the Sassanid period only based on the writings and arrays. Our research is based on library studies and documentation of bullae of the National Museum archive and conventional methods such as photography and design of flower seals. 
Keywords: Bullae, Sassanid, Symbol, Iconography, Mazdaznan.

Introduction
Our purpose of writing this article is the iconography of bullae attributed to the Sassanid period from the archives of the National Museum. By studying these bullae, their administrative, commercial and ritual use can be understood. In order to better understand these features, symbols and writings (here symbols) have been studied. The Iconography of the archeological data of this period (especially seals and bullae) reveals points such as cultural interaction in the Sassanid Empire, similar to the concepts of the Mazdaist religion or other religions, Animal symbols in the seals of the Moghadam Museum with signs of the Mitra ritual (Dehpahlevan and Ghanavati, 2014, 47-67); or examples with Christian and Jewish symbols from Sassanid empire rituals (Lerner, 1976, 183-187 and Lerner 2009, 653-664). All in all, the symbolic nature (or not) of the arrays on the bullae can be interpreted as follows; Signs (monograms) are single or multi-purpose, human portraits are demonstrative or commanding and sometimes mythological, some of them like hearth are divine and other are mythological representations of quadrupeds or birds (Brunner, 1978, 11). However, each of which has a variety in form and details but it can be safely said that monograms are the most special type among them because it combines other symbols together (figure 1). Bullae in the archives of the National Museum are classified into human, plant, animal, astronomical and geometric types in a symbolic or natural framework. Meanwhile, their animal species is probably from the northern half of Iran in the 6th century AD. The purpose of this research is to deal with the symbolic and ritual concepts of the bullae of the National Museum and their use, classification and relative chronology of them. Their relative chronology is due to their similarity to the most well-known finds of this period, such as the documented flower seals of Takht Sulaiman and Abu Nasr Palace. The questions and assumptions of our research include What are the meanings of the Sasanian bullae symbols? What are the most repeated arrays in this collection and what are their similarities? What is the relationship between our research collection and other archaeological and documented findings? It is believed that the iconography on the seals, despite their mainly commercial or administrative use, shows the prominence of symbols and rituals in all aspects of Sasanian culture. Also, the iconography and inscriptions of some of the seals of the National Museum archive confirm their ownership to administrative and ritual positions. In this regard, we have a historical and analytical approach according to the documentation methods, typology and the review of archaeological reports.

Discussion and Analysis
Symbolism is an integral part of Iranian culture. Undoubtedly, since bullae were representative of the administrative and commercial system throughout the Sassanid Empire. the reflection of well-known and ancient symbols on bullae is also an effort to culturalization and reminding with them. According to the Authors, the common message of the symbols of each category clearly expresses systematic beliefs that are evident in all cultural and political aspects of this era. Just like the deification of all creations, which has been mentioned many times in Sasanian literature and art especially in the fourth century at the same time as Khosrow II Sassanid (Yarshater, 2016, 176-190). Iconography was of interest throughout this period and only the appearance and quantity of some of them, such as the animal examples of the time of Kartir and Bahram II or the symbols of the goddess Anahita during the time of Mobad-e-Mobadan Atorpat Mehraspandan (beginning of the 4th century AD) caused that some researchers consider them as new symbols. Sometimes iconography is a way to know the origin of bullae such as the arrays of camels and winged horses that are the symbol of the fire temple of Azargoshnasp that can show that part of this collection was made there or in the workshops of the northern half of Iran. In this regard the mineralogy of flower beads will also be our answer in belonging to the specific place of preparation of materials, the production and baking of flower beads. In addition, the names of Mad, Pars, Bishapur and Farah (Khora) of Ardashir (Firouzabad) are also mentioned on these seals. However, some names such as Azargashnesab were also used to name places and people (Yamauchi, 1993: 7-46). It is also possible that the flower seals and their iconography are more visible throughout this period, especially during political and social upheavals such as the period of Qabad I (488-496 AD) or Khosrow Anushirvan (531-579 AD).  In this regard, the archives of Takht Suleiman’s bullae and the reflection of the well-known early patterns of this period, such as the depiction of the king riding a horse on the bullae, clearly indicate their use and symbols for a long time, especially in the second half of this period.

Conclusion
The celestial and religious or scientific attitude to phenomena can be seen in Sassanid art and culture and before them in Iran. From a conceptual point of view, showing tangible species such as goats and rams, boars, etc. is also a good way to better believe the detailed definitions in a symbolic format. For example, in Iranian mythology, the gods had an iconic form of human, animal, etc., such as Anahita, the goddess of flowing waters, seal (Mitra) of the sun’s ray. All of them are represented in symbols, signs and inscriptions that are rooted in ancient beliefs.
The symbolism of bullae of the National Museum Archive helps us to understand ancient symbols and concepts such as animism and godliness and ideas mixed with the knowledge of the times. The role of symbols on the bullae for which administrative and commercial uses is presumed clearly indicates the value of product or message, the position of the seal holders and sometimes a sign of administrative and ritual base. Therefore, the symbol of the Sasanian seal and bullae, which was used as a medium to keep ancient ideas alive based on the materials and strategies of its time, can be a useful for the sociology of the Sasanian period. Seals and bullae have been most available to the elites in the judiciary, property, shrines, etc., and diverse human profile and different names on the archive of seals is a confirmation of this statement. Other points that can be seen from the symbolism of the bullae in addition to the recreation of symbols with concepts in the style of the millennia BC, the unreasonable interaction of cultures (symbols), especially based on the trade and shrewd attitude and policy of the Sassanid empire in coexistence with neighboring lands. Fleshy artistic style of arrays (especially human and animal species) is also a rare phenomenon in the history of Iranian art, although the geometric style of the Sassanid seals of Devin and Ajmiadzin of Armenia, or Qasrabun Nasr in the museum The New York Metropolitan, can be the result of the influence of individuals, the mass production of seals, the artistic style of seals and sometimes their inseparability from Parthian or pre-Party specimens.

Abstract
Qal’eh Bandar is situated on top of the mountain on the northern edge of the Shiraz plain. It overlooks a gorge which, along with Allah Akbar Gorge, was one of the few access routes from the Shiraz plain to the northern plains and the Marvdasht plain. The remains of this castle, including its towers and its three intriguing deep stone wells, are overlooking the street that leads to Saadi Tomb. According to historical and archaeological evidence, before the construction of the new city of Shiraz Qal’eh Bandar, alongside other fortifications such as Qasr-i Abu Nasr and possibly Pol-i Fasa Qal’eh, controlled the Shiraz plain during Sasanian and early Islamic periods. There are limited archaeological investigations of this fort, however the authors attempt to reconstruct the history, periods of occupation, and abandonment of this significant castle in the Shiraz plain by gathering and analyzing historical documents and archaeological findings. The main question of this research is the history of settlement of Qal’eh Bandar, as well as its connection to the name “Shahmubad Castle,” mentioned in some early Islamic geographical sources. The study results indicate that Qal’eh Bandar was used intermittently and frequently, at least from the Sassanian to the Safavid period, after which it was abandoned. However, there were also periods when the castle was abandoned and possibly unused. Folklore literature and culture reveal interesting similarities between the narratives of Qal’eh Bandar and the stories of the “One Thousand and One Nights,” which have not been previously considered. Additionally, contrary to common belief, “Shāhmubad Castle” does not correspond to Qal’eh Bandar but rather to the ruins of “Qasr-i Abu Nasr.
Keywords: Shiraz Plain, Qal’e Bandar, Pahandar, Shāhmubad, Qasr-i Abu Nasr.

Introduction
Historical evidence suggests that the Shiraz region lacked urban structures prior to the establishment of the new city in the latter half of the first century AH. Ibn Balkhi clearly indicated the absence of any city in this area before the Muslim Arab invasion. He described pre-Islamic Shiraz as a region with strong Castles. Considering the use of names similar to Shiraz and the mention of the Shiraz Castle in the Elamite tablets of Persepolis (Ti-ra-iz-zī-iš / Šir-zī-iš / Ti-ra-zī-iš / Ši-ra-iz-zī-iš), which reflect the Elamite version of the Old Persian name *Dīrāčiš, Richard Frye proposed the hypothesis that during the Achaemenid period, the name Shiraz referred to a region encompassing several villages and Castles. After the Achaemenid era, the name Shiraz reappears in the form of šyrɔcy as part of the Ardashir-Khwarrah district in Sasanian seals discovered at the site known as Qasr Abu Nasr in Shiraz. These pieces of evidence are significant for two main reasons. They help in determining the precise location of Shiraz in Sasanian era. They also provide insights into the political and administrative divisions of that period. It appears that, alongside Qasr Abu Nasr, other Castles were important in controlling and administrating of the Shiraz plain before Islam. Among these castles, Qal’eh Bandar holds great importance. Researchers have often identified it with the Shāhmubad Castle, the most important Castle in Shiraz according to early Islamic sources. However, no clear evidence has been provided to support this identification yet. The present research intents to answer two primary questions. First, is there a historical and geographical connection between Qal’eh Bandar and toponym Shāhmubad castle? Second, based on historical texts and archaeological evidence, when this Castle was inhabited and abandoned? Despite the significant historical and archaeological importance of Qal’eh Bandar, there has been little comprehensive research on the history and archaeology of this castle. By examining and analyzing the historical and geographical sources, and then correlating them with archaeological findings, this article reveals information on the history and periods of settlement and abandonment of Qal’eh Bandar in the Shiraz plain. It also provides a more detailed understanding of the role and significance of Qal’eh Bandar in the context of the broader historical and administrative landscape of Shiraz.

Discussion
Several famous Islamic geographers referred to an ancient castle called “Shāhmubad” in Shiraz. Moreover, Istakhari mentioned a Tasuj called “Shāhmubad/Shāhmarnak” among the thirteen Tasujs of the Shiraz plain. Most modern researchers have considered Shāhmubad castle to be the same as Qal’eh Bandar without any evidence. Moreover, Whitcomb has attempted to define the area of Tasuj Shāhmarnak/Shāhmubad in the Shiraz plain based on Qal’eh Bandar’s location (or Shāhmubad castle, in his opinion and that of other researchers). The authors, however, believe that Shāhmubad’s castle is not actually Qal’eh Bandar but rather the ruins of Qasr-i Abu Nasr. In support of this location, one should consider a bulla discovered at Qasr-i Abu Nasr, which is the most common seal impression in this collection. It bears the Middle Persian inscription šylɔcy mgwx. The legend “mgwx” or “mgwh” referred to the most common administrative position seen in the administrative seal impressions on Sasanian bullae. There has been much discussion about it. Frye suggested that “mgwx” is an abbreviation of /magu-x[wadāy]/ mgwx[wtɔy], meaning chief magu/chief priest. To support this reconstruction, Frye referred to a bulla in the British Museum which bears the full form of the word mgwxwdɔt. 
Since the Middle Persian word xwadāy means Lord, and it was usually translated to Shah in New Persian texts—such as the translation of Khwaday-Namag into Shahnameh—the authors believe that “Shāhmubad” could also be a new translation of magu xwadāy. Furthermore, if a Sasanian and early Islamic castle was named “Shāhmubad” or a similar version of this word, the castle is not Qal’eh Bandar but possibly Qasr-i Abu Nasr, where magu xwadāy or his administrative institution was located.
Based on historical texts, nine phases can be identified in Pahander Castle, including construction, restoration, addition, and destruction:
- Phase 1: Construction, Sasanian period, probably Shapur II’s reign
- Phase 2: Addition, Sasanian period, probably Yazdgird III’s reign
- Phase 3: Destruction, Arab conquests, 1st century AH
- Phase 4: Restoration, Buyid, Imad al-Dawla (327 AH)
- Phase 5: Restoration or addition, Buyid, Aḍud al-Dawla
- Phase 6: Restoration, Buyid, Abu Qanim ibn-i Amaid al-Dawla
- Phase 7: Restoration or addition, Muzaffarids, Shāh Shoja (760 AH)
- Phase 8: Restoration, Timurid, Amir Sunjak (796 AH)
- Phase 9: Final destruction, Safavid, Imam Quli Khan (after 1031 AH)
Moreover, three phases of abandonment can be considered:
- Phase 1: From the late 1st century AH until the Buyid period
- Phase 2: From the middle of the Seljuk period until the Injuids
- Phase 3: From the middle of the Safavid period until the present
The mentioned phases are based only on historical evidence and should be complemented with archaeological surveys and investigations.

Conclusion
Before the construction of the newfound city of Shiraz in the second half of the first century AH, a system of fortifications, including Qal’eh Bandar, Qal’eh Pol-i Fasa, and Qasr-i Abu Nasr as the center, were erected to control the Shiraz plain during pre-Islamic (particularly Sasanian) and early Islamic periods. It remains unclear why previous researchers have identified Qal’eh Bandar as the Shāhmubad castle mentioned in Islamic geographical sources. The present study clarifies that there is not solid evidence to substantiate this claim. In addition, the sigillographic evidence from Qasr-i Abu Nasr indicates that it is very probable that Qasr-i Abu Nasr, rather than Qal’eh Bandar, considered as the Shāhmubad castle. Although Qal’eh Bandar is situated on a rather low mountain, its strategic position allowed to control the Shiraz plain and the adjacent gorge, which was one of the few significant routes providing access from the Shiraz plain to the northern regions and the Marvdasht plain. This location advantage resulted in intermittent occupations at Qal’eh Bandar from its construction during the historical period—probably Sasanians—up to the later Islamic centuries. The significant strategic position of Qal’eh Bandar is evident from its intermittent settlements over the centuries. However, when the adjacent route lacked its importance, and the Safavid sought to reduce government expenditures, Qal’eh Bandar was destroyed by Imam Qoli Khan. Following its destruction, the castle was never rebuilt again. Despite its destruction, Qal’eh Bandar left a rich legacy in the collective memory of the people of Shiraz. This legacy persists in both bitter and sweet memories; Most often bitterly, due to the harsh punishment inflicted on adulteresses by throwing them into the well of the castle, or sometimes sweetly, through the recollection of its rock slide, which has become a part of local folklore.

Abstract
The Mersin Chal cemetery lies to the east of Telajim village, situated in the Poshtkouh district of Mehdi Shahr city. This site is located in the north of Semnan province, within Iran’s central plateau. The Telajim region offers significant biological diversity and livelihood potentials, providing the Mersin Chal people access to a diverse range of flora and fauna. Studying the skeletal remains from the Mersin Chal cemetery serves as an important resource for understanding various aspects, including paleodiet, dietary habits, and human behaviors. They provide insights into the levels of adaptation and environmental compatibility, and offer a basis for modeling economic conditions. The focus of this research was to investigate the biological and subsistence strategies employed by the individuals buried in this cemetery during the second half of the first millennium BC, utilizing bioarchaeological methods. To achieve the stated objective, a key question emerges: how can the dietary patterns of the population from the study area be identified through stable isotope analysis conducted on biological samples obtained from archaeological excavations at the Mersin Cal cemetery? To address the question, this study employs a laboratory-analytical approach, specifically stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotope analysis, conducted on dental collagen samples. Statistical methods were applied to analyze and interpret the results from the isotope analysis. The investigation focuses on the human skeletal remains from 12 graves among 49 excavated burials at the Mersin Cal cemetery. Physical anthropological research indicates that the examined skeletal remains are of adults, encompassing both male and female individuals. Considering the biological potentials of the studied area, this research concluded that the Mersin Chal community had a mixed diet based on C3 and C4 plants. Their protein intake was derived predominantly from herbivores (a diet based on C3 and C4 plants), with a smaller portion coming from carnivores.
Keywords: Mersin Chal Cemetery, The Second Half of the First Millennium BC, Biological Strategies, Dental Collagen, Carbon Isotope, Nitrogen Isotope.

Introduction
“Human skeletal remains serve as the foundation for shaping both individual and collective experiences of the world throughout our lifetime. The dual nature of skeletal remains, viewed both as biological and cultural entities, serves as a basis for theoretical research in bioarchaeology, which studies the biological remains left by past peoples in their cultural contexts (ancient sites)” (Afshar, 2018:82). Chemical analysis of bones and teeth has become a fundamental tool in bioarchaeology, offering insights into human migration and movement, livelihoods, biological strategies, paleodiet, gender differences, etc (Basu et al., 2015; Bogaard & Outram, 2013:333, Lewis et al., 2017:45, Makarewicz & Sealy, 2015:146-14). The isotopic composition of a diet can be assessed by analyzing the ratio of carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotopes found in the collagen of bones and teeth (Agarwal & Glencross, 2011: 413-414). The isotopic values (δ13C and δ15N) derived from the food consumed by animals and humans are incorporated into their tissues. By analyzing the stable isotopes of carbon and nitrogen in the dental collagen of human remains, it is possible to determine the proteins consumed by each individual in the last years of their life due to tissue regeneration processes (Bocherens et al., 2005:10; Budd et al., 2013:862). Therefore, it is essential to identify the main components of the diet, including C3 and C4 plants, marine-based proteins, and non-protein sources (Price, 2015: 74). The stable carbon isotope ratio (δ13C) serves as an indicator for estimating the proportional intake of C3 and C4 plants in both human and animal diets. C3 plants have more negative δ13C values (-20 to -35%), and C4 plants have more positive δ13C values (-9 to -14%) in human skeletal collagen (Agarwal and Glencross, 2011:414, Ambrose, 1986:711, Ambrose and Lynette, 1993:2-3, Price, 2015:73, Katzenberg, 2008:423-424). The proportion of the stable carbon isotope is influenced by dietary intake, whereas the proportion of the stable nitrogen isotope is affected by both diet and habitat conditions (Katzenberg, 2008: 430-431). Nitrogen isotope (δ15N) levels are influenced not only by trophic level but also by environmental variables like rainfall and agricultural management practices, including fertilization methods (Budd et al., 2017:5; Sołtysiak, 2020:117; Sołtysiak and Schutkowski, 2018:1). In this regard, this research focuses on reconstructing the livelihood patterns and biological strategies of the people buried in the Mersin Chal cemetery during the second half of the first millennium BC, utilizing an analysis of the stable isotopes δ13C and δ15N.

Discussion 
Analyzing carbon and nitrogen isotopes in skeletal remains, including bones and teeth, provides valuable insights into palaeodiet, biological strategies, and dietary habits. The isotope values (δ¹³C and δ¹⁵N) found in the food consumed by animals and humans are retained within the tissues of the individual consumer. By analyzing stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes found in the dental/bone collagen of human or animal remains, it is possible to identify the diet consumed during the last years of the individual’s life (Bocherens et al., 2005: 10; Budd et al., 2013: 862). In the third season of archaeological excavations at the Mersin Chal cemetery in 2021, 49 pit grave burials dating back to the second half of the first millennium BC were identified (Nemati, 2021). Skeletal remains, much like other archaeological evidence, have significant value in reconstructing the past. This research examined the remains obtained from this cemetery using a bioarchaeological approach. A total of 12 skeletal remains with third molars were chosen for laboratory isotopic analysis.  The samples consisted entirely of adult skeletons, comprising a mix of both male and female individuals. Carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses were conducted at the Center for Physical Science and Technology in Vilnius, Lithuania, utilizing an isotope ratio mass spectrometer. These analyses revealed that the δ¹³C ratios varied between -16.33% and -17.86%, while δ¹⁵N ranged from 11.12% to 8.61%. These isotopic values indicate a mixed diet based on C3 and C4 plants, as well as protein sources such as herbivores and carnivores. Sołtysiak & Schutkowski (2018) noted, “The isotopic values of domesticated ungulates (goats, sheep, and camels) overlap with humans. However, certain instances reveal slightly more positive δ¹³C values. Conversely, wild ungulates (gazelles and horses) show higher δ¹³C values and lower δ¹⁵N values compared to humans and domesticated animals. The presence of more positive δ¹³C values in wild ungulates suggests that these ungulates (gazelles, equines) occasionally grazed on C4 plants” (Sołtysiak & Schutkowski, 2018: 7). The δ¹³C isotope values provide insight into dietary habits: higher positive values suggest a likelihood of consuming C4 plants, while lower negative values point to the consumption of C3 plants. It highlights that the primary source of fodder for the herbivores contributing to their diet came from both C3 and C4 plants. The geographical position of Mersin Chal cemetery, situated in a region rich in environmental assets and diverse flora and fauna, has granted the community convenient access to food resources.

Conclusion 
The carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of skeletal remains from the Mersin Chal cemetery holds significant value as a key aspect of archaeological research, offering crucial insights and serving as a vital source of information for reconstructing past cultures and studying the social and economic conditions of past societies. Research on paleo-nutrition has predominantly centered on the examination of skeletal remains. Collagen found in biological remains, such as teeth and bones, serves as the foundation for carbon and nitrogen isotopic analysis. Consequently, ensuring the presence of collagen in optimal condition is one of the most important criteria for selecting a skeleton for isotopic research. If the amount of collagen in the sample is insufficient, the sample becomes unsuitable for analysis. Thus, to reliably reconstruct dietary patterns, it is crucial to use samples with intact and well-preserved collagen. The tooth samples from the Mersin Chal skeletal remains exhibit favorable collagen quality indicators, including collagen concentration, collagen yield ranging between 16.12% and 7.67%, carbon concentration between 40.16% and 36.38%, nitrogen concentration from 14.60% to 13.28%, and a C/N atomic ratio spanning 3.25 to 3.18, confirming their well-preserved condition. Analysis of stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotopes in the dental collagen extracted from skeletal remains at the Mersin Chal cemetery revealed that the isotopic values for the region fall within the ranges of δ13C (-16.33% to -17.86%) and δ15N (11.12% to 8.61%). These isotopic values indicate a diet composed of C3 plants, including cultivated cereals such as wheat and barley, as well as rice, legumes, vegetables, and fruits, and also C4 plants. The people of this region primarily derived their protein from herbivores that fed on C3 plants, such as goats, sheep, and camels, as well as from herbivores with a mixed diet of C3 and C4 plants, including cattle, gazelles, and equines. Based on isotopic evidence, the inhabitants of this region incorporated carnivores such as Felidae indet into their diet, albeit in limited amounts. carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses have revealed no evidence of aquatic-based dietary contributions, indicating that the Mersin Chal community relied entirely on terrestrial animals as their primary protein source. Considering the rich biological diversity of the research field, it is clear that the Mersin Chal community has direct access to both plant and animal food resources. These environmental potentials have played a crucial role in shaping the most suitable biological strategies for the residents of this region.