Abstract
Gour, the first Sasanian capital, was founded by Ardeshir-e Bābakān, the founder of Sasanian empire. The extensive archaeological and historical studies have been done on this city so far, which has led to the identification of valuable archaeological evidence. One of the most important archeological evidence obtained during the excavations of this historical city is a tomb with Oval-shaped burials, that was identified in the western part of citadel. The discovery of this tomb in this part of the city near the fire temple surprised the researchers. The purpose of this study is to analyze the identity of the tombs. Gathering the data has been done by documentation and field studies, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. According to the studies and beliefs of scholars and archaeologists, the vicinity of the burial, which contains impure remains of the corpses (nasu), is not compatible with the fire temple where the sacred fire was kept and on the other hand is not in line with the common teachings of Zoroastrianism. The main questions of the research are: Is the construction of the tomb a new burial model in Sasanian period or is it an adaptation of an older model? Were the tombs or coffins of the tomb used to hold the bodies? Or were the ossuaries, where the bones were kept, after the performance of the Zoroastrian tradition “exposure”? Study of the historical and religious texts about the Sasanians and their predecessors and related archaeological finds suggests that the proximity of tombs as the site of unclean elements to the fire temple as a center for the preservation of the sacred fire is a new burial pattern, probably in early Sasanian period in Gour, based on the ancient Achaemenid tradition. This burial pattern continued in the middle of the Sasanian period in another way in the form of a ossuaries next to some fire temples.
Keywords: Achaemenids, Sasanian, Tomb, Ossuary, Fire Temple, Burial Pattern.

Introduction
Ardeshir was thinking of devising a new plan for the political, social and religious structure of the country, in consequence of the defeat of the last Parthian king and the construction of the city of Ardeshir Khowreh. By planning Irānshahr, he intended to implement Avestan norms such as class structures and the concentration of power and formalization of the Zoroastrian religion, which led to religious changes, in the territory of Iran.
Apart from the historical knowledge, the archeological excavations in the city of Ardeshir Khowreh, led to the recognition of new aspects of Sasanian culture and civilization that are sometimes compatible with historical narratives and sometimes cause ambiguities. Understanding the architecture of government and religious buildings is one of the important aspects of this knowledge. The formalization of the Zoroastrian religion at the beginning of the Sasanians, which was one of the clear messages of Ardashir, is materialized by the construction of large fire temples in the citadel of Ardeshir Khowreh. Praying and honoring the sacred fire in the fire temple is one of the prominent manifestations of the Zoroastrian religion, which was performed to sanctify the four elements of water, wind, earth, and fire.
What surprised the scholars during the excavation in the western part of the citadel, and it has been seen as contrary to the teachings of the Zoroastrianism, was the discovery of a tomb near the fire temple of Ardeshir Khowreh. According to Zoroastrian beliefs and Avestan texts, the human body after death due to the penetration of the devil (demon) in it is unclean and cannot be buried and the body should be exposed to the air or the “exposure“ and their bones finally in Ossuaries (daxmag) should be located at high altitudes.
The location of this tomb in the center of Ardeshir Khowreh and more strangely, near the fire temple and the sacred fire, and the proximity of clean and unclean elements, was a challenging archaeological question that surprised everyone, and no one had a clear answer. Now, in this research, the author is going to try to give a proper answer to the question of what and why this tomb was built in the middle of Ardeshir Khowreh and its vicinity by re-reading religious texts and opinions of old historians and new scholars and the opinion of the excavators of this tomb about Iranian religious thoughts and death. Let us find the fire temple and make hypotheses with a historical-analytical and archaeological approach to a comparative re-reading of the relationship between the Zoroastrianism and this burial pattern in the Sasanian period and before them.

Conclusion
The issue of death, beliefs of the world after death, and burial traditions in the Sasanian period is one of the most controversial issues that requires further reflection on historical sources and archaeological evidence even in pre-Sasanian times. The results of archaeological excavations in recent years, clarify some ossuaries and burials near and sometimes in a place connected to the fire temple, have been reported from some other fire temples, which to some extent pave the way for further research.
From the extinction of the Achaemenids to the beginning of the Sasanians, the Zoroastrianism survived without the help of central and official organizations. Because the Zoroastrianism was preserved and transmitted by local imperial dynasties and different clerical groups, a variety of beliefs were undoubtedly common in its thoughts. Although historical sources indicate that the Zoroastrian religion was chosen as the official religion during the Sasanian period and from the time of Ardashir I, but in fact the Zoroastrian religion was never uniform in the Sasanian period and this issue is evident in the rituals and burial ceremonies. Accordingly, with study the archaeological evidence and Pahlavi sources, it was determined that Ardashir I, after gaining power, sought to restore governmental and religious relations to the old tradition and rule of the first, the Achaemenid (pre-Parthian) dynasty. The tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh and its burial pattern was a new model of the ancient tradition that was adapted from the tomb of Darius I in a new way in the time of Ardashir I.
The ceremonial placement of corpses in oval-shaped coffins with lids in a painted room near the fire temple of Ardeshir Khowreh was the same tradition that Darius the Achaemenid had observed in his rock tomb, although Darius’s tomb was located in the heart of the rocks near the Ka’ba-ye Zartosht. The fire temple was built, but the tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh in the heart of the city was built on the ground, but with the same look and tradition, next to the huge fire temple. Therefore, it can be said that this burial tradition in the early Sasanian period was a new pattern of the ancient tradition, which is probably due to a deliberate return by Ardashir I to the old Iranian traditions or the older Zoroastrian religion in the time of Darius.
It should be noted that the Parthian catacomb tradition can also have been influential in the construction of the tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh. This burial pattern appears in tombs near fire temples in the early Sasanian period, such as the city of Ardeshir Khowreh and a similar example in Firouz Abad fire temple, was abolished with the rise of Kartir as a fanatical priest. However, according to the identification of Bandiyan and Palangerd fire temples, it can be said that from the middle of the Sasanian period, with the decline of the fanatical priest, this burial tradition continued with new pattern. For example, placing the ossuary instead of placing the body in the coffin. The tradition of burying the dead next to fire temples continues in the cultural life of Iran, an example of which is the burial that is performed today next to the fire temple of Firouz Abad. Also, burial next to shrines, which according to many scholars, many of them have been erected on the foundation of ancient fire temples in terms of location and archaeological evidence, is a continuation of this tradition of the Sasanian period.

Abstract
The historical site of Vigol and Haraskan is located near Aran and Bidgol city in the north of Isfahan province. The archaeological studies of the first season of this site led to the identification of the central part of a fire temple and a small part of its circumambulation corridor. The second season of the archeological exploration in the fire temple was to identify other spaces around the central part of the fire temple. Archaeological studies revealed that since this fire temple was built in the urban context, it is more important than the fire temples that were built away from settlement areas. Beside architectural evidences, religious elements and decorative stucco relics found in this fire temple, the identification of several Sassanid Pahlavi inscriptions on the walls of the eastern circumambulation corridor of the fire temple and two Ostracons added to its importance. Pahlavi inscriptions founded on stucco plaster of the dado which are written in a beautiful handwriting. Unfortunately, except for a few inscriptions, most of them cannot be read and require extensive research. In this research data collection about Vigol fire temple and its Pahlavi inscriptions was done by field methods and linguistic and descriptive-analytical studies. The main questions of the research are: What is the content of Pahlavi inscriptions and what themes do they include? What period of time does the estimated date of writing these inscriptions include? Given to linguistic and archeological studies, the placement of these inscriptions inside the fire temple, the content and of them has religious themes, and according to their writing style, these inscriptions were probably written in the 7th and 8th centuries AD. According to the dating of the inscriptions, it seems that the fire temple of Vigol had a high reputation until the early Islamic centuries and was probably abandoned forever in the first of 9th AD century.
Keywords: Vigol and Haraskan, Fire Temple,Sassanan Period, Islamic Period, Pahlavi Inscription.

Introduction
Vigol ancient site has located in near Aran and Bidgol County in central of Iran (fig1). That is a vast site which covers more than 120 hectares, is currently covered with a thick accumulation of flowing sand. Archaeological excavations in the year 2010 led to the discovery of Sasanian fire temples in the site of Vigol and Hraskan, and the identification of four arches and a part of the circumambulation corridor was done in the first season of the excavation (Javari & MontazerZohouri, 2022). The second season of excavation in Vigol fire temple began in May 2021, which was aimed at identifying other spaces around the central part of the fire temple.
One of the most important evidences is the discovery of several Pahlavi inscriptions on one of dados and two walls which covered with ocher in the western corridor. These inscriptions, in addition to providing some religious statements, help us to identify the existence of the fire temple.In the procedure in the first stage, the found Pahlavi inscriptions were read, and along it, they were compared with archaeological and historical evidences. The number of inscriptions identified in this fire temple are six, but three of them are readable. Also, two pieces of written pottery (Ostracons) were also identified, which are still not readable due to high erosion.
The second season of the excavation of the fire temple was dedicated to the four-arched doorways (char taqi) of the fire temple on the north, east and west sides(fig2). In the next step, the exploration focused on identifying the spaces of ambulatory corridors in the north, east, west, and south sides around the four arches of the fire temple. Archeological studies as well as historical evidence about the fire temples led to the recognition of several architectural phases in this religious building. The second phase of the architecture of this fire temple is related to the porticoes built in the east of the fire temple and the third architectural phase is related to the period of the change of use of this fire temple in the Islamic period, when some spaces of the fire temple, such as the northern and western gates and the gates in the eastern corridor, were blocked with mud brick walls.

Inscriptions
A total of six inscriptions have been found on the walls of the eastern ambulatory corridor in the southern part, of which three inscriptions have been read. Among the six identified inscriptions, two inscriptions are on the eastern wall, one of these two inscriptions is written on the northern dado and the other is written on the upper part of the southern wall on which has an ocher cover. Four other inscriptions were written on the western of the southern part of wall of the eastern circumambulation corridor in front of the inscriptions on the eastern wall which all due to erosion are not readable (Fig3).
Inscription No. 1 located on the western wall is considered the clearest inscription in this collection, which is written on the stucco plaster of the wall with a legible and well-written script that is in five lines(Fig5). The text of the inscription was read by Professor Dieter Weber, a specialist in ancient languages, which is as follows: The text of the first inscription, according to the transliteration and reading of the inscription, has repeated and practiced writing the word “wrote” (nwbšht), which can be fallowed this word in other Pahlavi inscriptions. A number of thin pieces of plaster of this dado of the eastern wall of the Eastern ambulatory Corridor, which contain Pahlavi letters, were identified during the excavation at the side of the floor of this corridor(Table1). These thin gypsum pieces are part of the dado of the wall and contain several connected words and part of a legible and sometimes indistinct letter, which are written on the plaster using black ink with a pen, just like the original upper inscription. In terms of the dating of inscription number one and other inscriptions, according to Professor Weber, who studied this inscriptions, this writing style of Pahlavi script belongs to the late Pahlavi script, in other wise, to the early Islamic period, almost equal to 7th 8th centuries AD are relate.
Inscription No.2, this inscription is written in one line, which probably reflects a religious theme(Fig 8 ). The text of the inscription says: “(donated) to šād ruy baxt Āzarmugh”; in another sense, “it was charmingly presented to Āzarmugh”. This inscription is of special importance because it contains the name of a Zoroastrian priest of this region in the Islamic period, “Āzarmugh”. This evidence also tells about the existence of Zoroastrian religion in the early Islamic centuries in this region and the insistence of the residents of this area to preserve this religion.
‘L š’tlwdbht ’clmwk
ō šadrōybaxt Āzarmōg
Inscription number three, which is written in two lines, is still not possible to provide a consistent reading and translation due to erosion and lack of clarity(Fig 8 ).
1 KR’  MNW wlt’ý Y ZNH … l’d
2 BYN …… k’lyt …-b’k wl t’ý Y ZNH  
The phonetic writing of this inscription is as follows. In this inscription, there are words that include some illegible words and some Huzvariš, which are as follows: (KR’) with the reading of “har”:(evry); (MNW) with the reading of “Ke, Keš”:(which); (BYN) with the reading of  “andar”:(in,inner); and (ZNH) with the reading of “en”:(this).

Conclusion
The discovery of Pahlavi inscriptions in the fire temple of Vigol, in addition to the linguistic and grammar value in the field of linguistic studies and the Pahlavi lines of archaeological importance, is a great help for further understanding of the fire temple of Vigol as a fire temple with the rank of Adran, which is in the rank of local fire temples. The first important point is the place where these inscriptions were written in the fire temple, all of them were written in the eastern circumambulatory corridor in the southern part, on the stucco plaster of the dado  of the western wall and on the ocher cover of the upper part of the eastern wall. It seems that due to the location of the porticoes as places related to religious ceremonies in the east of the fire temple and the role of the Eastern circumambulatory corridor between the interior of the fire temple and the porticoes, this corridor has gained more importance and is a suitable place to insert religious inscriptions. In addition to including statements of religious nature and Zoroastrian tradition, the inscriptions help us in determining the historical and archaeological chronology of this fire temple. Based on the studies, according to the writing method and the type of pen, these inscriptions were written in the early Islamic centuries, which prove the religious persistence of the Zoroastrian community in the region until the early Islamic centuries on the other hand, the inclusion of the name “Azarmug” as a Zoroastrian cleric (Mubed) in the early Islamic centuries in central Iran is of particular importance.

Abstract
Human being has always attempted to produce and evolve weaponry based on the archaeological studies of the remaining cultural materials. As an important factor in achieving military success in all historical eras, a significant part of the metalwork industry and art has been devoted to the weaponry production. In spite of the prominent increase in archaeological studies of the Qajar period, the kinds of military weapons utilized in the period have gained less attention; since, studies conducted on the military context of the Qajar period have mostly concentrated on cold weaponry and the army’s military structure after foreign military delegations beginning to commute as well as their impacts; this is while the role of these weaponry in the Qajar era and the developments stemming from them have gained lower attention in the archaeological research. The present study aimed at the archaeological examination of these weapons, investigating the cultural behavior of each period in dealing with the production and importing weapons for answering the following questions: How were these weapons obtained or domestically manufactured? And how the differences among them can be explained? To conduct this study, a comprehensive study of written and non-written cultural materials, measurement, and assessment of cultural materials besides analysis and explanation of the obtained data were done. Results revealed that the army’s use of firearms as the main war weapons started at the early pre-Naserian period after Iran’s inter-regional and intra-regional relations with other countries; also, from the very beginning, attempts for their domestic production had been considered. Additionally, domestic guns have more length and less decorations in comparison with the imported ones, which are mostly with periodic geometric patterns.
Keywords: Archeology, Europe, Import, Firearms, Production, Qajar.

Introduction
In his work War and Anti-War, Toffler names three civilization waves: The first is specified by the agricultural revolution, the second by the industrial revolution, and the third, by technology. As he mentioned, each civilization has brought about its own special warfare and production ways. In the Qajar period that has the features of the second wave, the industrial revolution led to weaponry advancement and more attempts to apply industrial techniques in manufacturing them. Iran entered international relations as well as military confrontations with other countries in that time. Simultaneous with the regional conditions and unrest, all of these factors enhanced the importance of firearms and their availability so their import was put on the agenda of the central government. Additionally, more attempts were made to manufacture the weapons domestically simultaneous with the import of them.
Given the prominence of the Qajar period when Iran officially began international relations, it is essential to investigate each period’s cultural behavior in dealing with modern weapons and attempts to produce and use them. The main goal of this research was how these weapons were obtained and to examine the domestic production of weapons after an importation period. According to above-mentioned points, the research questions were stated as follows: 1- How were the weapons obtained or domestically produced in Qajar period? 2- How their difference can be explained in detail? 

Methodology
The research method involves a thorough and all-encompassing review of both written and unwritten cultural materials. This includes gathering the necessary data, documenting these materials, and photographing unwritten documents, such as weapons from domestic military museums. After the data is collected, it is processed, analyzed, and evaluated. Both written and unwritten materials are examined together to understand their connections and differences. Finally, the data is analyzed and explained to provide a better understanding of the role and significance of these cultural materials.

Ways of weaponry preparation 
The primary importation of military equipment was mainly through offerings by the political and military envoys of Western countries. Military firearms, especially guns and cannons have always been important components in the offerings of the ambassadors of foreign countries. Accordingly, producing the first Iranian weapons, similar to those of the Europeans, has been through following the imported samples by foreign military experts brought to Iran. Simultaneous with the arrival of European technology, manufacturing guns and weapons was done by Iranian craftsmen. It also appears that cannon production as the weaponry only at the disposal of the central government was manufactured in just the state-related cannon workshops; but, the weapon manufacturing was not necessarily dependent on the state-owned factory and was also produced in different cities both by the central government and craftsmen.
Producing firearms experienced a decreasing trend in Iran and developed against the import of weapons after the changes in the social, political, and economic conditions of that time. Eventually, these industries faced stagnation in the post-Naserian era due to the constitutional movements and internal crises.
Majority of these weapons were first imported by the government. However, Iran’s political situation, the requirement for a market to sell them, and the rich profits coming from the arms’ trade, which had replaced slave trading and piracy, led to the indiscriminate importation of weaponry. The ban on the free sale and purchase of weapons was brought to the attention of the government with the emergence of problems caused by the wide spread of weapons among the people, which itself induced the expansion of its illegal import.
Firearms of the Qajar period can be classified into light and heavy categories. Light weapons include rifles and handguns while heavy weapons consist of Zanburaks, cannons, and machine guns. As the archaeological evidence reveal, the light weapons utilized in the Qajar period included a variety of rifles and waist weapons, increasing in diversity and efficiency over time until the end of this period. Also, according to the extant archaeological evidence, domestically-produced weapons included muzzleloaders and breechloaders in different types. Almost all the early rifles were of the muzzleloader type. Besides, the first weaponry officially used by the government forces were the muzzleloaders.
 
Domestic rifles’ types 
Most domestic weaponry were utilized until the middle of this period. Among the features of domestic weaponry, the use of periodic geometric motifs (diamond shape) in the form of shell or ivory work in the butt of the gun, gold decorations in the barrel, the use of plant motifs in the form of shell or ivory work in the place of the gun belt, the use of very thick metals for the trigger housing and decorating it with plant motifs, as well as the use of thinner metal fasteners to connect the barrel and body to each other were more common than the imported examples.

Types of domestic small firearms 
The major difference between rifles and handguns is their size. The small firearms used in this period included pistols and then revolvers. 

All kinds of imported firearms
Foreign guns included different imported types in the form of gifts, purchases, and etc., used in different sectors, including combats, hunting, and ceremonial-decorations from different countries.

Types of imported small firearms
The revolver is the second type of the waist weapon and has a higher technology, and it entered Iran from the Naserian period.

All kinds of imported small firearms
Entering Iran since the Naserian period, the revolver is the second type of the waist weapon and has a higher technology.

All kinds of heavy weapons
The first official heavy weaponry used in the army was Zanburak in the pre-Naserian era. Then, the cannon and in the Naserian period, the machine guns were also added to it. Based on the studies conducted by the Authors and examining the documents and first-hand written sources from this period, it is evident that the cannon import was more in the early Qajar period.  Also, apparently, the cannon import was never in mass form and its domestic production had been accompanied with more success. To a large extent, the low import rate of it can be due to its heavy weight and transportation problems. Cannons were also applied in various segments during the Naserian era, while keeping the use of war, and were also used to punish people. In the post-Naserian period, the cannon lost its combat use for external wars and was mainly used in internal battles, a clear example of which can be the parliament bombardment by canons.
   
Conclusion
In summary, as the archaeological evidence suggest, the basis of martial weapons in the Qajar period had been modern weapons, supplied by domestic production and imports. Because of the internal production of weaponry by craftsmen in the market as well as governmental centers, this weapon has never been exclusive to the state forces and had been available to the general public as well. In the Naserian period, due to the excessive importation of firearms, the ban on their free sale and purchase was put on the agenda, which itself induced its illegal importation. Given the production of canons, it appears that it had been manufactured in government workshops and by government-affiliated specialists, remained in the hands of state forces.
Additionally, regarding the difference between domestic and imported weaponry, the difference in their size can be mentioned. This difference in weaponry length can be found in domestic and imported pistols as well. Another difference is tractable in the decorations of the weapons.   Investigating the existing weapons and the extant written sources, it appears that the rifles produced in Iran had been muzzleloaders, breechloaders, and flintlock rifles. In fact, rifles, such as Moser and Martini never reached the domestic mass production; but, the domestic mass production of muzzleloader and breechloader rifles and their various models continued at least until the middle Naserian period and before the vast importation of weaponry. On the heavy weaponry, despite the importance of the cannon, the Zanburak maintained its dual ceremonial-war role until the late Naserian period, after which it was completely abandoned. Additionally, for the the presence and importance of the machine gun in the post-Naserian period as a heavy weapon, the significance of the cannon was never decreased; however, due to the silence of the written sources about this weapon at the end of this period, it was seemingly abandoned or its use was limited. Finally, it can be concluded that until the end of the Naserian period, these weapons were used both in intra and inter-regional wars and in internal unrest; but, in the post-Naserian period, their use was mainly in the internal battles.