Abstract
In this paper, research was performed on cultural materials from Bard Panir, which morphologically is located on southern Central Zagros at mountainsides of Lorestan, close to the Khuzestan Plain and is geopolitically a part of Khuzestan Province. However, this region is similar to Lorestan Province with regard to its average rainfall, its mild temperature is neither similar to freezing winters of Lorestan, nor like torrid summers of Khuzestan. In addition, this region had traditionally been fertile because of being near Bala Roud, Dez and Karkhe (Hole, 1994). Regarding Cultural-Historical parameters, this region seems to be at least contemptuous with cultural materials from cultural periods such as Shoush II or Uruk in Mesopotamia. Shoush II Period in Khuzestan is known based on what is found in Acropolis I, especially layers 17-22. Moreover, materials from Apadana are analogous to those from Acropolis1, layers 19-22 (Dittmann, 1986: 76). Therefore, this time horizon seems to be related to a network of societies that connect Central Zagros to Khuzestan, and from there to Mesopotamia, within which is especially located the key deployment called Uruk, which is divided into three periods: Early Uruk, Mid Uruk, and Late Uruk. Hence, based on cultural materials excavated by authors and some samples from this site which were kept in Andimeshk Cultural Heritage, the morphology and location of this Tappeh, as a special physiographical region, were determined.
Keywords: Bard Panir, Shoush II, Uruk, Beveled Rim Bowl, Baneshi Tray.

Location and Description of Bard Panir
This site is located near the banks of Bala Roud Dam, Bala Roud, close to Hosseinieh
Town, northern Andimeshk City, Khuzestan Province. It is at 32 40 13.4 northern latitude; at 048 15 49.4 eastern longitude; and at a height of 343 m Altitude the sea level. Although, Bard Panir is geopolitically mapped within Khuzestan Province, it must geographically be located at southern Central Zagros. Bard Panir is about 10 m high; its area is 3.5 Ha; and distribution of pottery in it extends to around 30 Ha. This site is within a plain, at 100 meters from the banks of Bala Roud. Moreover, the site is about 40 m above the level of this river, and all surrounding area can be observed. It is circular. Within it, there are observed pieces of architectural evidence such as steeples and walls. Fortunately, because of being surrounded by the dam, it is not damaged by illegal excavations, buildings, farming, and traffickings by domestic and humans; so that it is easy to find large pieces of pottery and other data on the surface of this site.

Surface Data
Different cultural materials were collected from Bard Panir such as:

Pottery, Coarse Ware
1. Beveled Rim Bowl (Tab 1, Fig 3): This type of bowl is buff or cream-pink in colour. It is categorized among simply designed potteries. It is made of Chaff. There is observed some impurities because of using sands. Its surface is coarse because of the methods of they are produced. On the interior side of this kind of pottery is observed the deep trails of potter’s fingers. The rim of the container had been bevelled by a thing such as a piece of pottery or bone or fingers. Temper such as large (about 1.5 cm) chaff had been used. Moreover, average and tiny (0.5mm-5mm) sands had intentionally been added to the pottery material, so that the surface of the pottery is coarse. The mouth of all excavated pieces were approximately identical, ranging from 15 cm to 16.7 cm. All potteries are firmly made and almost all samples are baked completely. Data with regard to four of these containers are as follows: Container no. 1: 980ML; Container no.2: 965ML; Container no.3: 940ML; Container no. 4: 928ML
2. Baneshi Tray: Baneshi tray, which is known by its Uruki name, is a simple and shallow container. This had been made in circular and oval shapes in pinkish or buff colour. These potteries are hand-made and are made without any kinds of decorations or motifs. The temper used is of herbal kind which includes large (1.5 cm long) chaffs; however, some tiny (rarely larger than 2 mm) soft sands had intentionally added to the soil. It seems that they had been haggled; then they had been sprayed like a bread; and lastly the rims of the container had been leaned inwards; while, the surface of the container is levelled by hands and fingertips. The coarse exterior surface is the outcome the method of manufacturing them.
Fine Buff Ware Plain and painted (Tab 2, Fig 4): This type of Buff pottery includes often simple and rarely painted Motives. They had been designed mostly in brown and red colours. Their body is relatively thin.The Temper which are used mostly belong to the category of minerals. In the body of these pieces are observed coarse and homogeneous sands (0.20-2mm), being graded with a quality ranging from good to very good. According to the temper used in these types of potteries, the soil used by the potters had been relatively clean. There were not observed any impurities except for rare cases. The mould used by potters had acceptably been knead; however, the large amount of temper had resulted in its firm structure.
Fine Red Ware (Tab 3): This kind of pottery with orangey-red mould, includes often plain and rarely painted potteries. The Temper that had been used in these kinds of potteries are tiny minerals and are similar to small knobs on the interior and exterior surfaces of all pieces. Furthermore, in some cases the additive Chaff is observed, and this is one of the most important characteristics. In all these types of potteries except for one, the interior surface of the open-mouth pottery which is covered similar to the exterior surface is simple and untouched; so that the trails of parallel lines made by pot-wheel are observed clearly on the interior surface of the pottery. The soil used in manufacturing these potteries are observable with naked eye, although the herbal additives are chipped very small in size, and lots of heterogeneous and numerous sands in all sizes. The mould had acceptably been knead and potteries are made of a constant and firm structure.

Abstract
The Varamin plain is located on the way to the Great Khorasan and the point of intersection between East and West of Iran in the North of Iran’s Plateau. The plain is fertile in the south of the Alborz Mountains and the deposits of alluvial soils flowed from the Alborz to the central desert, and are the gathering place of human societies with evidence from the Middle Paleolithic so far. This plain, with an average up rainfall, but due to the arrival of current waters, in the past, nowadays, with the construction of two dams on the way to the streets of Varamin, a small amount of this river water reaches Varamin, there is a thriving agricultural and livestock farming, which are still visible signs Is. The Zahistor area is also one of the foundations located on the periphery of the river, which is likely to be permanent, which is currently no longer visible. The site is one of the few settlements where its initiation pottery was obtained in the plain of Varamin, and the key area is located in the East of the plain of Ray and North of Qom. The purpose of this research is to introduce and describe the area as a whole, and to identify and characterize the clay evidence of the site, and its comparative study on the Susa, bang, and primitive culture of the culture. The questions raised in this study are generally about the changes in the pottery of this site, and what interactions have they with the nearby sites? The basis of analyzes relies more on information and internal findings, and field data, and the results also include the full typology of its upcoming pottery and the documentation of another settlement establishment of the urbanization period (its initiation) based on the evidence of the pottery of this period.
Keywords: Zavarehvar, Varamin Plain, Protoliterate, Pottery.

Introduction
This site is located in the archaeological study of Varamin plain, and was identified in Jawadabad District in 2012 (Hessari et al., 2014). The Zahavar is currently a small part of a brick factory that was excavated to expand the plant to cultural works that had before been seen in the plain of Varamin. It is worth noting, that if the plan was not a factory development, then, perhaps, in years of years, nobody realized these works and remained unknown. Having found cultural materials from this site, the question of the scarcity of the study centers in the Varamin plain was cleared in the studies of the Varamin plain establishments in Varamin plain, but other questions were based on the works of the Safavid horizons of Sialk III and IV, how the clay changes to this site and that what has been interacting with nearby centers. These findings adapted to the Shush 2 cultural horizons in Khuzestan, Fars, Varamin plains, Erisman and Sialk (Hessari et al., 1396; Hessari, 2011; Alden, 1982; Malkeshmirzadi, 2006; Ghirshman, 1934). In the evaluation of clay indicators, the basis of analyzes is more based on information and internal findings and field data. The main objective of this research is to document the archaeological evidence of Late Protoliterate and Early Bronze Age periods in this area, which can serve as an indicator area in the North of the Iranian plateau, depicts the routes to the South through the Chemarshahr to Qaq Qom, Qalidroish and Silak Kashan. The most important approach to this study is to answer the question of how are the findings gathered from this hill can interpret the culture of the cohesion of Silk III to the culture of Silk IV? This is avilible the hypothesis that there was probably a native culture specific to the plain of Varamin, which has been serious interactions with the south and north of the plain.

The Types of Pottery Studied
The zeal was collected from the clay and classified in the field study and then in comparative study in the following species (Ghasemi, 1392).
Type one: The clobug, which is hereinafter called CLEBUG, is made of wheat, and has a mildew paste.
Type two: The pomegranate, called FIGTEG, is a man-made with brown-black or black-colored gray tasting, often with simple (non-engraved) pottery with relatively thin bodies.
Type three: The abbreviation is FIGOP. This kind of crop with orange-brown flavors and a creamy lining is the largest known species in this collection.
Type four: This type includes mostly simple pottery and rarely pomegranate, which has a small amount of herbs in it.
Type five: This type is so rough with a pepper-colored, or curly-colored, cream-molded pottery that is used in it to be large vegetation with high purity of gravel.
Type Six: Such hand-made pottery with a vivid color and desire to have a simple and small bowl known as the Banchi Tray or the Uruk (Hessari et al., 1396: 40) seems to have been made of simple pottery without any decoration and role.
In this resaerch, other types of pottery such as types 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11 have been studied.

Conclusion
The appearance of the bevelled rim bowles on this site should indicate some specific and intermittent activities. It is possible to examine and determine some of the administrative-supervisory documents through different sizes of containers. It seems, that the time findings of this site has before been the beginning of the period or the horizon of Susa 2. These examples are proposed in the comparative chronicle of the middle Susa cultural period. The low proportion of applied pottery in this site such as cooked bowls, is may prove non-industrial and non-productive.

Abstract
In The studying of the settlement layout of an area, the environment and its contexts landscape is considered. most attention is toward to natural Geography and humans relations to locations and living in geographical region. The archaeological and geographical data, is used to analysis of settlement patterns of Bacun communities in the high Zagros. So, the main research questions is to: What factors impacted on the Location Patterns of the High zagros′s Bacun Sites? How is impacts of this Factors on the site numbers? There For, By considering of applicable nature of the subjects and the research mettods. The authors by plaing of theoretical  fram includs of theoretical basis and site visit, will be to study of survey and Excavation evidences. In total the bacon site numbers are 106 in this region. The main factors such as ASL-(altitude of sea level). Site distance to roads and waters water sources, accessibility to agriculture lands vegetation Types, Slope and its directions is considered as independent, and, Bacun site areas as Dependent variable. the relationship of variables are 1 to -1 in the correlation coefficient. the high correlation is showed by closeness to +1, and lowe correlation indicated by closeness to. If the correlation is -1, so the result is convers. The results shows that the variables such as site distance to roads, water supply and land use taype is more important than other variables in the formation of Bacun Sites. 
Keywords: Settlement Pattern, Bacun Period, High Zagros Region, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari.

Introduction
Always, the choice of settlementlocations depend to a large extent on environmental characteristics. In studying the arrangement of settlements in an area, the role of the environment and its contexts in a geographical landscape is important (Rostaei, 2010: 8). In this regard, one of the main goals of archaeological activities is to study how the interaction between human societies and environmental diversity, which ultimately led to habitation and location. Important environmental variables affect the location, distribution, sphere of influence, physical development and appearance of human settlements- (Dark, 1995: 134). Therefore, in spatial analysis, since “Landscape” represents the area of human interaction with the environment, the relationship between location and environmental characteristics is considered¬(Clarke, 1976: 119). In fact, by understanding the geographical space, the capacities and potentials present in the area have influenced the new type of settlement (migration, sedentism, or a combination of both). The high Zagros region, which overlaps the current political borders of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province, is a defined area that we live in because of our habitat. The High Zagros, in fact, includes the highest part of the Zagros Mountains, and for this reason, it is called “High Zagros”(Darvishzadeh, 1991:175). This region is mountainous and about 76% of it is made up of mountains and hills; While only 24% of it consists of alluvial plains and valleys (Heidari et al, 2014:4). Leading research on this area, which has long been considered as a suitable place for nomadic communities, farmers and pastorals have always been considered by human communities:
The Main Questions Are: What factors impacted on the Location Patterns of the High zagros′s Bacun Sites? How is impacts of this Factors on the site numbers?
Research Method: In this regard, according to the practical nature of the subject and the studied components of the research method, after the theoretical design of the subject, which included reviewing the theoretical foundations and selecting and visiting the sites, to study the documents obtained from the studies and explore archaeological excavations were carried out.

Archaeological Evidence of Bacun Culture in the High Zagros
Due to the fact that most of the archeological activities in the high Zagros region have been focused on the survey; as a result, most of the data and documents are related to potteries. A total of 420 potterysherdsrelated to the Bacun period were identified and studied. Buffswares tempered by sand and fine sand are common, both wheelmade and handmade. This pottery is often in the form of a bowl with a circular bottom and has embellished ornaments with a compositional pattern in the form of wide stripes, circles patterned with dots around it, rounded lines, square textures, and ornaments. Intersecting with the lattice pattern and motif of the sun disk, they are black in color. These include one to three horizontal sections, half or a large section of the container.

Relation and Distribution of Sites to Environmental Variables
The study area has an undeniable role due to its special strategic location in the path of the well-known cultures of central and southern Zagros and their connection with both their position and role. These factors, along with the perspective of the region, play an effective role in creating the tissues of establishment in any period of time. On this basis, human societies have developed adaptive strategies in the habitat of various ecosystems. It is clear that the climate of the area under study is cold and humid with a variety of calcareous and shallow soils that are not so suitable for agriculture. These environmental and biological conditions prevailing in the region have led to the formation of a nomadic livelihood based on traditional livestock and agriculture. Unlike farmers, settlers whose location depends on livestock are not dependent on specific locations or environmental factors. They set up their own camps in places that, in addition to their own safety and that of livestock (against the sedents and predatory animals), had enough pastures for grazing. This new way of life has long been practiced in the highlands, and the area has been used seasonally by nomads. One of the most important shreds of evidence for proving this issue is the low correlation between environmental factors and areas, which indicates that the areas under consideration should be taken into light of the consideration. In the evaluation and study of settlements, altitude, distance, or proximity of sites to communication routes and water resources, the possibility of access to arable land, type of vegetation, slope, and slope direction are considered as independent variables, and the area of Bacun region as the dependent variables. Examining this number of sites, it was concluded that the altitude of 2000 to 2500 meters above sea level has been one of the most suitable elevations for the settlements of the Bacun Zagros; Because these heights have more fertile pastures than areas with lower altitudes at which, there is more evidence of migration in the area. It is clear that slopes less than 15 degrees are suitable for agricultural activities, and lands that have a high slope are in the form of pastures that are not usable for agriculture. This factor indicates that most of the ancient sites, which are located on higher slopes and have a relatively steep slope, did not matter to their inhabitants. This factor, along with the large distribution of cultural findings over a large area, indicates the temporary and seasonal use of these places, which can be related to nomadic communities. In addition, the slope direction factor indicates that no specific direction has been used. It seems that the use of different slope directions indicates temporary residences that have been used for nomads in the summer and the proper slope for their settlement has not been very important. The water and road factor indicates that most areas are close to water sources and roads. The study of land-use variables also shows that lands with poorer vegetation are smaller areas and vice versa. Even today, the distribution of villages is directly related to the type of uses. However, based on a superficial review, it is not possible to comment definitively in this regard, and more evidence is needed. However, it is understood that human beings in this region have long been dependent on places that can, in addition to suitable pasture, also provide the possibility of hunting or gathering food. 

Conclusion
High Zagros in different prehistoric and historic periods due to its strategic positioning and being located in the route of known cultures in central and southern Bacun, and the role of their relationship together,  enjoys an undeniable role and situation. These factors, together with the perspective of the region, play an effective role in creating the tissues of establishment in any period of time. On this basis, human societies have adaptive strategies in various bios. It is clear that the climate of the study area is cold and humid with a variety of calcareous and shallow soils that are not desirable for agriculture. These environmental and biological conditions throughout the region have led to the formation of a nomadic lifestyle based on a limited version of traditional livestock and agriculture. Unlike farmers, nomads, whose location depends on livestock, are not dependent on specific locations or environmental factors. They set up their own camps in places that, in addition to their own safety and that of livestock (against the sedents and predatory animals), had enough pastures for grazing. This type of lifestyle had existed from Bacun period in High Zagros and has been used by nomads in a seasonal manner. Among the most important documents to prove this, is the low correlation between environmental factors and landscaping that indicates that the areas under study have been used for short-term deployment. According to Pearson correlation analysis, the distribution of settlements in the study area in Bacun period, there is a relatively positive correlation between water sources, roads, and the function of the lands but this correlation is mediocre while in regression studies, other factors such as slope and distance to communication paths were also effective with low and medium effect. It is noteworthy that the intensity of the influence of these factors in relation to the Bacun periods of the high Zagros area using multiple linear regression analyzes is equal to 0.336. This number also strongly expresses the correlation between the set of environmental factors and the area of the sites. The results of the correlation and regression coefficients indicate that the distribution of the studied habitats is regulated in relation to the capabilities and constraints of the ecosystem, but its effects are limited.

Abstract
Varamin-Pishva plain is one of the most important cultural areas of the southeastern part of Tehran plateau in different historical periods. Taghabad Tepe with two western and eastern elevations and consisting of different rich layers of Iron and Bronze Age is located in this plain. This site has been studied and archeological research in 1397. In this study, it was found that this area has different deposits from the Iron Age one and two in the upper layers and traces of late bronze in the lower layers along the horizon with the common western traditions on the plateau. The aim of this study was to analyze the mentioned findings and compare it with the findings of other areas of Varamin plain and other neighboring areas. The questions of this research are as follows: based on the archaeological findings of the cultural developments of Taghiabad Tepe, what kind of cultural traditions dose the Iron Age have? What is the influence of regional and trans-regional cultures of the common Iron Age cultures of Varamin plain due to the Taghabad findings in the type of pottery and architecture? Accordingly, the Iron Age 1and2 of Varamin plain and especially Taghiabad Tepe to some extent shows the regional actions in Varamin plain and the proximity and convergence of the trans-cultural region with neighboring areas. 
Keywords: Iron Age, Varamin-Pishva Plain, Iron Age Settlements, Taghiabad Tepe, Architecture, Pottery.

Introduction
Varamin-Pishva plain, having a suitable geographical position in the slopes of Alborz mountain range and Damavand peak and having a suitable height, has provided suitable ecological conditions for the presence of human communities for a long time. This plain is one of the areas prone to the formation of Iton Age settlements in the north-central part of Iranian plateau. During the archaeological study of this area in 1391-1392 AH. Has identified 27 sites belonging to the Iron Age (Figure1), as a result of studding the findings of this study, only a few sites have been introduced and identified. In this research to analyze and study the pattern of establishment and distribution of sites as well as cultural stages of the Iron Age of Varamin plain by analyzing cultural findings identified from  Iron Age sites based on archaeological studies and cultural traditions of this plain by case study, especially pottery, and the architecture identified from workshop A in the eastern ridge of Taghiabad area as well as the surface findings obtained, classified and then the location of this area in Varamin-Pishva plain next to the Iron Age settlements in the center of Iranian plateau, in a general view, reviewed, evaluation and analysis are included. In this review, understanding the Iron Age communities, especially the Varamin plain will be accompanied by re-reading various theories.

Research Method
The present research is structurally one of the basic researches with a comparative-analytical approach, the method of finding is to exploit the findings of an archaeological excavation chapter based on historical analysis of the findings of Taghibad Tepe. According to the research topic and the variables studied in it, the method of collecting information in the field and data collection tool in this research will be based on archaeological excavations and related reports and articles. 

Taghiabad Tepe
Taghiabad area is located in Javadabad rural district and between Taghiabad villages, Khajoo Qaleh and Ajorbast counties in the agricultural lands of Taghiabad village in Varamin city. This site was considered in the framework of joint cooperation between the Institute and the University of Berlin in 1397 AH to collect samples of ancient climate studies from ancient deposits and according to the surface findings of the Iron Age and Bronze Age and according to the situation. The demolition of the site was speculated. The site is located in the west and near the Ali Kharat River. Cultural and settelement findings of this research have been identified in Taghiabad Tepe from workshop A in the ridge No1 of Taghiabad Tepe (eastern ridge) and in the northern side of this Tepe in the area that was excavated with an area of 1/5×2 meters (Figure5). From this Tepe, seven settlement phases with two historical periods from Locus have been identified, which include artifacts from the Iron Age 2 and 1 to the late Bronze Age. The cultural materials of this Tepe are all kind of pottery covered with red, cream and brown mud, gray, architecture (walls and thermal structures) plaster, pounded floor, stone tools such as pounding stone, abrasive stone , burnt plant seeds (in terms of appearance similar to wheat or barley) it has formed a bony specimen, goat horn and clay tokens, etc., which will be described below

Conclusion
The results of the study of Varamin plain settlements from its archaeological of Iron Age communities, based on Taghiabad Tepe excavation, this area and site as an important area and indicators in the study of Iron Age cultures and chronology of the Iranian plateau. One of the most important topics in the archeology of the Iranian plateau is how the tradition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age and its sequence, one of the important features of Taghiabad Tepe is the presence of communities from the Iron Age and their cultural connection with the Bronze Age which is of great importance in the studies of the tradition from the Bronze Age to Iron (Age)., an area where settlement began in the Iron Age and continued until the Bronze Age . Accordingly, in this study, questions were raised that can be evaluated in this way. The first question was asked about archaeological findings, cultural developments of Taghiabad Tepe and how the cultural traditions of the Iron Age. The urban complex and evolution of later cultures with cultural establishment has been one of the actions of the neighboring horizon in the type of architecture and pottery, especially Gholi Darvish. The second question was asked about the interactions and influence of regional and supra-regional cultures of the common cultures of the Iron Age of Varamin plain due to Taghiabad findings in the type of pottery and architecture, which according to the surface findings of 27 sites recorded in studies, archaeological as well as various excavations in Sofalin Tepe, Chalnasian and other areas, this plain to some extent shows intra-regional activities with the center of Taghiabad Tepe, with cultural trans-regional affinity and convergence with adjacent areas in the southern and northern parts of the central plateau of Iran. Therefore, it can be considered that the Iron Age sites of Varamin-Pishva plain, especially Taghiabad Tepe, are the product of an advanced society with a cultural establishment of adjacent horizon actions in the type of “architecture” and “pottery”. Based on the types of pottery and the type of architecture the cultural sequence of Taghiabad Tepe can be introduced with 7 phases of establishment in two historical monuments. Finally, it can be said that based on the relative and comparative dating of Taghiabad Tepe, it can be dated to the late bronze period of the transition period and the Iron Age of one and two.
pe. 

Abstract
Pottery can perhaps be considered one of the most important data found in archaeological excavations in order to help clarify the unknowns of any ancient site and answer questions. This data shows one important part of human interactions in the past. By examining this data, various approaches are available to archaeologists, the prerequisite of which is to be purposeful and act correctly in pottery typology. By studying the pottery of the Parthian period of the and the spread of its types in the Persian Gulf, one of the hand, the cultural expansion of the Parthians in the south of Iran an on the other hand due to its geographical expansion in the south of the Persian Gulf, the seafaring of the Parthians in the northern and southern coasts of the Persian Gulf. The purpose of writing this article is to investigate the types of Parthian pottery in the south of Iran and to document the cultural connections between the settlements  in the north and south of the Persian Gulf , then to present a picture of seafaring in the Persian Gulf and the cultural expansion of the Parthians in the Arabian Peninsula. In this article, the Parthian pottery types of the Tom-Maron will be analyzed and classified based on the archeological excavation documents of the area. The most important question in this research is the pottery characteristics of the Parthian period of the Tom-Maron, then we are looking for the question that the cultural development of the Parthian period based on the findings of the Tom-Maron was formed under what factors? This research clearly showed that based on the method of making the color of the body and the paste, 10 types of Parthian pottery can be classified in Tom-Maron. The species identified with the sites of the coasts and islands of the northern Persian Gulf, such as Qeshm Island, Makran regions, and also the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf, such as the Maliha site, form a cultural domain. 
Keywords: Pottery of the Parthian, Rodan Plain, Tom-Maron, Persian Gulf.

Introduction
Investigating the cultural materials of different cultural periods in the areas along the Persian Gulf, as a historical and strategic waterway, has always been of interest to rulers near and far, and has been the place of passage for ships of culture and civilizations of the East and the West for thousands of years. In the meantime, due to its location on the banks and back banks of the Persian Gulf and its vital and strategic waterways, namely the Strait of Hormuz, throughout history, the Rodan plain has a very important position from a historical-cultural, political-social, and of course, economic point of view. (Hessari, 2018).
The purpose of writing the article is to investigate the types of Parthian pottery in the south of Iran and to document the cultural connections between the settlements in the north and south of Persian Gulf. In this framework, cultural interactions will be discussed in this period in order to pottery a suitable picture of the relations between the two coasts of the Persian Gulf, which showed the cultural expansion of the Parthians through seafaring in the Persian Gulf. In this article, the pottery types of the Parthian period of Tom-Maron will be analyzed and classified based on the archeological excavation documents of the area. The most important question of this research is the pottery characteristics of the Parthian period of the Tom-Maron can the distribution of these types be a sign of cultural interactions on both sides of the Persian Gulf? Then the cultural development of the Parthian period was formed under what factors based on the findings of the Tom-Maron? This research clearly showed that based on the method of making, the color of the body and the paste in the Tom-Maron, 10 types of Parthian pottery can be classified. About 10 samples of Parthian period pottery were found in this area (Table 1). Among the prominent examples of the Parthian period, we can mention Namord and Lando (Figure 8) was found in prominent sites in the north of the Persian Gulf, such as Reyshahr (Whitechouse & Williamson, 1973). Dambkouh (Basafa, 2008: 24, PL), (row 9, table 1). Regarding the chronology of this type of pottery, Potts has classified them into two old Parthian periods, the first and second centuries AD, and the new type in the early Sassanian period (Potts, 1998: 211).
Single yellow glazed pottery (Fig 6), turquoise monochrome (Fig 7) and pottery with gray paste (Fig 5) are also examples of Parthian pottery from this area in the northern regions of the Persian Gulf , especially in the Qeshm region (Khosrowzadeh , 1392) has been obtained (rows 4,5&6 of Table 1). Other types of pottery with pea-colored paste (Fig 3) and brown brick- like paste (Fig 2) have also been introduced as pottery of this period due to their placement in the layers of the Parthian period , in terms of the comparative of these pottery with the sites of northeastern Iran, such as the Ismail Abad Neishabour site (Davari et al, 2017). In this context, it can be said that one of the most important types of pottery found in this area is Namord pottery. Considering the widespread distribution of Namord pottery in the southeast of Iran and the northern and southern coasts of the Persian Gulf, this type of pottery was probably exchanged in the Persian Gulf as a commodity in a limited and local trade between the northern and southern areas of the Persian Gulf. Although Williamson has proposed the Rodan plain and Minab region as the production area of this type of pottery (Williamson. 1972), the Namord type pottery of Tom-Maron area is also similar in terms of identifying comparable samples in areas such as Kush (Kennet 6.fig :2002). Maliha was obtained on the southern shores of the Persian Gulf.

Conclusion
The connection of the Persian Gulf of Iran is not limited to its geographical proximity, but this sea along with its islands and coasts has been a part of Iran’s territory and culture in different historical periods and is a symbol of the manifestations and works of Iranian culture. In this research, according to the distribution and typology of Parthian period pottery in the Tom-Maron area, the relationship of this area with the areas of the same period was investigated. Based on the present research, 10 types of Parthian period pottery were identified. The results of the typological comparisons show that the similarities between the Parthian pottery of the Rodan region and the neighboring regions, as well as their differences with the distant regions, indicate a wide connection between these regions. Based on the characteristics and typology of the pottery of Tom-Maron site and the remains of pottery kilns, it can be concluded that this site was one of the main centers of Parthian pottery production on the northern shores of the Persian Gulf. The pottery of the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf, Kerman, northeastern Iran, and the southern coastal areas of Persian Gulf have the most similarities with the pottery of Tom-Maron. Also, based on the archaeological excavations of Tom-Maron and the evidence and data obtained, it seems that the Parthian period sites in Rodan plain follow a homogeneous cultural pattern with other sites on the same horizon in the cultural area of the Persian Gulf. The examples of Parthian pottery in the southern countries of the Persian Gulf also apply due to areas from the northern Persian Gulf and its extensive production in those settlements.

Abstract
In the past decades, archaeology has turned toward research on societies that lie temporally between the industrial age and the present, what can be considered a “late historical  archaeology.” The cultural materials for the study of this branch of archaeology include archival written sources, audio and video sources, and eyewitnesses, all of which are analysed together with the findings of archaeological excavations. Studies of the modern period in archaeology, which includes the industrial age and the era of globalization, document both individual and collective processes. Archaeology of modern times requires an interdisciplinary perspective, drawing on the disciplines of art history, history, sociology, anthropology, and even criminology in analysing and interpreting its findings. The present article is the result of a study in the archaeology of modernity, in which the authors investigated a World War II Nazi training camp in Wustrau, located in the German state of Brandenburg, about 70 km northwest of Berlin. The camp was built to “retrain” - or brainwash -non-Russian members of the Red Army such as Ukrainians, Muslim Tatar prisoners as part of a plan to send them into the territories of the Soviet Union as trained Nazi administrators. The archaeological excavation in Wustrau was conducted jointly by members of the Free University of Berlin, Isfahan Art University and the Cultural Heritage and Tourism Research Institute. 
Keywords: Modern Archaeology, Indoctrination Camp, World War II, Wustrau.

Introduction
This paper offers an account of two seasons of excavations in 2020 and 2021 in Wustrau, northwest of Berlin. At the edge of this village, the Nazis had erected in the 1940s an indoctrination camp for Soviet prisoners of war. The framework of our research in this former camp is informed by the archaeology of modernity, which goes beyond the search for cultural-historical chronologies to identify connections among material remains, historical documents and the violent conditions under which they emerged (fig2 -3). Fieldwork was funded by the “Peace and Conflict Studies” program of the Free University of Berlin and supported by the Regional Heritage Office of the state of Brandenburg.
The work is the result of a joint research program of the Free University of Berlin, Isfahan University of Art and the Iranian Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization. This German-Iranian joint excavation was designed to counter traditional expectations, in which European, American or other archaeologists of foreign nationalities travel to Western Asian countries to carry out field research. Instead of researching the cultural history of Iran, the archaeological excavation took place in Germany with the goal to reconstruct a part of 20th century German history. The archaeology of modernity, is the second exceptional characteristic of the project. Investigating the material culture of the 20th or 21st centuries is still unusual in both Germany and Iran. 

Research History 
A brief historical background shows that after the First World War (ending in 1918), nationalism and extreme racism grew quickly in Germany. In this general climate, National Socialism was able to gain power and turn the racist Adolf Hitler into its “leader“ in 1933 and continuing until 1945. In the short time of 12 years, the repressive regime incarcerated more than 10 million people from 20 European countries in more than 44000 forced labor and extermination camps; the highest number of prisoners came from Poland and the Soviet Union.
 In the year 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union and opened a new theater of war, the „Eastern Front.“ The German attack was initially successful and the Wehrmacht occupied large parts of the western Soviet Union. In a short time, the German military also captured more than one million Red Army soldiers. To handle the occupied territories and the large number of prisoners, a new „Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories“ was established within the government. The handling of prisoners of different ethnicities and religions was planned in this ministry. One case concerned the recruitment of different ethnic groups of Soviet prisoners into the Wehrmacht and sections of the repressive special units of the Nazi system such as the SS. 
With the establishment of the Prisoner of War Department in July 1941, prisoners of war were screened and segregated by ethnicity. As the war continued, the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories started a “re-education” program for Red Army prisoners of Turkic origin to turn them into administrators or Wehrmacht members. Before being sent back to the east, a system of indoctrination and training was established. At the end of the program, the prisoners were integrated into battalions such as the “Eastern Muslim Battalion”, others into special SS units. According to preserved documents, the military formation aimed at uniting all Muslim Turks into such fighting units (Volga Tatars, Azerbaijanis, Turkestanis). One of the ethnic groups that was separated from the bulk of Russian Red Army prisoners were the Tatars. Many of them had been captured in 1941 and early 1942 around Byalistok, Lviv, Kerch and Kharkiv.
In 1942, around 1,500 prisoners of war of various ethnicities, some of them Tatars, were held in the camp of Wustrau and trained there to be later recruited into the battalion “Idel-Ural”(fig. 1). The most famous of these prisoners in Wustrau was Musa Jalil, a person who later formed a resistance group against the Nazi regime. Unfortunately, the group was discovered by the Gestapo, and most of its members were executed on August 25, 1944 in Plötzensee prison. 

Wustrau
Wustrau is located in the district Ostprignitz-Ruppin about 70 km northwest of Berlin. It has the geographical coordinates 52°51’N, 12°52’W and lies at an altitude of 38 meters above sea level. The area is characterized by lakes formed at the end of the last ice age. Wustrau is located at the southernmost end of one of the Ruppin lake. The area has been inhabited by Slavic groups since at least the 13th century C.E., was invaded several times by the Swedes in the 17th and 18th centuries, and then ruled by the von Zieten family, a branch of the Prussian dynasty, after 1766, as attested by a small palace in the village(fig.4).

Excavation
The main goal of our archaeological soundings in Wustrau was to recover material remains that would reveal practices within the camp, including those of repression and racism. A brief and unsystematic surface survey in the surroundings of Wustrau in 2018 had already revealed elements of the indoctrination camp in the form of a barrack’s foundations still visible on the ground surface. In the first of two short seasons, architectural traces and finds were recovered in a series of five excavation trenches labeled 1, 2, 6, 7, and 8(fig.5). In 2021, three more trenches were added to investigate open areas of the camp and another barrack that was located next to the small river Rhin at the southern edge of the camp. In 2020, three of four corners of a barrack were uncovered, including massive concrete foundations that reached a depth of up to 1m(plan.1). Deep foundations were necessary because of the marshy environment of this area. The upper walls of the barracks consisted of a footing of kiln-fired bricks and walls of wooden planks, covered by a gabled roof (knowledge of the walls and roof come from documentary sources) (fig.6 A-C). 
One of the most interesting finds was a button of a uniform that was decorated with a five-pointed star as well as hammer and sickle, clearly from a Red Army uniform(fig.7). Since documents inform us that the barracks had been built by the prisoners themselves, they must also have been responsible for leaving this (subversive) trace of their presence. Rediscovered more than 80 years later, it is a sign of resistance against the conditions of confinement.
Historical documents attest to daily lessons lasting six hours, followed by supplementary discussions. Prisoners were even taken to various German cities to learn National Socialist principles. Excavation finds confirm the sources that mention teaching: we discovered many broken pieces of thin slate tablets, some with incised lines or grids for writing letters and numbers. Styli for writing on the slates were frequent finds as well(fig.8-9).  
At the opposite end of the barrack, we found a more recent layer from the times of the German Democratic Republic that contains finds from a doctor’s office. Apparently, parts of the barrack continued to be used by people from the nearby village of Wustrau after the demise of the Nazis in 1945. An aerial photograph from 1953 shows that the northeastern portion of the school barrack was partitioned off from the southwest section. In the northeastern segment, we discovered partially melted test tubes, needles from syringes, and small containers for medicine. One test tube contained the inscription “VEB Leipziger ...”, which should be completed with “… Arzneimittel werk “(fig.10). The company was founded in 1957, and we therefore assume that the doctor’s assemblage dates from around 1960. 

Conclusion 
This project of an archaeology of modern times in Germany helped to reconstruct elements of violent practices and ruthless indoctrination by the Nazis and their murderous system, the forced education camp for Tatar Muslims and other prisoners of war from the east. This system sought to deploy the ethnicities of the Soviet Army in what the Nazis conceived of as their eastern European colonies. However, as we know now, the project of indoctrination of Soviet Muslim prisoners to serve the Nazi system failed badly. Miraculously, two notebooks with poems of Musa Jalil survived (fig.11). They give ample testimony of his feelings while in Berlin’s Moabit prison awaiting his death. 

Abstract
Reading ancient artifacts is the first step after the act of excavation. Therefore, dealing with ancient objects as a fundamental pillar of archaeological science, especially paying attention to methodological issues for the analysis of historical artifacts, is essential. In other words, the need to use new methodological capacities, with emphasis on the relationship between visual media and ancient artifacts as valuable sources of information, forms the focus of this discussion. In this regard, in the last three decades, visual narratology has also been considered as a newly emerging method in the history of contemporary art, along with other interdisciplinary fields, for analyzing the meanings of visual texts and for a deeper understanding of discovered ancient documents. Visual narratology emerged from the First Vienna School. Its theoretical foundations for the creation of art history, regardless of aesthetic judgment, also developed an analytical method by which All Kind of cultural creations can be read. The main goal of the present study is also to identify the Different methods through which the creators of these works have created narratives and transmitted meanings, through the three indicators of character, scene and movement. Therefore, using Franz Wickhoff`s typological system of visual narrative in the Vienna School, the basic types of narrative were examined on 6 study samples of the ancient Jiroft civilization. As a result, after examining the frequency or maximum of the most frequent types among the visual samples of the Jiroft civilization, it was shown that the visual narrative patterns in this ancient civilization still follow the scope of Wickhoff typological system. Finally, with the help of typological analyses, the studied samples are formatted into a table according to Wickhoff`s Isolated, continuous and Complementary.
Keywords:  Visual Narratology, Archaeological Artifact, Jiroft Civilization, Wickhoff’s Typological System of Narrative.

Introduction
Narratology is one of the most important methods of textual analysis, first applied in the study of verbal-linguistic media. From the perspective of linguistic narratologists, a narrative is defined as a story that follows a chronological order and consists of a sequence of interconnected events with a beginning, middle, and end.
The groundwork for the encounter between narratology and archaeology in the present era was laid with the help of Propp’s studies-recognized as the first modern narratological approaches-on Russian folktales, emphasizing recurring motifs within the literary genre. In other words, his formalist-structuralist method, by identifying repetitive and transformative patterns in narrative elements, was primarily developed in storytelling traditions and subsequently introduced archaeologists and anthropologists to this field. Moreover, in 1980, linguistic narratologists, recognizing the significance of non-verbal media, prioritized the study of visual texts as a rich source of knowledge. Consequently, although the historical background of visual narrative studies traces back to art history, archaeology, and the examination of various forms of narrative art in ancient Greece and Rome... (Horvath, 2010)
However, following the fields of archaeology and art history, narratologists began studying visual narratives. This marked the first time in the history of linguistic narratology that, beyond literature and cinema, narrative theory extended into the realm of visual arts, including sculpture, figurative representation, relief carvings, inscriptions, and more. Consequently, since the 1980s, visual narrative studies have become a common ground for various disciplines, particularly art history, narratology, archaeology, anthropology, epistemology, semiotics, and others.
The undeniable potential of visual narrative, alongside linguistic media and the communicative/cognitive nature of visual documents, led research in this field toward interdisciplinary approaches. Overall, it can be stated that contemporary studies on visual narratives widely agree that visual elements are essential for establishing a form of visual communication and constructing the meaning of an artwork. This consensus has contributed to the emergence of a new interdisciplinary branch known as visual narratology over the past two decades.
In this regard, archaeologists such as Landau (1991) and Terrell (1990) explored narratives related to human evolution and prehistoric stories from the Pacific region. As a result, they primarily examined the perspectives of key narrative roles in the form of protagonists who undergo arduous trials, overcome significant obstacles, or return to their homeland (Pluciennik, 1999: 654).

Discussion
In this research, an attempt is made to introduce a new approach to the study of visual narratives by drawing on recent methodological frameworks in the field of visual culture studies across different civilizations-with a particular focus on reading narratives or stories within images. In addition to presenting an innovative method for analyzing visual narratives, this study aims to establish more objective and precise criteria for interpreting visual texts and ultimately uncovering their themes, messages, or implicit meanings. This is achieved through the examination of three key narrative components: the actor (agent), the representational space, and all directional or movement-evoking elements within the image.
From this perspective, the proposed method significantly differs from other image and symbol analysis approaches, particularly iconography and semiotics. Overall, these components distinguish the present research methodologically from previous studies on the cultural heritage of Jiroft, which have primarily relied on semiotic and iconographic analyses of motifs-rather than exploring the narrativity of images. This distinction is considered one of the study’s key innovations.

Conclusion
Overall, the focus of this study was on the fundamental doctrine of the Vienna School, with a particular emphasis on Franz Wickhoff. In this regard, pictorial narration is inherently meaningful, generates cultural cognition, and is considered within a historical context. In other words, in line with Wickhoff’s teachings, an effort was made to examine seemingly indistinct events and ambiguous prehistoric incidents within overarching and universal metanarratives, which often reflect grand social transformations in various forms.
The case studies of this research (see: Table 1) exhibit characteristics that demonstrate how the examination of the typological diversity of pictorial narration goes beyond textual analysis and delves into deeper subtextual and interpretative layers. Thus, every representational narrative is situated within a macro-narrative framework, which may encompass an archaeological site, a cultural civilization, or an evolutionary process transitioning from one historical era to another. In other words, the semantic appeal among the narrative samples of this research results from the interplay of the powerful poles of myth, nature, and culture. Therefore, the narrative logic of these artworks emerges through a permutation-based relationship and continuous movement between the cycle of natural life, the mythological realm, and cultural existence, centered around the main character or actors of the scene.
In this ongoing struggle between the worlds of myth, nature, and culture, the dominant force within the scene is sometimes influenced by the mythological pole, manifesting in the figure of a king-hero (Figs. 4 & 6) such as Gilgamesh and Enkidu, who reflect the grand ideals of their culture and society. At other times, with nature prevailing over mythology, domesticated animals in the grasslands (Fig. s 5 and 7) are depicted as integral to their local ecosystem. In this way, pictorial narratives serve as tangible representations of the collective unconscious of these ancient civilizations, embodying their aspirations, desires, beliefs, and cultural and mythological needs through the artifacts and objects of their time. In this sense, beyond their decorative and aesthetic aspects, narrative motifs also reflect the worldview of their creators regarding ways of living, the geographical environment, and the prevalent cultural values and mythological concepts of that era.
As Plato described in Timaeus, referring to nature as “the womb of all change”, the encounter between humans and nature in Jiroft civilization represents an ongoing process of transformation resulting from the clash of opposing forces in nature and the stabilizing power of human reason. Accordingly, the case studies of this research illustrate how historical human interactions with nature are reflected in the uninterrupted transition of pictorial actors through the three essential stages of existence—imitation and assimilation (myth), contact and interaction (nature/ecosystem), and desire and confrontation (culture) through various cultural-narrative patterns of the time.
Thus, in their evolutionary and transformative journey (human-bull, human-lion, or human-scorpion), humans inevitably find themselves in a continuous struggle with the unknown and unstable forces of nature. Consistent with Frazer (1926), the urgent biological and existential necessity of direct contact with nature compelled ancient people to perceive themselves as defenseless against the uncontrollable forces of the natural world. In such a situation, they had to rely on collective intelligence to devise solutions for coping with the fragmented natural world and its creatures. On one hand, in response to existential questions and in facing the unknown forces of nature, as well as to alleviate their inner anxieties, they entered the mythological phase, passively and fearfully absorbing these uncontrollable forces into their collective unconscious. However, in the natural phase, in order to meet their biological and vital needs, they gradually became familiar with the enigmatic surrounding nature through constant contact, discovering its hidden forces. Finally, in the cultural phase-marked by the formation of urban societies and local states-they externalized the absorbed mythological forces and applied their accumulated experiential and cognitive knowledge of the surrounding nature to heroic actions aimed at establishing and defending their civilization and territorial boundaries against external threats. In other words, the passive and imitative human within the mythological realm transforms into a coexisting inhabitant of the natural order and ultimately into people with symbolic cultural identities, engaging in heroic acts. This heroic movement in ancient cultural and civilizational life frequently manifests in the figure of a king-hero.
Consequently, emphasizing the maximal narrative quality in images, six pictorial types were purposefully selected from 144 pictorial samples of the Jiroft civilization. Upon analyzing the sample volume, it was demonstrated that Wickhoff’s three fundamental narrative patterns comprehensively encompass the various pictorial narratives (related to Jiroft civilization’s chlorite stone artifacts) under three general categories: “human narratives”, “grassland narratives” and “confrontational animal narratives”. In this way, the endless cycle of substitutions and transformations in the biological, mythological, and cultural systems of humans was structured under Wickhoff’s visual narratology framework in the form of three models: continuous, isolated, and Complementary  narratives.
The isolated models in Figs. 8 & 9 revealed that by suspending movement, avoiding sequential framing, and focusing on the climax of the story in a single scene, they effectively captured the timeless and placeless mythological world in a tangible manner. In the continuous models, it was observed how, through the repetition of the hero figure within the scene (Fig. 5), the sequence of events could be followed until the hero’s fate was determined. The artist successfully arranged minor actions around the main actors (Figs. 6 & 7) to vividly depict the continuity of natural life in Jiroft civilization. Finally, by segmenting events into successive frames (Fig. 4), it was shown how an artist could convey the essence of a story in a cinematic manner.

Since the Achaemenid period, Iranians, as rulers of part of the Silk Road, played a critical role in maintaining the security and infrastructure of this trade network. The Sogdians, as representatives of the eastern Iranian cultural sphere, held a particularly influential role in trade and intercultural communications from the mid-third century to the eighth century CE. Beyond their activities as merchants along the Silk Road, the Sogdians developed a form of “Silk Peace Diplomacy,” establishing a sustained presence in Chinese territories. As one of the prominent eastern Iranian groups, Sogdian merchants promoted a diplomacy of coexistence along the Silk Road. In particular, findings from northern China over the past two decades highlight the tangible and diplomatic dimensions of the Sogdian presence, emphasizing their pivotal role in what may be termed the “Silk Peace.” Archaeological excavations in northern China-notably the discovery of Sogdian family tombs-although initially reported through preliminary studies, reveal important aspects of Sogdian inscriptions, artistic expressions, spiritual beliefs, and especially mural paintings. These findings provide invaluable insight into the Sogdians’ integration into Chinese society. The primary objective of this research is to introduce the newly uncovered Sogdian cultural materials in northern China to the broader scholarly community concerned with Iranian cultural history, and to illustrate the significance of the Sogdians’ presence within their new geographical context in China. The research findings demonstrate the evolution of Sogdian communities in northern China from initially closed, self-contained groups to more open societies engaging in dynamic cultural interactions with the Chinese. It appears that the Sogdians initially migrated to China as families of artists, craftsmen, and merchants. Over time, they integrated into Chinese society while maintaining distinct aspects of their Iranian heritage, thus shaping an enduring pattern of cultural exchange between the Sogdian and Chinese civilizations.