Abstract
The Qaleh Naneh site in Iran is the largest prehistoric site in the basin of Lake Zaribar that has been excavated. The site is located in the northwest of Iran, southeast of Lake Zaribar, and is connected with northern Mesopotamia through the Shiler Pass. The Chalcolithic period, especially the Ubaid and Uruk cultures, is the longest period of settlement in the site. This region was more connected with Mesopotamia in the prehistoric period. Stone tools are an essential component in understanding the socio-economic structures of prehistoric societies. However, the study of stone tools of the Chalcolithic period in Western Iran and the Zaribar Lake basin is limited. The study of stone tools in the Qaleh Naneh site provides valuable insights into the material culture and social organization of prehistoric societies. Structural changes in technological social networks from Ubaid to post-Ubaid may be observed in various aspects of stone tool production. The relationship between the methods used and the social changes of the inhabitants of Tepe Naneh has been explained as much as possible based on the stone artifacts. The stone artifacts obtained from the site were produced by a special group and spread throughout the region and the Zaribar Lake basin. The pottery evidence also shows extensive inter-regional connections. At least in the late Chalcolithic period, the production of stone artifacts in this region was on a workshop scale. Similar to the sites in the fifth and fourth millennium BC in northern Mesopotamia where stone artifacts were produced near the sources of raw materials and outside the settlements, the production model at Tepe Naneh is similar to northern Mesopotamia according to the type of stone artifacts. 
Keywords: Lake Zaribar Basin, Tape Naneh, Chalcolithic Period, Stone Tools

Introduction
The archaeological site is located at 16km. south-east of the modern city of Marivan, and is partially occupied along the southern and western slope by the modern village of the same name which has partially altered the original conformation of the settlement. The Qaleh Naneh site in Iran is one of the largest prehistoric sites in the basin of Lake Zaribar and is connected with northern Mesopotamia through the Shiler Pass. The site has been excavated extensively, but the study of stone tools from the Chalcolithic period in Western Iran and the Zaribar Lake basin is limited. The excavation of three 2m wide step-trenches along the eastern, northern, and western slopes of the site enabled the study of occupational deposits from the Chalcolithic to Islamic periods. The Ubaid phase 3-4, in the lower layers of Trenches A and B, also common are Uruk Ware in late chalcolithic period. The study of the cycle of production, consumption, repair, replacement, and discarding of stone tools is investigated under the title of analysis of stone industries in archeology (Jayez, 2016). The study of stone tools in the post-Paleolithic sites is usually less noticed by archaeologists, and the study of stone tools of the Chalcolithic period in the Zaribar Lake basin is rare. 
Stone tools are an essential component in understanding the socio-economic structures of prehistoric societies. This research aims to fill this gap and examine the obtained stone artifacts in terms of their construction, use, and relationship with social changes. The stone artifacts obtained from the site were divided based on morphology, manufacturing technology, mineral type, color spectrum, raw material used, and typology. The general characteristics of the artifacts were also considered according to the texture. The study found that the stone artifacts were likely produced by a special group and spread throughout the region and the Zaribar Lake basin. The most important questions in this field:
1- Where were the stone tools of Tepe Naneh produced? 2- Has there been a connection between the method used and the social changes of Tepe Naneh residents?
It seems that; the study also found that there was a connection between the method used in producing stone tools and the social changes of Tepe Naneh residents. The production model at Tepe Naneh is similar to northern Mesopotamia, where stone artifacts were produced near the sources of raw materials and outside the settlements.

Discussion 
The structure of prehistoric stone assemblages is different from the Paleolithic era, but they still reflect many economic complexities of societies. In the Chalcolithic period, one of the characteristics of the artifacts is the single-use nature of many of them, which were produced in a non-specialized way or for a wide range of domestic activities. The other group of artifacts are blades, micro blades, and groovers, which are semi-specialized and specialized. This process was created in the Neolithic period and continued until the Bronze and Iron Ages. Over the course of several thousand years, metal replaced stone technology (Rosen, 1997) .The study of raw material sources, their availability and abundance, and how they were used are important in understanding the economic systems of that era and the evolution of various aspects of human behavior. The study of raw stone dispersion is a suitable solution for solving the problems related to the living places of prehistoric humans and the surrounding areas, exchange and mutual social, economic, and cultural relations (Inizan, 1999).
After studying 271 pieces of stone tools from the Qaleh Naneh site, three different types of stone were identified, and the most commonly used raw material for tool production was different types of chert with different colors. The assemblages show that gray chert was used for 35.79% of the tools, and brown for 26.94%, far more than other colors. In total, chert tools include the largest number of tools at 91.88%. Additionally, 75.7% of all tools were obsidian tools, which is one of the imported and non-native stones of the region. The evidence shows that almost all obsidian tools obtained from sites in the west and northwest of Iran are from Armenian and Turkish obsidian sources, while pieces of obsidian tools from Naneh were brought from eastern Anatolian mines. Only one piece of sandstone was obtained, and in general, most of the tools were produced of silicate stones. The study of raw materials used for tool production provides valuable insights into the socio-economic structures of prehistoric societies in the Zaribar Lake basin and their connections with neighboring regions. The use of non-native stones, such as obsidian, indicates that the inhabitants of Qaleh Naneh had extensive inter-regional connections. The study also highlights the importance of considering the raw material sources and their availability in understanding the technological developments and socio-economic structures of prehistoric societies. 

Conclusion  
Tepe Naneh is a prehistoric site located in the Zaribar Lake basin, which was one of the largest settlements during the Chalcolithic period. The site has provided valuable insights into the production and distribution of stone tools in prehistoric societies. The pottery evidence shows extensive inter-regional connections, and at least during the Late Chalcolithic period, the production of stone artifacts in this region was on a workshop scale. At the end of the Ubaid period, the number and variety of stone tools decreased, which coincides with social and economic changes seen in many sites, including Tepe Naneh. At the same time, wide communication networks were formed. The trenches excavated on three sides of the site show a large structure in the late Chalcolithic- Uruk period, with visible changes in different aspects. The evidence of Naneh shows that this area in prehistoric period mostly related to Mesopotamia than western Iran. Lower layers martial dated to the beginning of the fifth millennium, which slightly overlapped with the Early Northern Ubaid. The Uruk phase of the Late Chalcolithic (end of the 4th millennium BC) has been identified in two trenches (A and C): typical Bevelled Rim Bowls attested in different size classes and mixtures.
The study of stone tools at Tepe Naneh raises two important questions: where were the stone tools produced? And is there a connection between the method used and the social changes of the site’s residents? The investigation of different stone hand tools at Tepe Naneh shows that part of the process of producing hand tools was done on-site, although extensive excavation is needed to identify the exact location. However, the limited number of core stone types and the percentage of stone tools suggest that most of the preparation and production steps were done outside the site. There is also no evidence for the production of obsidian tools at the site. The analyses indicate that the obsidian of the site comes from two sources, both located in Eastern Anatolia, which has reached this area through a wide network of obsidian. It was first imported to northern Mesopotamia and then to Marivan region. The evidence suggests that the production of stone tools was not limited to on-site activities and involved extensive inter-regional connections. Further excavation and research at Tepe Naneh may shed more light on the prehistoric societies that inhabited this region and their technological advancements and complex interactions and exchanges between different prehistoric communities.

Abstract
Urmia lake basin is one of the most important cultural basins known in the archeology of Iran and has had a significant contribution in the historical and cultural evolution of northwestern Iran. Urmia plain and its surrounding heights have a special place among them. Due to the favorable environmental conditions in the Iron Age, important settlements were formed in the Urmia Plain. So far, forty-seven sites related to the Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC) have been identified in this plain that classified in the two parts of the settlement sites of the plain (39 settlement sites) and the defensive castles around it (8 castles). Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites belonging to the Iron Age III of Urmia Plain, thirty-one sites with an area between half and five hectares are small villages and settlements. Three Sites are between five and ten hectares and three Sites are between ten and fifteen hectares. The two site of Goy tepe and Dizaj-Takieh, with an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares, are considered among the large sites of Iron Age III of Urmia Plain. The distribution of ancient sites in the studied area is not the same, and among the thirty-nine settlement sites that have Iron Age III layers, a limited number are located in the higher areas of the western, southern and northern belt, and the absolute majority of the settlements are located in the flat plain of Urmia. Most of the settlement sites (about 76%) are less than a thousand meters away from water sources and rivers, and this shows that the water factor is the most important factor in the location selection of settlements in this era. During most of this period, Urmia region was considered one of the Urartian states. The results obtained from the analysis of GIS maps show that despite the pattern of Urartian settlements, which tends to settle and administrative management in mountainous and higher areas, the main and residential settlements of this era were formed in the lowland and their management was only in Military forts were located in higher peripheral areas.
Keywords: Urmia Plain, Iron Age III, Settlement Patterns, Urartu, Mana.

Introduction
Urmia plain is one of the fertile areas in the northwest of Iran, and therefore it has been the focus of human societies from the past until now, and the evidence left behind, such as numerous historical hills, testify to the establishment and exploitation of this plain in different prehistoric times. And it is historical. Even though the archeology teams have investigated the Urmia plain in the past and identified important sites, but most of them only identified and registered the sites And they have not provided chronological and analytical information related to the trajectory of the formation and expansion of Iron Age III sites And this issue has caused the failure to present a detailed map of the pattern of settlements and the state of the sites in this period. Therefore, studying the state of settlements, their formation and expansion can be effective in understanding the cultures and settlement patterns of this period in this great plain. The archeological survey of Urmia Plain was conducted with the aim of identifying and investigating the ancient sites of the Iron Age III and also studying settlement patterns in two seasons in the fall of 2019 and the spring and summer of 2020. The present article, by examining the sites of Iron Age III in the Urmia plain, studied the formation and expansion of the sites according to variables such as height above sea level, water sources, distance and proximity to rivers and vegetation And based on their size, they are ranked and finally, it analyzes and reconstructs the regional landscape of Urmia plain in the Iron Age3 and the environmental patterns of the settlements of this period.

The text of the article and the main discussion
The beginning of the Iron Age III in the important settlement areas of northwestern Iran, including Hasanlu, has been determined following the massive fires that occurred at the end of the Iron Age 2 and led to the destruction of the settlements of this period. Chronologically, this era coincides with the emergence of a new pottery phenomenon, which Young (Young 1965:70) called the new Buff Ware horizon, that appeared in many sites in western Iran. Based on this, in the northwest of Iran, especially in the Urmia lake basin, the Iron 3 period has been introduced at the same time as Hasanlu layer 3. Urmia Plain, as the largest plain on the western shore of Lake Urmia, witnessed extensive changes in the first millennium BC. The importance of the Urmia plain, and its location at an important crossing in the first half of the first millennium BC, has caused the attention of the governments of Urartu, Assyria and even Manna. Urmia Plain in the Iron Age III due to these favorable environmental conditions, especially the flow of permanent and abundant rivers, numerous springs, suitable and fertile land, rich pastures and abundant hunting, has received more and more attention and received a significant population. A population that relies on agricultural livelihood more than anything else, and the location of settlements has been done near stable water sources and main rivers And these places have been chosen according to the topography, slope and type of soil so that water supply to the land can be done easily and also have fertile soil. Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time in this settlement period. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites, thirty-one sites have an average area between half and five hectares, six areas have an area of between five and fifteen hectares, and two areas have an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares. Among the four major settlement and non-settlement sites of this region, namely Goy tepe, Bari, Ismail-Agha Castle and Dizaj-takiyeh, two sites of Ismail-Agha Castle and Bari Castle are located in the mountainous areas overlooking the Urmia Plain And as fortresses and defensive fortifications, and two settlement sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj-takiyeh, have served as the central places of the plain. By looking at the distribution map of the settlements of this era and paying attention to geographical variables such as distance and proximity to water sources, agricultural lands and the size of the areas, the pattern of settlements in the region can be determined. Most of the sites are formed in the plain. Considering that water has always played an important role in the formation of these establishments and is considered an important indicator for their analysis, It is obvious that the flat areas and near permanent springs and rivers have been given more attention by these tribes. The higher areas of Urmia region have fewer settlements. These settlements can be considered as seasonal settlements, because they were forced to leave the place immediately when the amount of water decreased. Therefore, it seems that the permanent settlements are mainly formed along the permanent rivers. Other geographical variables such as distance and proximity to fertile and suitable agricultural lands and altitude above sea level are effective in this increase in population and settlements.

Conclusion
Among the 187 hills and historical sites identified in Urmia Plain, forty-seven sites from the Iron Age have been identified. Two pottery traditions have been identified, including the Urartian pottery tradition and the local pottery tradition with simple Buff Ware with the influence of late Manna pottery. In addition, suitable environmental conditions have made the Urmia plain one of the main agricultural areas of Azerbaijan, so that this area is considered one of the key areas in the development and population increase in the northwestern plateau of Iran (Biscone 2003:167). Settlement patterns in the Urmia Plain, including residential settlements in the bottom of valleys and low plains and close to fertile lands and water sources, especially permanent and abundant rivers in the region and the creation of fortresses and defense fortifications in the higher parts and on top of the rocks. The establishment of residential centers in the Urmia plain was done during the dominance of the Urartu in the alluvial lands of the plain And the main military centers have been built in the form of strong fortresses in the surrounding heights of this plain and The small sites in Urmia plain, which are less than nineteen sites and their size is less than three hectares, are residential units and small villages that were engaged in agriculture And other settlements of this era in the Urmia plain, which number up to eighteen settlements, are between three and fifteen hectares in size. And they are managed by two large and central sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj- Takiye. Therefore, according to Chrystaller’s model, Goy tepe, as the largest settlement site in the Urmia plain, controlled the central and northern sites of the plain, and Dizaj- Takiye, in the second place in size, controlled the southern sites of the Urmia plain.