Abstract
Narmashir plain at Kerman, has many settlements from Neolithic to Qajar era, But it has not considered by researchers. The pseudo-prehistoric ware is one of the pottery types of Islamic period that is identified in the archaeological surveys in Narmashir. This type, has also reported from South and South-West Iran in previous years, and it has identified recently in other regions of Iran. The Pseudo-Prehistoric wares don’t have the glaze, but they are painted with brown, ochre, red or orange geometric patterns. These types of wares are like prehistoric ones, but their clay, color, and motifs are different from prehistoric painted wares. Furthermore, they distribute along with glazed wares from Islamic sites in the most parts of Iran, and for this reason, they introduced as the Islamic Potteries. The aim of this article is to introduce and study and comparison of this type of pottery with the other samples of Iran. This helps to better understanding the Islamic cultures of South-East Iran and the communities of Lut desert margins.  The question is “what are the characteristics of pseudo-prehistoric wares of Narmashir in comparison with the other sites?” In this article, pseudo-prehistoric wares are introduced and studied. Then they have compared with other sites. The data have collected in documentary and field methods. The research method in this study is “descriptive-analytical”. Accordingly, in the old city of Narmashir, Jalal Abad and Rafi Abad, the pseudo-prehistoric wares with brown-red ornaments found from the context that contained the cultural material from Islamic middle ages. These samples have many similarities with the samples of south, south-eastern, northeastern, north and center of Iran. But the pseudo-prehistoric wares from Narmashir do not belong to the nomad communities, but they belong to the urban and sedentary settlements, unlike the samples of south and south-eastern Iran.
Keywords: Narmashir, unglazed painted wares, pseudo-prehistoric pottery, the historical sites of Islamic period.

Introduction
Narmashir plain at Kerman, has many settlements from Neolithic to Qajar era, But it has not considered by researchers. The old city of Narmashir (Choghook Abad site) has been introduced as one of the five main cities of Kerman, the center for agricultural and industrial products, the mediation center of Goods, and the serving location for the caravans, in the Islamic sources. This city was located along the road of India, Oman, and Sistan to the center of Iran. For this reason, it played an important role in the development of southeast Iran in early and middle Islamic era. The pieces of wares from early Islamic period to the 12th AH has identified on the surface of the Islamic sites of Narmashir, in the authors archaeological surveys. One of these wares is the unglazed painted ware (pseudo-prehistoric ware), which was reported by Sumner and Whitcomb for the first time in south and southwest Iran (Sumner & Whitcomb, 1999). But, several sites in Iran were introduced as the sites containing pseudo-prehistoric wares, after recent studies. The Pseudo-Prehistoric wares don’t have the glaze, but they are painted with brown, ochre, red or orange geometric patterns. These types of wares are like prehistoric ones, but their clay, color, and motifs are different from prehistoric painted wares. Furthermore, they distribute along with glazed wares from Islamic sites in the most parts of Iran, and for this reason, they introduced as the Islamic Potteries. The question is “what are the characteristics of pseudo-prehistoric wares of Narmashir in comparison with the other sites?” The aim of this article is to introduce and study and comparison of this type of pottery with the other samples of Iran. This helps to better understanding the Islamic cultures of South-East Iran and the communities of Lut desert margins. 

Data and analysis
The unglazed painted wares of south and southwest of Iran are very simple. They are painted in dark red or dark brown. The ornaments have appeared on the outer surface, upper part and around of their rims and handle. This motifs include simple, primitive, and careless lines, such as horizontal or vertical bands, curved and wavy lines, and zigzag designs. (Sedighian & Gholami, 2012: 135). They belong to the middle and late Islamic period (Ibid: 134). These wares have found in the old city of Narmashir, Jalal Abad and Rafi Abad. The pseudo-prehistoric wares of Narmashir, are similar to those one from southwest, center, north, and northeast of Iran. They have red or orange clay, buff slip, and mineral temper. Most of them have produced with the wheel. Their ornaments have painted in brown, red or orange. The samples of the old city of Narmashir are similar to the “Mad Abad” wares (see. Sumner & Whitcomb, 1999:320-321). The pieces of Jalal Abad and Rafi Abad are similar to those one from Atigh square of Isfahan and Samiran of Manjil (see. Sedighian & Gholami, 2012: 138). The technique of production of them is similar to the samples have reported from Bishapoor, which have painted by simple and curvy designs in red or black (see. Amiri et all. 2012: 13). Also, the samples of Kompos Bonari in Kohgiluiyeh (see. Qezelbash & Parviz, 2013: 123-124) and Qal’eh Dokhtar and Shahdezh in south Khorasan from 5th -7th AH (see. Sedighian & Gholami, 2012: 137) are similar to Narmashir wares. But, the samples of Narmashir are different from those one of Sistan and Bluchestan. The wares of Sistan and Baluchestan have the orange or red background and dark-brown motifs (see. Mousavi Haji et all. 2013: 127). The pseudo-prehistoric wares of Narmashir belong to the 5th – 8th century AH, based on similar samples found in the south of Khorasan, and center and southwest of Iran. The samples of Narmashir do not belong to the nomad communities, but they belong to the urban and sedentary settlements, unlike the samples of south and south-eastern Iran.

Conclusion
In the old city of Narmashir, Jalal Abad and Rafi Abad, the pseudo-prehistoric wares with brown-red ornaments found from the context that contained the material from Islamic middle ages. These samples have many similarities with the samples of south, south-eastern, northeastern, north and center of Iran. But the pseudo-prehistoric wares from Narmashir do not belong to the nomad communities, and they belong to the urban and sedentary settlements, unlike the samples of south and south-eastern Iran. Furthermore, the samples of Narmashir are different from pseudo-prehistoric wares in Sistan and Baluchestan, because the Sistan and Bluchestan samples have the red background and dark-brown ornaments. 

Abstract
Due to the existence of fertile alluvial soil and more than one hundred aqueducts (Qanats), agriculture and horticulture were prosperous in the Borkhar plain, north of Isfahan during the Qajar period. Furthermore, its location on the Isfahan highway to the capital of government made it easy to export products to other regions. Accordingly, livelihood in the Borkhar plain was affected by agriculture and horticulture. The questions are: how was the exploitation and management of resources in the Borkhar during the Qajar period? What were the strategies of livelihood based on agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar during that time? What were the characteristics of the architecture of gardens and farms in the Borkhar? Data were collected via documentary and field methods, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. Based on the archaeological data such as gardens with the irregular plan and vast gardens with the designed and regular plan, it can be concluded that the type of agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar plain was subsistence agriculture and agribusiness. In the early Qajar era, subsistence agriculture was common in the Borkhar plain. But in the second half of the Qajar era, agribusiness became common in this region like in other parts of Iran. Therefore, the income of agribusiness was allocated to livelihood and biological needs in the second period. If historical sources are also studied through content analysis, the above two strategies of livelihood are concluded. There was subsistence agriculture in this plain, such as wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, turmeric, and beets, as well as commercial cultivation of melons and cotton. This agribusiness helped to strengthen economic power and livelihoods based on agricultural incomes.
Keywords: Strategies of Livelihood, Agriculture During Qajar Period, Architecture of Qajar Period, Borkhar in Isfahan, Khan’s Gardens.

Introduction
Livelihood means human assets, behaviors, and activities that determine the standard of living of an individual, family, or community (Ellis, 2000: 10). According to Chambers and Conway, livelihood also means the capabilities and necessary activities to survive and determine lifestyle (Chambers and Conway, 1992: I-II). The strategies of livelihood were developed in different communities to increase social welfare and public health (Gaillard et al., 2009: 120). These strategies were included agricultural and horticultural livelihood, animal husbandry, fisheries, industrial activities, road services, and trade. In this article, the architectural features of gardens and buildings related to agriculture in the Borkhar plain were explained. Then, the strategies of livelihood in this plain during the Qajar period were analyzed.
As the entrance passage of Isfahan from the north, Borkhar plain was a strategic area on the north-south communication route of the country. This plain was considered an agricultural and horticultural area on the periphery of Isfahan.
The questions are how was the exploitation of resources in the Borkhar during the Qajar period? What were the strategies of livelihood based on agriculture and horticulture in the Borkhar during that time? What were the characteristics of the architecture of gardens and farms in the Borkhar?
The importance of this research is that it recognizes the systems of management and exploitation of natural resources in the past, especially with an emphasis on the methods of achieving sustainable livelihoods based on the capabilities of the region. While today, some cities and villages in the region are facing serious risks in terms of conservation of natural resources and livelihood, due to incorrect policies in local and regional development and lack of attention to local capabilities.
Data were collected via documentary and field methods, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. Analyzes were performed by “content analysis” of historical sources and “spatial analysis” of architectural monuments related to horticulture and agriculture.

Exploitation and Resource Management in Borkhar 
Geologically, the Borkhar plain is an alluvial plain and its settlements were developed in these alluviums (Shafaqi, 2002: 97). These alluvial soils cause fertility in this plain. The fertility of the Borkhar plain on the one hand, and the rise of the landowners class in the Qajar period on the other, led to the division of ownership of agricultural lands and gardens between lords and large landowners. Accordingly, the number of lords increased and they gained higher social prestige during the Qajar period. In addition to building residential castles on their agricultural lands and gardens, the lords and employers hired several farmers and settled them to increase the production and use of the land (Amirhajloo et al., 2012b: 115). 
Despite the fertile soil, the amount of rainfall in Borkhar plain was low. Therefore, groundwater extraction methods were important and aqueducts were created in the plain for this reason. The remains of “Pang-khaneh” buildings as a place for the distribution of aqueduct water in the Borkhar plain are important. Factors affecting the water distribution of aqueducts in Borkhar plain were: the features of the place, the amount of water of aqueducts, the number of households using water resources, type of cultivation, and laws governing the region. Exceptionally, for private aqueducts located on lord’s farms, all aqueduct water belonged only to the landowner.

The Strategies of Horticulture and Agriculture Livelihood in Borkhar
If we want to analyze the livelihood strategies of horticulture and agriculture in the Borkhar plain, we must pay attention to “subsistence agriculture” and “Agribusiness”. Subsistence agriculture is a type of agriculture that aims to produce as much as the needs of the family, tribe, or village and does not pay attention to foreign markets and earnings (Mosher, 2008: 6). While Agribusiness means specialized cultivation, production over subsistence needs, and product sales in the various markets (Amini, 2016: 549). While from the middle of the Qajar era, especially from the time of Mohammad Shah and Nasser al-Din Shah, “Agribusiness” also became popular (Mansour Bakht, 2009: 123, 147). 
Archaeological evidence of the Qajar era in the Borkhar plain indicates both of the above farming strategies. Archaeological remains show the subsistence agriculture strategy in this period; For example, small enclosed gardens, scattered and irregular gardens with an organic plan on the periphery of the villages of Morchekhort, Gaz, Gorgab, Sin, Dormian, Zaman Abad, Dastgerd, Dolatabad, Dombi, and Margh. While there is other evidence that shows the strategy of Agribusiness in Borkhar in the Qajar era, such as regular lordly gardens with a pre-designed plan and residential spaces for lords and farmers, as well as castles of landlords.
The content analysis of Qajar sources also confirms the existence of the above two livelihood strategies in Borkhar. For example, crops such as wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, summer vegetables, turmeric, and beets were grown for local consumption. But crops such as melons and cotton were grown commercially and then exported.

Conclusion
Based on the archaeological data and historical sources, subsistence agriculture was common in the Borkhar plain during the early Qajar era. But in the second half of the Qajar era, agribusiness became common in this region like in other parts of Iran. Therefore the income of agribusiness was allocated to livelihood and biological needs in the second period. If historical sources are also studied through content analysis, the above two strategies of livelihood are concluded. There was subsistence agriculture of wheat, barley, watermelon, carrots, pomegranates, apples, legumes, turmeric, and beets in this plain, as well as commercial cultivation of melons and cotton. This agribusiness helped to strengthen economic power and livelihoods based on agricultural incomes.

Abstract
Qal’eh Dokhtar, as one of the important historical sites on the eastern outskirts of Kerman, has been described in historical texts with different names such as Qal’eh Kooh and Qal’eh Kohan, as a place of political and social events. One of the important features of this castle is its special location in Kerman plain, as well as the extent of its architectural structures and type of materials. The purpose of this study is to analyze the nature, function, and chronology of Qal’eh Dokhtar. This study was done based on the results of an archaeological survey, sounding, and archaeological excavation in 2019 in this site. This study can explain the role and position of Qal’eh Dokhtar in the social and political developments of Kerman during the Islamic era. Data collection was done by documentary and field methods and the research method is descriptive-analytical. The questions are: When were the foundations and renovations of Qal’eh Dokhtar made and what were the functions of this complex? For this purpose, the data of previous archaeological research and recent field activities of the authors were studied and reviewed, and while studying the historical geography of the region, a correct idea of the nature, formation, and function of this building in relation to cultural developments, Political and social of this area in the different period were presented. The study of cultural materials along with the study of historical sources shows that this site is probably almost continuously inhabited from the pre-Islamic period and certainly from the first centuries of Islam to the tenth century AH. The results show that this structure has played a decisive role in the political and social developments in the region. It seems that Qal’eh Dokhtar was probably constructed and reconstructed from the pre-Islamic period and certainly from the first centuries of Islam to the Safavid era for establishing a military and defense base, as a place to hold political prisoners, a treasury, a safe haven for sit-ins and the rulers and their families.
Keywords: Qal’eh Dokhtar in Kerman, Qal’eh Kooh, Qal’eh Kohan, Historical Castles, Islamic Architecture.

Introduction
Based on historical evidence, Kerman city was founded due to an economic-military necessity. The necessity that required the important branch of the Khorasan arterial road, that is, the spice route of India and the coasts of the Oman Sea, passes through the deserts of Kerman and Baluchistan and connects to the Khorasan arterial road. The Kerman region was located in the center of the intersection of the mentioned roads (Zarei and Heydari, 2013: 202). Because of this special situation, Kerman was also subject to internal and external attacks since historical times (Bastani Parizi, 2016: 40). Therefore, large castles were built for military and defensive purposes to prevent damage and protect lives and property from enemy attacks. Qal’eh Dokhtar is one of the important castles that was founded in response to such needs. In its ups and downs history, this castle has been one of the most famous and eventful castles, especially during the Islamic era, compared to other historical castles in the southeast. Based on the historical sources, political events in the history of Kerman in different periods are connected with this castle (see: Afzal al-Din Kermani, 2016: 124; Vaziri, 2016: 102; Monshi Kermani, 2018: 62; Sykes, 2016: 80).
Despite this, none of the above studies gives a detailed understanding of the nature, function, and chronology of this monument in connection with the social and political developments of Kerman. Historical sources also show a number of contradictions about the date of construction and function of Qal’eh Dokhtar. Most of these contradictions have been caused by the lack of detailed and comprehensive investigation or the ignorance of historians. Considering that the previous researches related to Qal’eh Dokhtar were only descriptive, the importance of the research is that it studied the nature and use of this castle with an analytical approach.
Materials and Method: In this research, by studying historical texts and architectural structures and cultural data (including the remains of pottery from the archaeological excavation and survey in Qal’eh Dokhtar), an attempt was made to create a clear understanding of the history of construction, the process, and stages of renovations, its functions based on the developments. Data collection in this research has been done by field and documentary methods. Based on this, the study and analysis of the findings of the authors’ excavation and survey in Qal’eh Dokhtar has been done to explain the construction chronology, the process and stages of renovations, and the functions of the castle. Also, the historical texts related to this work have been analyzed in the “content analysis” method, and by matching the data from these documents with the archaeological findings, new analyzes have been tried to be presented about this work.

Data
Qal’eh Dokhtar is built on a high rock overlooking the landscape of Kerman plain. This high rock is stretched lengthwise from east to west and its length is more than 720 meters. The architecture of Qal’eh Dokhtar follows the topography of this rock. Some of the architectural spaces of Qal’eh Dokhtar were formed on large stone slabs, and in some others, space was provided for construction by carving the mountain rocks, and buildings were formed with mud-brick, crushed stone, Sarooj, plaster, and lime. In the eastern part of the complex, architectural evidence of two and three stories has been left. In the northernmost part of the middle section, the architectural structures of this section were probably the ruling buildings. In the northwest of the middle part of Qal’eh Dokhtar, there is a wide and half-ruined gate, a small pedestrian gate, and a high and solid tower. In the south of the middle part of Qal’eh Dokhtar, there are remains of a brick water basin.

Discussion
Analyzing the content of historical sources provides information about the functions of Qal’eh Dokhtar during the Islamic era. For example, the first function of Qal’eh Dokhtar as a “place for opponents of the government” can be mentioned (Monshi Kermani, 1328: 23; Hafez Abro, 1375: 53-52). The second function of Qal’eh Dokhtar was based on the analysis of the content of historical texts, “a place to store government treasures” (Katabi, 1985: 100; Hafez Abro, 1996: 157). The third function of Qal’eh Dokhtar can also be considered as “the residence of rulers and their families” in some periods (Afzal al-Din Kermani, 1977: 124). The last function of Qal’eh Dokhtar can be seen as a shelter for besiegers (Khabisi, 1994: 187). In addition to these, we can also mention the role of Qal’eh Dokhtar in keeping political prisoners, which is hidden in historical sources (Monshi Kermani, 1949: 15; Hafez Abro, 1996: 20). Based on this, Qal’eh Dokhtar has had different functions in different eras and as a part of the spatial organization of Kerman city, it has played a special role in the political and social developments of this city in the Islamic era.

Conclusion
Qal’eh Dokhtar in the east of Kerman city was one of the important castles that was founded in the pre-Islamic and early Islamic period due to the need to deal with the threat of invading tribes on the south and southeast highway of the country, and it became the throne of the rulers of Kerman in different periods. For two reasons, Qal’eh Dokhtar played a role as a military and defense structure along with other castles in Kerman in providing security to the east of Kerman and the highways of the region. The First reason is “its location on top of the natural elevation and dominates the Kerman plain”, and the Second is “the important position of the city of Kerman from a military point of view during the Sassanid era”. However, the analysis of the content of Islamic written sources and the study of archaeological evidence, including pottery and architectural structures, show a basic reconstruction phase in the 4th century AH, a deliberate destruction phase in the late 6th century AH, two phases of reconstruction in the early and at the end of the 7th century A.H. and a stage of reconstruction took place in the second half of the 8th century A.H. in Qal’eh Dokhtar. Along with these developments and renovations, other functions were added to the security and defense functions of Qal’eh Dokhtar. As it has functioned as a place to keep political prisoners, in other times as a place to keep government treasures, sometimes as a safe haven for the opposition and in other periods as a residence of rulers and their families.

Acknowledgments
The authors are grateful to Dr. Asadullah Jodaki Azizi for his advice.

Abstract
Residential architecture as a living space for family members has been influenced by climatic and geographical conditions. Accordingly, some methods for designing climate-responsive architecture can be seen in historic houses of Iran, such as Ashtian. Therefore, this research aims to identify the influence of climate and geography on Qajarid residential architecture in Ashtian and to elucidate the strategies and measures employed by architects to mitigate negative effects and increase beneficial climatic and geographical influences. Questions are: What is the effect of climate and geographical features on the location and spatial distribution of Qajarid houses in the Ashtian? How did climatic and geographical factors affect the plan, form, and architectural features of Qajarid houses in Ashtian? Two hypotheses are: the topography of Ashtian, watercourses, and soil type have played a role in locating houses. Furthermore, the plan, form, and architectural features of the houses were influenced by climatic factors such as wind, angle and amount of sunlight, and temperature. ArcGIS, Google Earth, WRPLOT design software, AutoCAD, and SPSS software were used for data analysis. Based on the results, the architects were started the construction of the building by considering climatic factors such as sunlight angle, prevailing wind, temperature, and humidity. They have paid attention to the type and color of materials, size of windows and doors and courtyards, and size and location of rooms. Also, based on the models obtained from WRPLOT software, the dominant wind of the region in two directions east-west and west-east was identified and its effect on architecture was explained. The results of the analysis in SPSS also show the correlation between “type of land and social class of people”, “type of land and soil with reservoirs”, and “maximum wind speed and the number of floors”.
Keywords: Qajar Monuments, Climate-Responsive Architecture, Residential Architecture, Ashtian.

Introduction
Considering the geographical divisions of Iran, different architectural features have been formed in each geographical region (Memarian, 2012: 5). Although Qajarid architecture was influenced by modernism and non-Iranian patterns, climatic and environmental features have been among the most influential factors in Iranian architecture. It seems that architecture in Ashtian also has such characteristics. The development of the city of Ashtian during the Islamic era was due to its location in Iraq-e Ajam and the route of the pilgrimage to holy shrines of Iraq (Omidbeyki, 2015: 1). In the Qajar period, Ashtian was a place of residence for virtuous and pious people, writers, scholars, and politicians (Shirvani, 1897: 42), and various types of urban and suburban residential structures were built. 
This research aims to identify the influence of climate and geography on Qajarid residential architecture in Ashtian and to elucidate the strategies and measures employed by architects to mitigate undesirable effects and increase beneficial climatic and geographical influences. The study of these residential structures, with a focus on analyzing the role of geographical factors, provides insights into the interaction between the Qajar society and the specific climatic and environmental conditions of the region.
There are two main questions in this research: What is the effect of climate and geographical features on the location and spatial distribution of Qajarid houses in the Ashtian? How did climatic and geographical factors affect the plan, body, and architectural features of Qajarid houses in Ashtian? Based on these questions, the following hypotheses have been proposed: the topography of Ashtian, watercourses, and soil type have played a role in locating houses. Furthermore, the plan, form, and architectural features of the houses were influenced by climatic factors such as wind, angle and amount of sunlight, and temperature.

Discussion
In this study, eight Qajarid residential buildings in Ashtian County – as a cold and dry region in the Markazi Province - were studied, which are: the houses of Mirza Hedayatullah, Mirza Hasan, Nuraee and Mo’tamed al-Ayalah, as well as Mustofi Al-Mamalek (Agha) castle in Ashtian city, Abdulazim Gharib house in Garekan village and two feudal castles in Ja’farabad village (Figs 2-9). 
Based on the Google Earth photos, the Qajarid houses in Ashtian have been located in the middle of the southern slope of the mountain. Because the northern slopes of the mountains are in shadow and colder (Ghobadian, 2018, 101-102), While the southern slope is sunny and has better conditions for residence and other activities. Watercourses are usually threatened during floods and pose a threat to settlements (Negarsh, 2003: 137). The topographic analysis of the watercourses and hazardous slopes around the studied buildings indicates that less attention has been paid to the issue of watercourses in Ja’farabad, Garekan, and Ashtian. Furthermore, the city of Ashtian is located on QT2 soils, Ja’farabad on QT1 soils, and Garekan on MS and MQ soils (Figure 10). Based on this, the lands of Ashtian and Ja’farabad are relatively homogeneous in terms of resistance and provide relatively favorable conditions for construction. However, Garekan lands are weaker for building construction. In Addition, a very strong fault called “Talkhab” extends northwest to southeast, passes 12 kilometers southwest of Ashtian and 4 kilometers northeast of Ja’farabad (Fig 11). Historical reports also indicate destructive earthquakes in the years 855 AD, 958 AD, 1177 AD, 1316 AD, 1495 AD, and 1962 AD in this area (Ghodrati et al., 2010: 184). Therefore, the location selection of houses in the cities of Ashtian, Ja’farabad, and Garekan has been carried out without considering the earthquake hazard. 
The most prominent architectural features of cold and mountainous regions include small and confined urban and rural spaces, compact structures with interconnected buildings, narrow streets with limited width. Furthermore, Attention is given to solar orientation (Ghobadian, 2018: 99). The urban spaces in Ashtian are also small and confined, with a compact urban fabric (Figure 12), as well as Garekan and Ja’farabad. The main streets and thoroughfares are also narrow and have limited width. 
The study of the influence of the angle of solar radiation on the monuments of Ashtian for 11 AM at the beginning of each season showed that the difference in the angle of solar radiation between summer and winter in these regions is more than 35 degrees (Table 1). For this reason, a porch has been built in the north face of some houses, including Mo’tamed al-Ayalah, Nuraee, and Ja’farabad castles. The roof of these porches was like a canopy, and it protected the openings from the hot summer sun. But in winter, the slanting sunlight penetrated the into the interior spaces. Also, the orientation of the axis of the house plans in the east-west axis made the sunlight to be received more in the cold winter mornings in the southern facades.
In these buildings, the percentage of open space or courtyard area compared to the total building area is less than 35 percent. This is because in areas where the temperature is cold or very cold for most days of the year, most daily activities take place indoors. In the buildings of Ashtian, small openings were used to prevent heat exchange between the interior and exterior of the building. In the design of these openings, in addition to light, ventilation and the utilization of pleasant winds or prevention of unpleasant winds have also been taken into consideration. The output of modeling in WRPLOT software indicated that the prevailing wind in this city is predominantly east-west and west-east (Figure 13).

The outputs of the SPSS also showed the following
- A relationship between the type of land and the social class of the people living in the house: political people and officials have chosen areas with more suitable soil.
- A relationship between the type of land and soil with the presence of a water reservoir in the building: all Qajarid buildings in Ashtian city had water reservoirs. However the residents of Ja’farabad did not need a water reservoir. Because the underground water and the aqueducts were rich.

Conclusion
The study of Qajarid houses in the city of Ashtian has shown that some geographical and climatic factors have influenced the location, plan, structure, and architectural elements of these houses. However, architects have also overlooked some climatic and geographical variables in the location, design, and construction of these houses. In response to the first question, it should be noted that although these houses have been strategically and intelligently located in the southern foothills to easily capture sunlight and solar energy, they are all exposed to the risk of floods from the north and northeast along the watercourse. Nevertheless, the principles of urban space design and construction in mountainous and cold regions have been maximally observed in the city of Ashtian, and the analysis of the urban fabric and space in Ashtian indicates narrow streets and the integration of architectural units for better adaptation to the climate. Regarding the second question, this study has shown that the principles of design and construction of residential spaces, including plan, structure, architectural elements, and materials, have largely obeyed climatic and geographical factors such as the direction and intensity of sunlight, the prevailing wind direction, and the temperature in summer and winter. For example, the roofs of the buildings are flat, and the windows are small and proportionate to the direction of the sun and the prevailing winds of the region. The positioning of the windows facilitated the absorption of solar heat in winter and ventilation in summer. Small central courtyards and open spaces have been built in accordance with the climate of Ashtian. The number of floors in these houses corresponds to the intensity and speed of the wind, and the presence of architectural spaces with specific functions, such as water reservoirs, depends on the type of soil and the geographical characteristics of the region.

Abstract
South Rudbar Plain, with an area of more than 6000 square kilometers, is one of the important archaeological areas in the southeast of the Halil-Rood cultural area. This area, due to its favorable environmental conditions, including the permanent water of the Halil-Rood River, the fertile and vast plains, and the pasture heights in the northern part, as well as due to its geographical capacity and the communication route between Sindh and Sistan to Jiroft, was the foundation for the presence of human societies with the livelihood structures such as sedentary lifestyle and nomadic. As a result of two seasons of Archaeological surveys in South Rudbar plain during the last two decades, a number of ancient settlements were identified in this area. However, in these surveys, the focus is on pre-historic sites, while the sites of the Islamic era have not been studied deeply and completely, and only their GPS points have been recorded and incomplete descriptions of them have been provided. Therefore, answers have not yet been provided to questions about the role and influence of environmental factors on the distribution of Islamic settlements and the formation of livelihood organizations. In the following article, for the first time, the effect of environmental factors on Settlements of the Islamic era in Rudbar plain was studied with an analysis based on the findings of two archaeological surveys, documentary studies, and the preparation and interpretation of GIS maps. For this purpose, the settlements of Rudbar plain were divided into two time periods based on relative dating: “first to early middle Islamic centuries” and “late centuries (from the 10th century AH onwards)”. Then, environmental factors such as altitude above sea level, resources water, amount and direction of the slope of the lands, soil characteristics, and condition of roads in connection with settlement evidence were analyzed. The results of the research show that the most important factors affecting the formation, distribution, and organization of the livelihood of the Rudbar plain settlements in the Islamic era are the Halil-Rood River and the Aqueducts as the water sources in the peripheral parts, the trade route of Jiroft to Sind and Sistan, and the unevenness of the north and northeast for benefit from the potential of animal husbandry.
Keywords: South Roudbar, Environmental Factors, Distribution of Residence, GIS, Islamic Archaeology.

Introduction
The environment and its substrates are very important in examining the distribution pattern of ancient sites in a region. According to archaeological research, Rudbar plain has been a suitable place for human societies to live since at least the Copper Age (cf. Daneshi and Eskandari, 2016). This area as a commercial crossing (Yacoubi, 1963: 62) and one of the important areas of agricultural and livestock production (Sarhadi, 2017: 24), is very important in the archaeological studies of the Halil Road cultural area. However, the settlements of the Islamic era in the Rudbar plain do not have a share in the previous archeological studies and there are questions about this, which of the environmental factors and at what qualitative and quantitative level is effective in the distribution of settlements in the Rudbar plain in the south of Halil Roud cultural region during the Islamic era?
Based on this, the main purpose of this research is to investigate and analyze environmental factors affecting the formation and development of the Islamic settlements of Rudbar plain with a focus on geological features, altitude, water resources, and trade routes. Despite the numerous narratives of the early Islamic geographers about this region (see: Yaqoubi, 1963; Ibn Hawqal, 1966; Istakhari, 1994), no independent research has been done to identify and investigate the Islamic era settlements in Rudbar plain; and this issue shows the necessity and importance of this research. Also, the results of this research can help to understand the roots of the urban culture of this region in the early Islamic Middle Ages. 
The current research is historical research and a descriptive-analytical method was used. Research data has been collected by documentary and field methods. 

Discussion
The statistical database under study includes 53 sites and historical monuments, which are divided into two groups of settlement evidence, “first to seventh century AH” and “late Islamic centuries (Safavid and Qajar)” based on relative chronology (Tables 1 and 2). In order to explain the impact of environmental factors on the location of these sites and evidence, a geographic information system (GIS) has been used.

1. The effect of the height coefficient on the distribution of settlements
To explain the effect of height above sea level on the formation of the landscape and the distribution of the studied settlements, the height of the Rudbar plain is classified into eight classes (Figure 3, Chart 1). The largest number of cultural evidence representing the settlements of the Islamic era have been formed in this region at an altitude between 500 and 600 meters above the surface of open water, while only 4 sites have been found at an altitude of less than 400 meters above sea level. It seems that the large number of settlements at altitudes between 500 and 600 meters, which exactly covers the slopes of Rudbar Plain, is proof of the predominance of nomadic livelihoods in the Rudbar Plain during the Islamic era, and on the other hand, the small number of sites at an altitude of less than 400 meters can be analyzed in relation to the swampy condition of the Rudbar plain and the greater extent of the Jazmurian bed in the past.

2. The effect of water resources on the distribution of settlements
According to the maps obtained from GIS, most of the sites and evidence related to the settlements are located at a close distance from the surface water network, especially the Halil Rood River (Figure 4, Diagram 2). So, 17 sites, equivalent to 32% of the sites, were developed less than 5 kilometers away from Halil Rood River and under the direct influence of this water source. Another source of water is the Aqueduct. Among the sites of the Rudbar plain, especially those located on the edge of the plain and on the surface of the alluvial cone, were developed in connection with this water source (Figure 5).

3. The influence of the roads on the distribution of settlements
South Rudbar Plain was one of the important communication crossings of the Islamic era due to its location on the old communication and trade route from Indus to Jiroft (Yaqoubi, 1963: 62). According to the explanations of geographers about this ancient road, the current route of Rudbar to Iranshahr has been determined as a part of the aforementioned ancient route and the sites found have been investigated based on this route. As a result of this analysis, 17 sites with a significant linear extension in the west-east direction are located at a distance of 500 meters to 5 kilometers from this main communication road of the region (Figures 6 and 7, Diagram 3).

4. The influence of the slope of the land and its direction on the distribution of settlements
Based on the distribution map of sites and cultural materials related to the settlement of Islamic centuries in the Rudbar plain, we are facing a relatively flat land (Figure 8, Diagram 4). Regardless of the slope of the heights, we are facing a large and relatively flat plain where all the sites found were developed on a bed with a maximum slope of 5%. In fact, in terms of the relationship between the location of the sites and the slope of the land, no significant pattern can be defined. The settlements are located in various slope directions, including south, southeast, and southwest (Figure 9). Considering that the Rudbar plain is one of the tropical areas of the Halil River basin, it seems that the direction of the slope with a southern tendency is not logical. Therefore, it is clear that other environmental factors play a more important role in choosing a place of residence.

5. The effect of land use on the distribution of settlements
As a result of the land classification of Rudbar Plain based on the type of land use in the present era, four types of land use including pasture, agriculture, slopes, and the bed of Jazmurian Lake were investigated. Referring to the output map according to the type of land use, it seems that this factor played a decisive role in the distribution of settlements (Figure 10, Diagram 5). Considering the location of the settlements in connection with pasture and agricultural lands, the pattern of distribution can be interpreted in direct relation with the nomadic livelihood structure with a wider level and the agricultural structure with a smaller level during the Islamic era in the Rudbar Plain.

Conclusion
Rudbar plain is at the southern end of the Halil Rud cultural landscape and corresponds to the current city of Rudbar Jonoob. This region has been the foundation for the presence of human societies during the Islamic era due to its environmental talent, including the permanent water of the Halil River, fertile plains, and pasture heights, as well as being located on the ancient Sind-Jiroft trade route. Based on the analysis of settlement distribution and settlement evidence of the Islamic era and taking environmental factors into consideration, it seems that the cultural landscape of Rudbar plain during the Islamic era was mostly influenced by the variables of altitude, land use, and roads. As a result of the analysis, out of a total of 54 sites and settlement effects found, 50 points are affected by surface water sources such as Halil Rood River and aqueducts, as well as in connection with large pastures and small agricultural lands. Four other local evidence of settlement in the eastern end of the central plain, due to the lack of environmental facilities where they were formed, can only be explained in connection with the ancient road from Indus to Jiroft. Apart from these last four cases, the location of 13 sites/artifacts in the central plain of Rudbar, in addition to showing the relationship with other factors such as height and land use, has also been influenced by the road factor. In general, under the influence of the geographical and ecological factors of the Rudbar plain, the dominant livelihood of the people of the region during the Islamic era was formed based on providing resources through animal husbandry, agriculture, and trade.