Parseh Journal of Archaeological Studies

Reassessing Initial Village Period Settlements in the Upper Khuzestan Plain

Abbas Moghaddam

Abstract
Archaeological surveys have a long history, nearly seventy years, in the Upper Khuzestan plain. Despite the abundance of prehistoric sites, the number of identified Initial Village period settlements is very limited yet. Looking at the encountering history of Initial Village period settlements shows almost all of them were discovered accidentally. Besides the problem of alluvial accumulation, which is a considerable factor, there are several other reasons that affect the visibility of low and early settlements. First of all, villages in this period were obviously small and structures were built mainly using pisé and mud bricks; so buildings were less durable compared to later periods (Early, Middle, and Late Susiana). Secondly, later occupations almost covered up the whole area of early settlements. Hundreds of later sites established in the places that was favorable for earlier settlements. Consequently, at least two main reasons we infer affecting early sites in the Upper Khuzestan Plain not to be found easily are: little attention to the dynamic character of natural alluviation and deposition in the landscape of the region and incompetent field methods. These factors have prevented us to gain a full understanding of the quantity and quality of early settlements in this region. Here, by considering two factors of topography and older flood plains, an early assessment of the concentration of such early settlements in the area between the Shur and Ojirub Rivers is achieved. Boneh Rahimeh is a site that was previously merely recognized as a prehistoric site but not an Initial Village period settlement. In the present study the site is introduced as a potential pair for the Formative and Archaic Susiana site of Chogha Bonut.
Keywords: Initial Village Period, Upper Khuzestan Plain, Dynamic natural landscape, Boneh Rahimeh.

Introduction
Archaeological surveys by the late R. Adams in the area between the Karkheh and Karun Rivers in the Upper Khuzestan Plain revealed patterns of prehistoric settlements for the first time (Adams 1962). Almost eight years later, Frank Hole conducted a survey in the same area to re-evaluate prehistoric settlements (Hole 1968). These two surveys were conducted when the existence of early phases of prehistory in the Upper Khuzestan plain was still unrecognized. In the meantime, however, in the small plain of Deh Luran, F. Hole and his collogues had introduced Ali Kosh as an early settlement in that area (Hole et.al. 1969).
In the third season of excavations in Chogha Mish (KS0001), Archaic Susiana pottery was discovered for the first time in trenches 21 and 25 in the deepest gully of the eastern mound of the site. In addition to Archaic Susiana pottery, Trench 25 contained a new type of architecture in which long mud bricks were used (Delougaz and Kantor 1996: 4-5), then Boneh Fazel Ali (KS0002) was identified as another Archaic Susiana/Initial Village period settlement. Discovery of these remains at the latter site was a total chance; rodents’ activities had caused Archaic Susiana/Initial Village potteries to become visible (Kantor 1976).
During leveling activities of low mounds to the south of Andimeshk, H. Wright found prehistoric pottery in the debris removed by bulldozers. Subsequently, F. Hole started excavations in this leveled area, where became known as Tulai/Tuleii (KS0372) (Hole 1974).
Again, similar developmental activities to the south of Dezful led to the identification of the already damaged and rather small site of Chogha Bonut (KS0109) by Chogha Mish excavation team. On the basis of evidence similar to those revealed in Chogha Mish and Boneh Fazel Ali, Kantor conducted some excavations in the site. Hence, Chogha Bonut was the fourth Archaic Susiana/Initial Village period settlement in the Upper Khuzestan Plain (Alizadeh 2003: XXXi).
During his epidemiological studies in the Dez irrigation Pilot area, F. G. L. Gremliza (1959-1960/1) (Gremliza 1962) collected a large number of prehistoric painted potteries from archaeological sites. Thirty years later A. Alizadeh studied and published Gremliza’s collection (Alizadeh 1992). Alizadeh’s expertise in typology of Khuzestan prehistoric pottery and in particular Archaic Susiana/Initial Village period caused Gremliza’s collection to become a reliable source for comparative studies. There is some sporadic evidence among Gremliza’s survey material that points to early settlements in the area near the Shur and Ojirub Rivers (Alizadeh 1992: 93-95; 100-105, fig.36. V; fig.37. K; fig.38.I).
It is well known that a considerable amount of later cultural remains as well as sediments cover earlier prehistoric settlements in the alluvial plains such as Khuzestan. Hence naturally early small and low occupations are buried and invisible, which makes their recognition a challenging task for archaeologists. Based on geomorphic studies conducted in the Khuzestan plain, it is clear that the sedimentation regimes were not uniform in all areas at the Upper Khuzestan plain. The Ojirub River basin area in particular, where the density of prehistoric sites is higher, bears recorded traces of old alluvium while younger sediments are recorded in the surrounding areas (Map 3).
Like Boneh Fazel Ali, rodents’ activities led the evidence of early occupations to become visible in Boneh Rahimeh (KS0040). To the southwest of the site and around rodents’ holes, a considerable number of Archaic Susiana/Initial Village period pottery was discovered (Fig. 4), while only Late Middle Susiana and Susa II pottery was visible on the surface. A bullet core – characteristic of Aceramic Neolithic in Khuzestan- was also found in the southwestern slope of the site (currently under cultivation) (Fig. 5).

Conclusion
As stated, almost all Initial Village period settlements in the Upper Khuzestan plain were discovered by chance. In addition to Chogha Mish, Boneh Fazel Ali, Chogha Bonut and Tepe Tulai/Tuleii, where archaeological excavations led to identification of Initial Village period in these sites, evidence from previous surveys and recent investigations have increased the number of Initial Village period settlements of the Upper Khuzestan plain from 5 to 11 sites.
The dynamic nature of geographical features is considered as one of the main factors in the invisibility of earlier occupations in the alluvial plain of Khuzestan. Shifts in the course of major rivers as well as their effluents have caused fluctuations in the nature and rate of sedimentation. This, in turn, has led to form different topographic features in the region. On the other hand, the environmental potential of the region has caused the growth of later occupations, which have hidden earlier phases of settlement. Hence, almost all Initial Village period occupations are buried beneath layers of sequential occupations of later periods.
To sum up, it seems evaluating the number and character in regards early occupations in the Upper Khuzestan plain requires updated and practical field methods. If our present knowledge about the earliest phases of occupation in Khuzestan plain was so far based on accidental revealing of lower layers of settlements by bulldozers or rodents’ activities, it is now time for applying new methods such as remote sensing techniques, studying geographical landscapes and factors affecting geographical dynamics of the region as well as archaeological intensive surface surveys in order to yield impressive results about Initial Village period in the Upper Khuzestan plain.

Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz (A quest to find Three Lost National Nominated Sites)

Mohsen Zeynivand

Abstract
In 1931, The archaeological sites of Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz were registered in the National Iranian Registry of Sites, but since then, their exact location remained unknown. According to the Cultural Heritage monuments list, the Location of all three sites are in Iraq. In this article we have attempted to find clues about the location of these three sites, according to De Morgan’s reports, satellite photographs, Historical maps and documents related to the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods of the Iran-Ottoman Border conflict. Our evaluations indicate that these three sites are located in three different locations inside modern Iraq- Iran’s political border somewhere around Ilam province. In this article, the authors try to answer these three questions: Have these sites been inside Iranian border in Qajar and Pahlavi periods? Are these three sites traceable? Could the mentioned sites be dated to the Elamite period?
Keywords: National Iranian Registry, Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye, Seba’āt-e Kahriz, Pusht-i Kuh Luristan, borderland.

Introduction
Jean-Jacques De Morgan was a French mining engineer, geologist, and archaeologist who had travelled to all across the Iranian plateau before starting excavations at Susa. During his visit to Pusht-i Kuh, De Morgan was hosted by Hussein-Gholi Khan, the governor of this region for more than a month. in Etudes geographques, he indicates to these ancient sites of Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kheriz (Tchahar-riz) located west and south of Pusht-i Kuh beyond the Iranian current border. André Godard, another French archaeologist was assigned to serve the new-founded Iranian Archeological Service in 1922. He was responsible for registering and restoring the national heritage monuments. The first three monuments that were recorded in Godard’s list were Sulaiman Tapa, Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kheriz. It seems that Godard had used De Morgan’s book to present Pusht-i Kuh monuments.

Discussion
During the last centuries, the western border of Iran has always been the matter of dispute between Iran and its neighbors. The conflicts between the Iranian and Ottoman governments began in the Safavid era. In 1850 some joint commissions were appointed to settle the border disputes and their work were underway for about 70 years. These commissions were mediated by Russian and British representatives in the region. The present borders of Iran and Iraq are the result of these commissions. During and before these commissions the nomads of the region were easily crossing the border. The Baksaye or Bagh-e Shahi area nowadays on Iraqi soil was part of the Pusht-i kuh governor’s estate. But as the Pahlavi era began, the last governor fled to Iraq and the region was permanently separated from Iran.
De Morgan only gave an explanation of his visit to the Tursaq area. He has been silent about the two districts of the Baksaye and the Tib River Basin. It seems that he has never been to these two areas. It sounds that local people or the governor himself have informed de Morgan about Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz. he may also have access to the map of the Border Commission in which these two sites have been mentioned. In the map of boundary delimitation committee all three areas of Tursaq, Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz Sabah are attested and their location are shown.

Conclusion
Some 90 years after registering of Tursaq sites (Sulaiman and Zirzir Tapa), as well as Tel-e Baksaye and Seba’āt-e Kahriz sites in the of Iranian National list of Registered Sites, an opportunity presented itself to gather information on the latter using written documents, historical maps and remote sensing techniques. The Tursaq complex, which has been registered under the name of Sulaiman Tapa, is essentially two separated, yet nearby settlements. According to the illustrated report by the Iraqi Antiquities Department published in 1967, Tursaq has deposits dating to the Achaemenid and Seleucid periods, whereas according to Jacques de Morgan the sites date to the Kassite period, while the National Iranian Registry of Sites refer to the site as Elamite. As for Baksaye, de Morgan only refers to the site’s name and it is registered on the Iranian list. Based on the Iraqi Atlas of Archaeological Sites, the latter site, a cluster of several small sites in the Baksaye area next to the Iran-Iraq border in Mehran region, dates back to Old Assyrian, Kassite and Islamic times. The third site, erroneously registered on the list as Seba’āt-e Khariz is in fact Seba’āt-e Kahriz (Seven Kariz) in the north of the Maysan Province of Iraq. According to De Morgan and the Iranian list this site is Elamite, but our analyses of satellite and aerial images suggest that the site might in fact belong to Seleucid-Parthian, and perhaps Sasanian periods.

Experimental Archaeology; Investigating and Reconstructing Gray Pottery Firing Techniques During the Third Millennium B.C. Until the First B.C. in the Eastern Regions of Central Zagros

Yaghub Mohammadifar

Abstract
The two most prominent types of material cultures in eastern Zagros are Bronze Age black burnished pottery (3rd millennium BC) and grey Iron Age pottery (second and first millennium BC) that were dog out during archaeological expeditions are being investigated and reconstructed. The technique of firing these two types of pottery will be analyzed in the present study. The main objective of this research was to reconstruct the similar conditions and techniques of these two pottery class using experimental archaeological methods and practical reconstruction of traditional kilns. Along this route, the technical similarities and differences are discussed, relying on archaeological data and comparing it with reconstructed samples. In this regard, two samples of each of the Bronze Age and Iron Age potteries were reconstructed and samples were produced and refurbished by traditional kiln that utilize modern laboratory facilities and precise temperature-measuring devices and are heated in the firing process. The results of the try and error tests indicated that baking with chemical reduction and emergence of gray color is the most important common feature of difference of gray pottery with other pottery assemblages. The firing technique and the structure of the kilns are the most important factors in distinguishing the two types of bronze age and iron age pottery assemblages. What is certain is that with the evolution of the furnace structure, the heat generated from about 700 ° C in the gray Yanniq period of the Bronze Age has increased to about 1000 ° C in the Iron Age specimens, resulting in a higher firing quality as well as a complete and complete chemical reduction of the vessels. Practical comparison of the reconstructed samples showed complete conformity of their characteristics with the ancient specimens (Pisa Tepe, Tushmalan Tepe and Ahmadabad Tepe) and also revealed the secret of producing these two species of gray pottery.
Keywords: Eastern Zagros Central Regions, Bronze Age Pottery, Iron Age Gray Pottery, Experimental Archeology, Kiln, Firing and Reduction.

Introduction
In modern archeology, the scientific question is not what we know, but how we know it. This point of view is one of the most important and at the same time the simplest modern archeological approach to past phenomena (Alizadeh, 2004: 91). Therefore, the idea of reconstructing the conditions and the environment in analogy with what was reported in the reports and data was presented. In response to such ambiguities, it can be said that using more modern methods in research such as “experimental archeology” will increase the accuracy of the premises. Early sections of this study have followed up on existing data and library studies of past sources and reports; therefore, in the next section, reconstructing the conditions and environment consistent with the information provided, has been the author’s main goal. In this section, the “kiln making” and the experience of firing the pottery in these kilns were practically achieved, leading to new information on the evolution of the gray pottery production; Proved the assumptions to be true, so that by producing products that were quite similar to ancient data, the key role of the resuscitation process in the firing process and the important role of kiln design and structure in the specific type of firing were demonstrated However, in some sources (Majidzadeh, 1370: 9-7), general references to the reasons for the pottery being grayed out as interfering with elements such as oxygen, iron, and carbon, and in other research, the reduction process was the main reason ( Kambakhshfard, 2010: 296). Finally, it can be added that according to the comparisons and studies of the samples, the firing of the Iron Age gray pottery somehow evolved into conscious firing methods during the first millennium BC. Although in the early Bronze Age achieved to somehow the technique of reduction firing, but only in Iron Age pottery assembladges, the correct pottery reduction firing can be clearly seen.

Discussion
After the pottery kiln reconstruction operation and the success of the production of the specimens, only by a very simple comparison, the accuracy of the existing probabilities, which were the unknowns of the equation, can be easily ascertained; however, accurate and scientific recordings of the work confirmed these results. Based on these empirical findings for the Bronze Age gray pottery, although previous findings indicate that the potter accessed the firing process may be regenerated, it is due to the amount of carbon accumulated in the samples (carbonization) that is due to its proximity to heavy smoke and firewood. It can be said it was still not possible to control precisely the firing conditions by the potters.
According to existing reports and objective observations of the Bronze Age pottery assemblages, such pottery has much thicker bodies than the gray Iron Age pottery, and empirical indications indicate lower firing temperatures; There are some other features that have been ignored because of their relevance to the subject of this study, that is, firing techniques. As for its firing technique, most of the existing documents refer to the possibility of a ditched type kilns, which is not far-fetched from the evidence.
Reconstruction of the firing conditions of the Bronze Age pottery indicated that the kiln was probably a small-size oven shaped hole that provided a relatively primitive chamber for controlling fire and firing in the vicinity of heavy smoke from firewood and fuel. Reconstructed furnace firing sector were able to provide similar conditions for oven-kilns. In this oven shape kiln, pottery was quite similar to the Bronze Age specimens, especially the Yaniqe or Godin IV pottery, but due to physical limitations and initial quality and reduction facilities, they were never comparable to those found in the Iron Age.
In fact, despite efforts to create optimum conditions, these types of kilns are not capable of achieving a higher quality product such as gray ceramics of the Iron Age, even though due to the excessive energy loss of the maximum heat produced in the oven by about 700 Centigrade did not exceed that production of higher quality pottery in these conditions is almost unlikely.
As the kiln construction techniques expands and evolves, the reconstituted kiln will eventually move closer to the plan of the kilns in the Iron Age, and after a complete overhaul, the result also confirms this claim. In this kiln, reasons such as the separation of the firing chamber, the dominance of proper flame allocation to the vessels, the closure of the pipes and the non-collision of the pipes with the air, made it easier to obtain the appropriate chemical reduction conditions.
In fact, the gray color of the potteries reconstituted with the conditions of the Iron Age kilns are mostly due to the correct reduction and dependence of the carbon chemical interactions and the consumption and replacement of the oxygen present in the composite iron oxide in the ceramic body soil. The technical differences in these two species, which are mainly due to differences in the structure of the kiln structure, are evident in the firing quality of the bodies and the difference in the intensity of carbon accumulation and the color difference between the surface and the body depth.

Conclusion
After examining the documentation available in the time and location of interested research subject, it can be said that the gray pottery has two major variations, both of which have significant differences in terms of time of occurrence, originating culture, and specific production and reduction techniques. In terms of firing technique characteristics, it can be said that the only similarity between these two cultural products is the presence of a “different gray color” in the body of both types of pottery, which has brought them closer together because of the differences in the characteristics of the other species.
The characteristics of the Early Bronze Age gray pottery that distinguishes it from the Iron Age gray pottery lie in the presence of two main factors, namely the type of kilns and the pottery body features. According to the comparison and examination of samples, firing gray pottery assembladges of the Iron Age somehow evolves conscious firing methods and only in the examples of the Iron Age pottery can a complete and correct chemical reduction of a pottery be clearly seen.
In fact, both of these types of potteries are common in creating an atmosphere of chemical reduction in firing, both of which are interesting in their quality and type of performance, which can be attributed to the progressive evolution of the kiln structure and the facilities and knowledge necessary for its construction and observance for centuries.

The Geoarchaeological Studies of the Archaeological Area of Kafiristan Yasen, Southeast of Deylaman, Guilan

Khabat Derafshi

Abstract
In geoarchaeology, a complete and accurate understanding of archaeological site-formation processes can be obtained by identifying and examining the sedimentary deposits and stratigraphy of archeological layers. This study presents the results of preliminary geological studies in Kafiristan Yasen archaeological area to provide a general understanding of local geology and geomorphology of the area. Kafiristan Yasen archaeological sites are mainly built on hillslope erosional terraces. In settlement sites, such as Gerdekulisi, it seems that ancient architectural structures acted as sediment traps for deposition of debris sediments and recent hillslope alluvial sediments (Holocene) on the hillslope terraces. Unlike other ancient sites in the Yasen area, Zargolesi site is built on a single natural ridge consisting of siltstone and sandstone rocks overlooking the Oshkoul-Dareh River. The study of surface sedimentary deposits in natural soilas well asexcavation trenches shows that two sedimentary units consisting of very coarse gravelly sediments and fine gravelly sediments in a clay-rich matrix could be distinguished in most of the areas. Archaeological artifacts can sometimes be found in the context of coarse gravelly sediments and in some places are covered by fine-grained alluvial sediments. The gravelly sediments appear to be related to an older sedimentary phase that might have deposited in a different surface morphology to the present situation. The fine-grained alluvial sediments are mainly confined to the surface layers and probably represent historical sediments which have been deposited in a hillslope profile similar to the present situation. In some places these sediments have been cut by a later drainage system.
Keywords: Geoarchaeology, Geomorphology, Archeological Site, Kafiristan Yasen.

Introduction
Geoarchaeology is a rather new interdisciplinary approach that studies the past of human history using geological methods. In geoarchaeology, a complete and accurate understanding of ancient records can be obtained by identifying and examining the sedimentary content and stratigraphy of archeological layers and materials. Geology has been available to archaeologists over the past two decades as a basic tool for reconstructing ancient environments and understanding the long-term climatic and anthropogenic conditions and interactions of pre-historic human with the surrounding environments. These studies are particularly influential in understanding the Pleistocene and Holocene archaeological and geological backgrounds and materials. Geoarchaeological studies in Iran are mainly confined to Paleolithic sites and the use of geological methods such as sedimentology to describe the details of ancient records in caves and rock shelters. Geoarchaeology is an interdisciplinary discipline between geological sciences and archeology that examines the role of geological factors in the rise, continuation, and fall of ancient settlements. In this field, techniques and methods common in earth sciences such as aerial photography and satellite imagery, sampling, microscopic studies, chemical analysis, etc. are used to solve archaeological problems.On the other hand, inarchaeological geology, archaeological data are used to solve geological problems, particularly in relation to dating of Quaternary deposits, ancient seismological studies, and ancient mining. Large-scale archaeologists study most of the natural landforms and anthropogenic structures and small-scale archaeologists study the soil, natural sediments, and anthropogenic deposits. Archaeo-geology also occasionally covers other interdisciplinary studies such as ceramic petrography, archaeomineralogy, archaeometallurgy, radiometric dating, etc.

Identified Traces
This study presents the results of preliminary geological studies in the area of Kafiristan Yasen archaeological site to provide a general understanding of local geology and geomorphology of the area. The Yasen Kafiristan archaeological site comprises a set of settlement and cemetery sites located 35 km southeast of Deylaman. According to previous studies, thechronology of sites in the area varies from the Iron Age to the early Islamic period. Therefore, the present study seeks to map the environmental conditions of the Kafiristan Yasen archaeological sites in terms of geology, geomorphology and climate and to understand the relationship between environmental elements with the cultural and archaeological features of the cultural sites in the study area.Research method of this study is descriptive-analytical and field study which uses the spatial data related to the research problem to evaluate and investigate the relationship between environmental and cultural characteristics in the ancient sites of Kafiristan Yasen in southeastern Deylaman in Guilan province and to answer the research questions.Gathering information in the field surveys done with the using of observation, survey of landforms and geomorphological and geological processes in an ancient site, justification of features displayed on geological, topographic and climatic maps of the site, as well as utilization of software such as GPS and GIS.

Conclusion
The ancient site of the Kafiristan Yasen comprises a series of settlement and cemetery sites located 35 kilometers southeast of Deylaman. The approximate dating of antiquities in this area, according to previous studies, varies from the Iron Age to the early Islamic period. Yasen ancient site enclosures are mainly built on hillslope erosion terraces; the difference between the erosion of the soft layers and the hard layers is probably the main controlling factor for the formation of these hillslope terraces. In settlement sites, such as Gerdekulisi, it seems that ancient architectural structures acted as sediment traps for deposition of debris sediments and recent hillslope alluvial sediments (Holocene) on the hillslope terraces level. Unlike other ancient sites in the Yasen area, Zargolesi site is built on a single natural promontory consisting of silty and sandy rocks overlooking the Oshkoul-Dareh River. The study of surface sedimentary deposits in natural profiles and the wall of drill trenches shows that two sedimentary sections consist of very coarse gravelly sedimentary rocks and fine gravelly sediments in the clay-rich can be separated in most of the areas. Archaeological artifacts can sometimes be found alongside coarse gravelly sediments and in some places are covered by fine-grained alluvial sediments. The gravelly sediments appear to be related to an older sedimentary phase that may have deposited in a different hillslope profile to the present situation. The fine-grained alluvial sediments are mainly confined to the surface layers and probably represent historical sediments which deposited in a hillslope profile similar to the present situation. In some places these sediments have been cut by a later watercourse system.

The Indications Power in the Body of the Achaemenid King based on Mythlogical Insights

Ramineh Sarafzadeh

Abstract
In any society, the sources of legitimacy are justified by the traditions that govern the community; the king arrives at a metaphoric royal position in ancient Iran instead of an objective physical entity, and in this transformation it is necessary to reflect the concepts rather than the body. His material is a reflection of the exemplary notions in which he stands. As one of the exemplars of the concept of “divine religion”, a discourse is formed around the king’s body, in which there is a kind of superiority for increasing power and legitimacy. The questions of this study are: How does the material body in power relations become a body that is believable to the people? How did the discourse of the king’s ideal body reflect on the literature and art of that period? The main question is what attributes played a role in the legitimacy of the king that made the material body of the king distinct and superior to the ideal body and legitimacy of power. For this reason, in this article, various aspects of the Achaemenid king’s body functions are examined and analyzed, and how the process of shah’s body shaping discourse is shaped and deepened into a type of attitude toward legitimacy is gained. The purpose of this study is to analyze the discourse of the Achaemenid king’s body in the form of active behaviors through the exploration of written and visual sources. The research hypothesis is based on the premise that what emerged as a discourse centered around the king’s body, derived from Iranian mythology, reflected in a series of symbolic functions in the Achaemenid idealist body. The findings and results show that all of these collections are indications that the triple concepts of King Farahmand’s body, warrior and blessings have been enhanced in the interest of power.
Keywords: Ideal Body, Active Behaviors, Legitimacy, Mythology, Achaemenid King.

Introduction
After the establishment, the political ruler has always sought to gain legitimacy by reducing direct influence to maintain the state by making changes in the state discourse indirectly and by deceptive and subtle signs. The government disguises itself in various guises to show the subtle domination of power. In ancient Iran, the king was the most faultless person and representative of the gods on earth, and a creature full of divine powers. In this transformation it was necessary for his objective body to reflect the concepts of the ideal King’s example in order to obtain the necessary legitimacy. Applying the concepts of legitimacy, especially the importance of the Divine Faith as the focal point of ideal King, forms a discourse around the king’s body, in which a kind of material superiority with supranational functions is promoted to enhance power and legitimacy. Transcendental functions of the body, relying on pre-existing knowledge, place the king’s power above the legitimate others.
Evidence of this is seen in narrations and stories as one of the bases of power since they incorporate elements of power within the symbolic relationship. The key question is what attributes played a role in the legitimacy of the king that made the material body of the king different and superior to the ideal in terms of power, which is also believed by the people. The results show that the representation of the Achaemenid King’s body was shaped around a king’s body based on a mythological knowledge in the form of a set of propositions, narratives, stories, and pictures as interactive functions. All of these collections are illustrations that incorporate the triple concepts of the function of the king’s supernatural body in the form of a wise king, a warrior, and a blessing for the purposes of power discourse.
Research Objectives and Necessity: The purpose of this research is to analyze the discourse of the Achaemenid King in the form of active behaviors through the exploration of written and visual sources.
Research Questions and Assumptions: 1- How does the king’s body become a supernatural and exemplary body in relation to power? 2- How has the discourse of the king’s ideal body been reflected in literature and art?
The research hypothesis is based on the premise that what emerged as a discourse centered around the king’s body, derived from Iranian mythology, dominated a series of symbolic functions to gain legitimacy in the Achaemenid body has been reflected.

Mythological Insights and Knowledge
The legitimacy of an affair emerges when its propositional side is the same as the belief in the propositions of knowledge; this insight provides the legitimacy necessary for legislation. Insight enables one to create a form of expressive, prescriptive, and meticulous speech that is appropriate. The characteristic of this insight is to generate enormous volumes of empowering actions embodied within the subject. One of the most important areas for expanding insight is narrative. The narrative format is used to develop insight discourse. The narrative transmission of insights in the form of folk tales allows the community to interpret the criteria of its power. The narrative has authority, and all morality and legitimacy lie within the narrative. Power-oriented insight is shaped by taking advantage of existing insights or making changes to that set of speech to fit its needs. The king in the Achaemenid era is a mythological vision; in the mythical vision every action is a repetition of practice that has been modeled once and for all since the beginning of myths.

Conclusion
According to the propositions expressed in historical texts, it can be said that each one’s message seeks to induce a single message, which is the authority and legitimacy of the ideal king with metamaterial bodily functions. These statements are not intended to express the true character, but to explain the king’s personality as a sample of the behavior of a specimen of good and apt creation, and represent the king’s attempt to display a godly representation of his personality. His attributes are manifested by the characteristics of the gods and their earthly repetition. Most of the King’s similarity is focused on his position as the authentic seal and supplier of the covenant with Ahuramazda. Farah was a divine and Ahuraic force that shows one’s ability and invincibility. Having a king in Iran required race, archery, equestrian, physical strength, divine power, immortality, and so forth. Applying these concepts around the material body throughout life, the accompanying behavioral, locating, and scheduling behaviors accompany the metamorphosis of the king’s body. The king’s physical ability and skill in archery and hunting is due to the divine power bestowed on him. The king has a heavenly routed birth. His divine election, even when he was a child, is under the protection of the heavenly forces. In the meantime, he has transformed himself into the king until he attains the role of mediator in the continuation of the cosmic order of the army and by placing his body in courtly relations such as coronation and symbolic deeds. All of this emphasizes the heavenly glory and divinity of the ideal king. The functional functions of the physical body of the king in various spatial and temporal positions have been used as an intangible tool of power in order to show different effects of the king’s distinction and legitimacy. In essence, the constant propaganda of power and knowledge to prove the legitimacy of government and the repetition of coherent propositions in a series of historical narratives and narratives has made the discourse of the body, with its particular formulations, a self-evident truth.

A Reassessnent of the Enviromental Nonitoring Methodology of Air Pollution in Rock Heritage Sites

Hamid Fadaei

Abstract
The rock art heritages all across Iran have a exceptional importance compared to the rock arts of the world. For example, the Bistoon rock art complex is listed on the World Heritage Sites and some others, like Naghsh-e-Rustam, are located in the cultural landscape of World Heritage. The entities of such rock heritages to an evolving environment, have been threatened, especially with the increase in air pollutants. Threats of Environmental Pollutants might have endangered the Integration of these Cultural Landscapes. The presence of these pollutants is due to the presence of large and small pollutant industries, especially petrochemical complexes. For the first step, it is necessary to evaluate different methods of monitoring air pollutants on rock cultural heritage. Various methods of environmental measurements have been used to assess the condition of the rock heritage. These monitoring techniques can be divided into direct and indirect methods. The main research question is about the advantages and disadvantages of each of these two methods for choosing the suitable rock heritage monitoring system. In this article, next to gathering information from objective observations and theoretical studies, the data were obtained through qualitative analysis. In this article, after examining the characteristics of these two methods, the type of direct monitoring required has been identified to identify air pollutants and control the rock heritage. Meanwhile, new conservation experiences in historic sites can reduce concerns about energy infrastructure constraints and reduce the cost of continuous monitoring of rock heritage. Therefore, the results will be applied in addition to having fundamental and theoretical values.
Keywords: Rocky Heritage, Air Pollution, Environmental Monitoring, Naqsh-e Rostam.

Introduction
Monitoring is the periodic measurement of the environment that compared to the data obtained and the predetermined characteristics (Thomson, 1965). In cultural heritage sites, it is necessary to examine the process of environmental change over the short, medium and long terms, in relation to the historical impact and development centers. It also analyzes whether the two issues of conservation and economic development have been compromised (Íñigo et al., 2006). Continuous monitoring can be considered as a criterion for decision-making in the conservation of cultural heritage and provide shared benefits to heritage sites with the goal of improving site management and preventive conservation (Smith, 1991).
Research Objectives and Necessity: The main objective of this paper is to evaluate air pollutant monitoring methods in rock heritage. The gradual expansion of cities and industries has made it unavoidable to change historic and ancient spaces even in the most remoted areas. This has become a challenging debate about the World Heritage Sites and the cultural landscape around the, and more and more important is how to control the side effects of this condition, so environmental measurements are certainly the first step.
Research Questions and Hypothesis: In the present study, while reviewing the advantages and disadvantages of direct and indirect monitoring methods in rock heritage, has been analyzed a more appropriate system for monitoring of such heritages. It seems that in order to select an effective monitoring method, should be evaluated their impact on measuring the quality of changes in the site and to determine its scale and method according to the objective.
Methodology: In this paper, while classifying environmental pollutants, it is emphasized the necessity of choosing an appropriate monitoring approach. Also have been investigated different methods and experiences of measuring and monitoring air pollutants and have been analyzed the advantages and disadvantages of direct and indirect monitoring techniques for selecting the most suitable rocky heritage monitoring system.

Context
Generally, environmental pollutants are divided into several major categories Which include:
1) Small and Large Industries 2) Large Scale Agriculture and 3) Road Vehicles, that each of these sources produce all kinds of environmental pollutants and can damage the rock structures (Likens Gene E., 2013: 259). Large groups of pollutants are SOx, NOx and COx that have been identified and measured for many years by sensor monitoring (Frassoldati et al., 2005). Monitoring sensor are continuously developing and they are advanced enough to be able to detect the type and concentration of different types of Nitrogen oxides, Sulfur and Carbon oxides both in situ (without the need for a laboratory) and at time (not after time) (Yu et al., 2015: 250 ؛Zhang Y. et al., 2018: 224). In this respect, techniques SPME (Solid Phase Microextraction), DLLME (Dispersive Liquid-Liquid Microextraction) and etc., have been very effective in extracting environmental pollutants (Tang et al., 2011; Farré et al, 2010). There are two main options for monitoring: direct monitoring (active or passive methods) or indirect monitoring (structurally or using extraction methods). Direct monitoring measures and records the amount of air pollutants at specific time periods. In contrast, passive monitoring measures the effect of air pollutants on monuments indirectly at specified times, which are usually longer.

Conclusion
Choosing an effective strategy for rock heritage management with the objective of preventive conservation against air pollutants, it needs to understand the structure of the object, the environment around it and the relationship between the two. In addition to scientific studies, this is partly dependent on the value and significance of the object from a social and cultural point of view. The advantages and disadvantages of using direct and indirect monitoring methods for selecting the appropriate rock heritage monitoring system and its measurable variables are presented and summarized in Table 1. Therefore, it would be far more useful to have a direct monitoring system for rocky heritage and it is a strategy for treatment and preventive conservation. It should be noted that any strategy definition does not necessarily mean conservation of the objects and it is necessary to continue the environmental monitoring after adopting preventive conservation, in order to determine the effectiveness of the methods and, if necessary, to revise and correct the methods.

Analytical Studıes on the Chel Maran Ancient Stone Quarry and Comparison with the Stones of Anahita Temple of Kangavar

Omid Oudbashi

Abstract
Identification of resources and quarries used for extraction of raw materials in the ancient time is a very interesting subject matter for researchers and archaeologists. Results of analysis and study of ancient mines and quarries may lead to characterize the know- how of ancient technology of production of materials and tools in the old world and shows the techniques rendered by artists and craftsmen to apply raw materials for producing different artistic and ordinary objects. Moreover, identification of ancient mines and quarries (especially stone quarries) provide unaltered materials for conservators to reconstruct archaeological and historical stone monuments. In this paper, stone blocks used in Anahita Temple in Kangavar and ancient stone quarry of Chel Maran (Chehel Maran) were studied by analytical methods. The aim of this study is to determine chemical composition and microstructure of stones used in the Anahita Temple and their correlation with the stone mining evidences observed in the Chel Maran quarry. For this purpose, some samples from the temple and the quarry were analyzed by X-ray fluorescence and polarized optical microscopy methods. The results indicated that the stones used in the temple and those of the quarry are limestones and Si and Mg were identified in the analysed samples as minor constituents. Microscopic structure of samples presented calcite as the main phase including some dolomite crystals and clay minerals as impurities. Based on the results obtained, the Chel Maran ancient stone quarry was widely used for the construction of the Anahita Temple.
Keywords: Ancient Mining, Anahita Temple of Kangavar, Chel Maran Quarry, Limestone, Calcite.

Introduction
Stone has been used widely during the ancient time to make different artefacts and monuments including small ritual and decorative objects, reliefs, decorative monuments and buildings. The studies on quarrying and manufacturing of stone objects as well as the provenance of raw materials are an interesting subject in geoarchaeological and archaeometric investigations (Goldberg et al, 2006), and this is a useful study when restoration interventions are required.
The large archaeological complex of Anahita Temple is located in western Iran, in the city of Kangavar and based on the archaeological excavations and findings, it was dated from the Achaemenid to the Sasanian periods (Azarnoush, 1981; Kambakhsh Fard, 1994). It was constructed on a natural hill and it was erected by stone and gypsum mortars. The main building was built with large stone blocks including cubic blocks for walls and very large and thick circular columns. There are some evidences of stone quarrying in different areas near the Anahita Temple. The main and important stone quarry in this region is Chel Maran (Chehel Maran) stone quarry located in the west of the Temple in a mountain with the same name (Chel Maran mount) (Oudbashi, 2008). The aim of this paper is to analyse the stones from Anahita Temple and the Chel Maran quarry in order to compare their chemical and microstructural features and to find a possible relationship between the building and the quarry.

Methods
Five fragments from the Anahita Temple and two big samples from the Chel Maran quarry were selected. Ten grams of each sample was powdered for chemical analysis. A thin section was prepared from each sample for microscopic studies. The chemical composition of samples was characterized by X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) analysis by using a S4 Pioneer model X-ray fluorescence spectrometer manufactured by Bruker. Microscopic observation of fragments and stones were done on thin sections by using a Primotech model Zeiss polarized optical microscope. Thin sections were studied by alizarin-red method to identify presence of dolomite in the texture of stone samples (Flügel et al., 2010)

Findings and Argument
The results of XRF analysis of the stone samples are presented in Table 1. The results show that all samples are calcarous stones as can be deduced by the high amount of CaO and the loss on ignition (LOI). Furthermore, SiO2, MgO and Al2O3 were detected as minor constituents in the composition of the stone samples. Other elements were detected as minor/trace content in the compsoition of samples. Although, the stones shows variable amounts of some constituents such as Na2O or Al2O3 , it is visible that the chemical compsoiton of stone samples of the Temple and the quarry is quite similar.
The pertographic study showed a layerad texture of micrite to sparite in all samples. There were many veins of secondary calcite in the texture of the samples. Alizarine-red test indicated the presence of sporadic dolomite crystals in the texture of the stone samples. Furthermore, some compact clay veins were visible with dark colors in the microstructure of the samples (Bausch, 1968). The compariosn of the petrographic micrographs of samples from the Anahita Temple and the Chel Maran quarry reveals that they are very similar from textural point of view, in particular, sample CM-2 that was taken from the western part of the Chel Maran mount, where many evidences of quarrying and stone extraction are visible in that area.

Conclusion
The results of chemical and petrographic analysis of the stone samples from the Anahita Temple of Kangavar and the Chel Maran stone quarry showed that the Chel Maran stone quarry was used as a main resource to provide stone blocks for the construction of the Anahita Temple. The analysis indicated that the stone samples can be classified as limestone with some impurities such as SiO2, Al2O3 and MgO that are due to presence of clay minerals and dolomite in the structure of both the stone of the Temple and the quarry. The petrographic studies also showed a micrite to sparite texture with evidences of clay veins and small amounts of dolomite spread in the texture of the stones. The results obtained proved the similarity of the chemistry and the texture of samples from Anahita Temple and the quarry which indicate that the ancient quarry of Chel Maran was one of the source of the stones used in the historic monument of Anahita Temple.

A Grazing Horse and a Mare with a Foal-Achaemenid Motives in the Coinage of Antiochus III the Great?

R. S. Wójcikowski

Abstract
The bronze coins of Antiochus III that are dated to the time of his great expedition to the East come from a mint in Ecbatana. The obverse depicts the diademed head of the king, whereas the reverse shows a grazing horse or a mare with a foal. Both motifs were absent from Seleucid coinage, but direct analogies can be found in Achaemenid seals. By placing these motifs on his coins, Antiochus III was likely attempting to portray himself as the rightful king of Iran.
Keywords: Antiochus III, Coins, Horse Motives, Grazing Horse and a Mare, Iran, Greece.

The coinage of Antiochus III, the Great (223-187 BC) featured various kinds of the horse motif. Whereas some depictions portrayed the king as a charging cavalryman with a spear,II others presented horses by themselves. The obverse of the bronze coins minted in Ecbatana show the diademed head of the king. The reverse depicts a grazing horse with the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462, cat. no. 1264-1967; Newell, 1938: 213-214, cat. no. 618-621, Pl. XLVI, 13-18). The same mint produced bronze coins with an identical obverse and a different depiction on the reverse, although with the same legend. The reverse features a mare with a foal (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462, cat. no. 1268-1971; Mørkholm, 2001: 118, Pl. XXIV, 367; Newell, 1938: 214, Pl. XLVII, 1-8) (Fig. 1). The horses on the reverses seem to be naturally connected with the place where the coins where minted; Ecbatana, the capital of Media.III The presence of these animals on Antiochus III’s coins is currently interpreted as a reference to the role the Median cavalry played in the royal army. It is difficult, however, to directly link these depictions with battle.
In accordance with T.E. Newell’s classification (Newell 1918: 6-10), the way Antiochus III’s head is depicted on the aforementioned coins with a grazing horse belongs to the B type, which is analogous to the coins that present the king as a rider. On the coins with a mare and a foal, the face of Antiochus seems to be younger; it should therefore be concluded that they were most likely struck earlier. However, taking their theme, the depiction of horses, into account along with the fact that the coins were struck at the same mint in Ecbatana, it is assumed that they were issued roughly at the same time (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 462). The B-type coin is likely from the time period of ca. 211-209/8 BC (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 358-359) or 209/8-207/6 BC (Newell 1938: 216).
While acknowledging the above-mentioned differences, it seems that the issues featuring horses on the reverses should be associated with Antiochus III’s expedition to the East in 212-205 BC,IV which was also indicated by the place of their minting. Media directly bordered the country of the Arsacids and constituted a significant point during Antiochus III’s expedition. The king was in Ecbatana in 211-210 BC, which was memorialized on bronze coins struck at uncertain mint 73, a military mint associated with Ecbatana. The coins, dated to 210 BC, depicted the diademed head of the king on the obverse and an elephant with a mahout and a tripod (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 463-464 cat. no. 1272-1274; Newell, 1938: 220-221, cat. no. 632-637, Pl. XLVIII, 6-11.), or an elephant with an anchor, on the reverse (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 464 cat. no. 1275-1277; Newell, 1938: 224-225, cat. no. 648-651, 654, Pl. XLIX, 4-6). The depictions of the king’s face on those issues are also recognized as B-type, which suggests that coins with various types of horse images can be dated to a similar time.
It seems by all means plausible that the horse motif has an association with Media. In ancient times, this country was renowned for its excellent cavalry (Bar-Kochva, 1976: 44) and famed Nisean horses.V Horses played a tremendous role in the culture of Iran (Schmitt 2002). Achaemenid seals have been found to depict a grazing horse (de Clercq 1903: 38, Pl. VII, 102 bis) and a mare with a foal (Tuplin, 2010: 105) similar to the ones on Antiochus III’s coins. The motif of a grazing horse was earlier featured on Seleucus II’s bronze coins from Antioch (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 260, cat. no. 710; Newell 1941: 168, cat. no. 1163-1166, Pl. XXXVI, 4-8), from where it was most likely borrowed by Antiochus III. Equivalents of this motif as well can be found on Achaemenid seals. A mare and a foal in Seleucid coinage cannot be found in the existing sources, it has to be assumed that this was not a coincidence, but a conscious reference to Achaemenid iconography.
The objective of Antiochus III’s expedition to the East was the restoration of Seleucid rule over the provinces that had been separated from the empire during the reign of his father, Seleucus II Callinicus (246-226 BC). The successful rebellions of Adragoras the satrap of Parthia (Iust. 41.4.7; Bickerman, 1983: 19; Wolski, 1969b; 1975) and Diodotus, the satrap of Bactria (Iust. 41.4.5; Strab. 11.11.1; Wolski, 1960; 1969a; 1982), together with the Parni invasion under Arsaces I’s command (Iust. 41.4.7; Trog. Prol. 41; Strab. 11.9.2), led to a considerable reduction of the Seleucid territory in the East. The emergence of the countries of the Arsacids and Diodotids significantly weakened the dynasty’s authority and demonstrated that not only the Seleucids were able to rule in the East. This was also vivid proof of the empire’s helplessness, which could encourage other rebellions,- as was indicated by the example of Molon, the satrap of Media and the governor of the Upper SatrapiesVI.
By placing Iranian motifs known from the Achaemenid period on his coins, Antiochus was able to portray himself as the only king of Iran, as opposed to the Parni invaders or Greco-Bactrian usurpers. Neither of the motifs (the grazing horse and the mare with a foal) had military connotations, and their peaceful nature could additionally emphasize the rightfulness of Antiochus III’s rule. From the Achaemenid period came the depictions of a mare with a foal together with a winged disc (Collon, 1987: cat. no 923), which might suggest that this motif had religious connotations. Considering the significance of the horse in Iranian religion, such connotations should not be deemed strange (Briant, 2002: 248-252; Simons, 1994: 170; Shahbazi, 1987). The accounts of Herodotus (Hdt. 7.40.4), Xenophon (Xen. Cyr.. 8.3.12), and Quintus Curtius Rufus (Curt. An. 3.3.11) suggest the horse was connected with Ahura Mazda, who they referred to as Zeus/Jupiter (Boyc,e 1984; Hoover, 1996: 48; Lorber & Iossif, 2009: 32l; Sherwin-White & Kuhrt, 1993: 76; Olbrycht, 2016: 100). The Avesta described both Tishtrya (Yt. 8.18) and Verethragna (Yt. 14.9) as a white horse, which seems to indicate that the horse was not so much linked to a specific deity but rather represented the idea of the divine. Mare’s milk was used in religious rituals, such as the initiation of Achaemenid kings (Lewis & Llewellyn-Jones 2018: 133). If we are to accept the religious significance of the horse depictions on Antiochus III’s coins, the horse should be construed as a sign of divine support for the Seleucid ruler, which was an important from the perspective of the iconography of power. In fact, Antiochus’ coins had carried references to local cults in the pas as well.VII Reviving old motifs was an important move from the perspective of the iconography of power
Seleucid coinage also featured depictions of horned horses, including the horned horse heads known from the coins of Seleucus I’VIII and Antiochus IIX Their meaning is interpreted in the context of military strength (Erickson, 2019: 138), although the presence of horns, a symbol of divinity in the Middle East (Erickson, 2013: 124; Troncoso, 2014: 61-62, Svenson, 1995: 40) that, the Seleucids most likely borrowed from Babylon (Anagnostou-Laoutides, 2012: 3-5; 2017: 155-156; Hoover, 1996: 28-29.), suggests that horses had a religious significance. It cannot be excluded that the horned horse symbolized the legitimacy and rightfulness of royal power (Hoover, 1996: 97; Troncoso, 2014: 64).
A horse head, though without horns, is present on Antiochus III’s bronze coin from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris. The coin, minted after Molon’s rebellion, features the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ. Its obverse depicts a young male bust facing three-quarters right in an elephant headdress. The bust is identified with Alexander the Great, although it is also thought to be an idealized depiction of Antiochus III (Houghton & Lorber 2002: 444 cat. no. 1182; Newell, 1938: 150, cat. no. 412A, Pl. XXI, 18; Le Rider, 1965: 25, cat.no. 27, Pl. i, 12). The horse head from the reverse, although it does not feature horns, seems to refer to the coins of Seleucus I and Antiochus I. The male bust in an elephant headdress, a symbol or royal power (Troncoso, 2013: 256), has a direct analogy in the coinage of the first Seleucid king, who borrowed this motif from the coins of Ptolemy I (323-283 BC) (Dahmen, 2007: 15, Erickson, 2011: 111; Hadley, 1974: 53).X In his coinage, Antiochus III often used older motifs, which was a conscious reference to the period of the empire’s greatness. The most famous example is the restoration of Apollo with a bow seated on an omphalos in place of the figure of standing Apollo, which had been put on coins by Seleucus II (Erickson, 2009: 195 2019: 125-126). Such a restoration was an obvious reference to the times before the crisis of the monarchy and the loss of provinces in the East.

Conclusion
Antiochus III strove to portray himself as the one rightful ruler of the empire. In the face of rebellions and usurpation not only in the East, but also in the West (Achaeus’ rebellion), the actions he undertook stopped the country’s decomposition and restored the dynasty’s authority. In the East, the king attempted to consistently subdue independent countries, through actions such as fighting a war against Media Atropatene after his victory over Molon or making an expedition to Armenia, which began his great eastern expedition. His goal was to eliminate each center of power that could rival the Seleucids in the East and restore the borders to their status from before the period of his father’s reign. Whether Antiochus III was able to carry out those plans is another issue,XI but they offer context that makes it is easier to interpret the presence of the motifs of a grazing horse and a mare with a foal on his coins from Ecbatana. By using these motifs, Antiochus III made a reference to the Iranian tradition, which enabled him to present himself as the rightful ruler of all of Iran. It cannot be excluded that horses symbolized the divine legitimization of royal power. The sole image of these animals, which were so important in Iranian culture, constituted a clear sign that emphasized the king’s connection with Iran, as well as with the provinces that were separated from the empire and ruled by foreign dynasties.

Endnote
I. The present article was financed by the National Science Centre in Poland (FUGA 5 scholarship program me, UMO-2016/20/S/HS3/00079).
II. Bronze coins that feature the king as a rider with a spear come from Ecbatana (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 461, cat. no. 1259-1963). An analogous image is present on the bronze coins of Seleucus II from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris (Erickson 2019: 136-138, Fig. 3.11-12; Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 260, 274-275, cat. no. 709, 767-768; Newell 1941: 167, cat. no. 1162, Pl. XXXVI, 1-2). This motif, in the form of a horned rider on a horned horse featured on the drachmas, hemidrachms and tetradrachms struck in Ecbatana, also appeared in the Seleucid coinage of Seleucus I Nicator (Erickson 2019: 43-46, Fig. 1.8; Houghton & Steward, 1999: Pl. P.5.1, 1A; Houghton & Lorber, 2002: cat. no. 203; Newell, 1938: cat. no. 481, Pl. XXXVI, 9, 10).
III. In his description of Media, Polybius highlighted its unique location in the center of Asia, as well as the country’s wealth and military significance. According to him, there were many cities and villages in Media, and Ecbatana itself was surrounded by Greek cities (Plb 5.44; 10.27.1-3). When describing Media, Strabo mentions the earthquakes that were to destroy numerous cities and two thousand villages (Strab. 11.9.1). Even if those figures are exaggerated, this account indicates the wealth of the country. When Strabo moves on to describe the country under the Parthian dominion, he mentions multiple Greek cities founded by the Macedonians, which demonstrates the degree of Media’s urbanization (Strab. 11.13.6). Ecbatana, the capital of Media, was an important administrative center during the Seleucid period (Aperghis, 2004: 42).
IV. Antiochus III took over Armenia in the first place (Plb. 8.23.1-5, but his real target was the country of the Parni (Plb. 10.28-31), and Bactrian Greeks Plb 10.49; 11.34) . For Antiochus III’s eastern anabasis, see Grainger, 2015: 55-79; Kuhrt & Sherwin-White, 1993: 190-200; Lerner, 1999: 45-62; Wolski, 1996: 87-88; 1999, 75-78
V. The most famous horses of antiquity were named after the Nisaean plain in Media (Azzaroli, 1985: 89; Herzfeld, 1968: 8; Schmitt, 2002). In the New Assyrian Period, these horses were part of the tribute the Medes had to pay to the Assyrians (Shabani, 2005: 8). Herodotus wrote about Nisean horses taking note of their presence in the army of Xerxes I during the period of war against Greece (Hdt. 3.106.2; 7.40. 2-4). According to Strabo, these horses were used by the Persian kings (Strab.11.13.7; 11.14.9). When describing the parade of Antiochus IV Epiphanes in Daphne, Syria, Polybius lists Νισαῖοι as one of the horse units present (Plb. 30.25.6). The name, which clearly refers to Nisean horses, suggests that the unit was comprised of Iranian riders who came from Media (Sekunda, 1994: 22). According to another interpretation, they may not have been from Media, but were armed in a similar manner as the Medes (Bar-Kochva, 1979: 74).
VI. The causes and course of Molon’s rebellion were described by Polybius (Plb 5.43-54).
VII. In order to memorialize his victory over Molon, Antiochus III struck coins at Susa featuring a female head in an elephant headdress on the obverse and the goddess Artemis with a bow on the reverse (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 454 cat. no. 1224-1225; Newell, 1938: 150, cat. no. 410-411). Nanaia from Susa and Anahita from Iran, who were identified with Artemis during the Hellenistic period, were probably also portrayed as the Greek goddess (de Jong, 1997: 273; Martinez-Sève, 2015; Le Rider, 1965: 293-296; Tarn, 1966: 69). The image of the goddess can be interpreted as an expression of the local deities’ support for Antiochus, similarly to an analogous image known from a coin of Seleucus II that wad also struck in Susa (Iossif & Lorber, 2009 109).
VIII. The image of a horned horse head is known from the obverse of silver tetradrachms that feature an elephant and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΕΛΕΥΚΟΥ on the obverse were struck at Pergamon (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 15, cat. no. 1.2.) and an uncertain mint likely located y in Asia Minor (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 15, cat. no. 2). A half of a horned horse appears on coins minted in the eastern part of the empire (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 474, add. 16, 18).
IX. A Syrian mint in Europos (Dura) struck bronze coins with a horned horse head on the obverse and a bow on the reverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 115, 136-137, cat. no. 367-368; Newell, 1941: 80, cat. 882-883, Pl. XIII 9-10). In Bactria (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 161, cat. no. 469, 471; Wright, 2010: 117-118, Fig. 67) and in Carrhae (Newell, 1941: 47-48, cat. no. 784-787), coins were struck with a horned horse head on the reverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΕΛΕΥΚΟΥ as well as the head of Seleucus I in a horned diadem. An identical set of images is featured on the coins from Sardes (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 124, cat. no. 322; Wright 2010: 117, Fig. 66) and, Europos (Dura) (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 136-137, cat. no. 363, Newell, 1941: 79, cat. no. 878-879), but with the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ. From Aï Khanoum (Houghton & Lorber, 2002: 151-153, cat. no. 426-434) and an uncertain mint also located in the eastern part of the empire (Houghton, Lorber 2002: 475, add. 21) came coins with a horned horse head on the obverse and the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ AΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ with the head of Antiochus I in a hornless diadem on the obverse.
X. For information on the motif of Alexander in an elephant headdress with ram horns in Lagid coinage see: Dahmen, 2007: 42; Mørkholm, 2001: 63-64; Meeus, 2009: 248.
XI. J. Wolski, when indicating the actual failure of Antiochus III’s expedition, referred to his activities in India and comeback to Seleucia through southern Iran as “a military parade”; in fact, Antiochus did not manage to dismantle the country of the Parni or the Bactrian Greeks (Wolski, 1999, 78).

Mineralogy of Sasanian Bullae

Daryoosh Akbarzadeh

Abstract
The Sasanian Empire is one of the most magnificent dynasties in ancient Iran. Numerous archaeological and artistic works as well as written manuscripts have been remained from the Sasanian period. In the meantime, oral traditions of the period and its inspiration on Islamic era cannot be denied. The Sasanian inscribed bullae are among the most important heritages of this glorious era. This article deals with a technical analysis based on “electron probe microanalysis” to understand compounding materials of the Sasanian bullae. It also stresses on the mineralogy of the bullae’s compounds and raise a question if their manipulation follow any standard(s) or not? Evaluating such a hypothesis, the authors have selected small sample pieces of the bullae from three well-known historical sites: Takht-e Soleyman (West Azarbaijan Province), Qasr-e Abu-Nasr (Fars Province) and Teppe Kabudan (Golestan Province). To answer to main question of the paper, EMPA technique has been selected, which is one of the most accurate tests. Initially, fixed compound elements of each bullae were discovered and then an attempt was undergone to evaluate and compare the bullae compounds of the three Sasanian sites.
Keywords: Sasanian, Bullae, EPMA, Mineralogy, Compound Materials.

Introduction
The Sasanian Empire is one of the most magnificent dynasties in ancient Iran, which was founded by Ardashir I (224 AD), and constituted the last great Iranian empire before the advent of Islam (651 AD).The collapse of this dynasty was so bitter for Iranian identity and nationality, that it can be equal to Zoroastrian final resurrection in some texts.
Varied cultural heritage of this magnificent era, including royal inscriptions, coins, gold and silver vessels, glass containers, seals and bullae belonging to nobles and officials, including priests, governors and army commanders, can be a proof of the claim. Such archeological evidences have been discovered in most of the historical sites of Iran, especially in Sasanian homeland: Fars province (cf. Gyselen 2006: 25).
Nevertheless these Zoroastrian Pahlavi manuscripts, written heritage, or the Sasanian heritages in the other countries, is out of this paper.
Although so many scholarly works have been published about the history, art and culture of the Sasanian in the past 100 years up to now (Malandra 2005: online), but less effort has been made on technical tests such as fingerprinting of the bullae, analyzing glass works with non-destructive testing, etc. in Iran. These technical tests are obviously a part of Iranian Studies, Archaelogy and Museum studies. So, we decided to conduct a highly accurate EPMA (electron probe micro-analyzer) test on some Sasanian bullae in three different geographic regions. This paper describes the results for the first time. We avoided ICP (Inductively Coupled Plasma) test or other destructive technical tests. EPMA is one of the safe ways to examine and preserve objects without any damages. In professional ICP technical test a solution, i.e. part of an object with a liquid should be made, but such a test runs counter to the rules.

Sasanian Bullae
The Sasanian inscribed bullae are one of the most important remnants from this great cultural period. These works are most important references in archeological studies and Iranology, etc. such as research on artistic aspects and inscriptions (including individual names, their designation and religious legends). The bullae were also used in administrative matters, both in political affairs and in commerce (Gyselen 2002: 24). Several collections of Sasanian bullae has been discovered in Iran’s provinces most of which have been printed by Western scholars (cf. Gignoux and Gyselen 1987). These works have been made out of raw mud which has been kneaded with hands and are mostly in rounded form. In an overview, most of them are looks like the same in shape and color. The largest collection of Sasanian bullae is discovered from Takht-e Solayman.
However, this article doesn’t focus on historical, artistic and administrative aspects of the works (cf. Azarpay 2003: online; Gubaev et al 1996: 56); but the authors of the paper are looking to find out how well the makers of these bullae were familiar with the knowledge of mineralogy? Whether they used any standard(s) to extract mines or select initial mud for the creation of these works? Whether technical tests, based on analyzing of the compound materials of the samples, can improve us about ability and knowledge of the makers? How much similar or dissimilar are those compound materials from a site to another one?

Background
In the past years, some scholarly works were published based on the technical tests (or chemical) on metals, ceramics, bronze and porcelains. Most of them used “XRF” or “PXRF” (cf. Ashkanani 2013: 245; Tanasi at al 2017: 222-234). Meanwhile no chemical or other tests have been reported on bullae
Furthermore, the results of the tests such as XRF and the like cannot be comparable with the technical test of EPMA. While the other tests are destructive, EPMA is completely safe. Moreover, it is much easier for scholars to access to the ancient archeological works such as ceramics and bronze rather than bullae.

Selecting Samples of the Bullae from Three Historical Sites
To answer the above mentioned questions, we selected samples from three known Sasanian sites (Iran) including: Takht-e Soleyman in West Azarbaijan ProvinceI, Qasr-e Abu Nasar in Fars ProvinceII and Tappeh Kabudan in Golestan ProvinceIII . The samples were selected from the Department of Seals and Coins of the National Museum of Iran, where the bullae of these three sites are kept. The samples were sent to Research Institute of Processing Minerals of the Ministry of Industry, the only holder of EPMA instrument in the country; Mr. Qolizadeh and his colleagues were responsible to do the technical test. Two small pieces of bullae were selected from each above mentioned site (Bullae) and sent for the EPMA test. Meanwhile, the team was unable to use the “polish section” test on the basis of BSE because of ICHTO rules; also the EPMA photos are of a higher resolution. Obviously the resolution of %10 - %15 is enough for such a test and there is no need for resolution of %1 -%2. In this work, the expert team used the BSE shooting method, which means “backscattered electrons (for photography)”. The following, charts indicate the compound materials of the samples:
According to the charts, close similarities have been seen in the compounds of the Takht-e Soleyman samples except iron. Qasr-e Abu Nasr’s samples could be considered of having the same similarities next to Takht-e Soleyman. In fact, remarkable dissimilarities between the examples of these two sites can be seen in those of Teppeh Kabudan.
Meanwhile the question arises as: “why there are such similarities and dissimilarities between the compounds?”
Takht-e Soleyman is one of the most sacred, important and well-known Sasanian sites. Enough has been said and written about the religious aspect of the site for the Zoroastrianism (Boyce 1987: online) and Iran under Sasanian; the very important works of the Sasanians have been discovered in this site (Gobl 1976). This site is geographically surrounded by the nearby mountains so that the craftsmen accessed probably to the mines of clay. It is not reasonable to suppose that they transferred mud from far away!
Although Qasr-e Abu Nasr is one of the most important Sasanian sites, but it cannot be compared with Takht-e Soleyman. Meanwhile archeological excavations attest its rank in Sasanian studies. The Achaemenid evidences from Qasr-e Abu Nasr can be considered as a part of archaic background of the site (Frye 1973: 8).
Tappeh Kabudan, unlike the two above mentioned sites, is almost unknown,in which the least excavations have been conducted. Sasanian bullae from Tappeh Kabudan in the National Museum of Iran have been discovered in the site accidently. The lack of the archeological excavations to get more information about the site from one side, and its special geographical location in Golestan Province which has been surrounded by the mines, fertile hills and rivers from another side, differentiate Tappeh Kabudan from the previous sites. Most probably the craftsmen who worked in Takht-e Soleyman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr cannot be compared with those in Teppeh Kabudan. Post-Sasanian texts have frequently referred to Sasanian kings who visited Takht-e Solayman for the ritual rite. Also a royal gateway of Qasr-e Abu Nasr’s site can be assumed as a connection between the site and the Power, while there is no trace in this regard on Tappeh Kabudan. It seems that Takht-e Solayman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr were two significant political and religious sites in Sasanian era.
In spite of this, we need many other samples from the north, south, east and west sides of the country to determine similarities and dissimilarities of the bullae. However such destructive tests on objects are illegal, we were unable to find more samples.

Conclusion
The Sasanian bullae are one of the most outstanding heritages for understanding the administrative geography of Iranshahr in the eraIV These bullae have been widely used in administrative matters, especially in the trade.
They belonged to the nobles and ranked class such as the priests, army commanders, provincial governors, tradesmen and etc. Despite the scholarly works, the technical tests to analyze the compounds of the bullae have not been done yet. As any destructive test is prohibited according to the rules, we need broken fragments and pieces for doing such a test on the bullae. In fact we hardly received a few number of the samples for EPMA test from the National Museum of Iran.
The EPMA is one of the most accurate technical tests for analyzing the compound elements of the archeological clay objects; thus it can serve as a gateway to other tests on the other clay works such as jars, bowls and etc. The result of our technical test testifies that the bullae compounded from fixed elements, the issue that has not been studied during the last century.
The results of the tests show that the makers prepared raw mud very accurately; so that they did not use the raw mud of anywhere. The similarities of the compound’s elements of the two most important sites of the Takht-e Soleyman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr show that the makers have had good information for selecting the mud. These similarities have been certified as a standard selection of raw mud for Sasanian bullae. However, a question arises as to whether those who provided the mud were same as who kneaded it?
It cannot be also ignored that most of these bullae date back to the late Sasanian (sixth century A.D.). Obviously during the sixth century art, music, coinage technique, and probably the knowledge of how to prepare mud for such a work had reached its peak. At least The percentage of silver in Sasanian coins is a good attest for standardization in this century. However the tests, which have been done on the bullae, testify the skill of the makers of these works.
Furthermore this achievement is a significant event in archeology, Iranian studies, and etc. Takht-e Soleyman, as a sacred religious site, was probably a place where craftsmen and masters worked in. The specific geographical location of this Zoroastrian site would have possibly provided the artists with a unique opportunity to look for their required mud within the site and nearby. Perhaps the similar compounds of the bullae can be considered as a proof to testify that makers extracted mud from specific mine(s) of that region.
Many masterpieces have been discovered from Qasr-e Abu Nasr site in Fars province. Similarity in compounds of the bullae of this site, same as Takht-e Soleyman, can be a claim that craftsmen followed a kind of standards for their works. Historical sites of Fars province, homeland of Sasanian kings, have played a significant role on Sasanian studies since the last century.
Tappeh Kabudan, unlike the two above mentioned sites, is a less known site in archeological studies, especially on Sasanian era. A considerable difference is being noticed in the percentage of the compounds of the samples of this site in comparison with the two discussed sites. The geographical location of Tappeh Kabudan can be a notable factor that causes dissimilarities between this site and Takht-e Soleyman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr. Against to the archeological knowledge about Takht-e Soleyman and Qasr-e Abu Nasr in the past fifty years, our information about Tappeh Kabudan is not enough. In fact, the results of the tested samples of this less known site, in northern part of the country, cannot be compared with the two mentioned well known Sasanian sites.

Endnote
I. The site was excavated by German archaeologists in 1960s. They discovered a most important collection of the bullae and seals (Osten and Naumann 1961). Meanwhile Mr. Y. Moradi (RICHTO) excavated the site some years ago and discovered more than 300 new bullae: cf.RICHTO, Archive).
II. Qasr or Takht-e Abu Nasre is located in Fars Province, near Shiraz city. The collection of the bullae (and other objects) was published by R. Frye (Frye 1973).
III. Cf. Akbarzadeh and T. Daryaee 2012: online.
IV. The term used by Sasanian inscriptions and Zoroastrian Pahlavi texts (Daryaee 2009: 5).

The Inner Structure of the Zoroastrian Clergy During the Sassanid Era

Meysam Shahsavari

Abstract
In the classical society of the Sassanid era, the clerical class was one of the most important pillars of the community. It had influence, credibility and popularity, and represented an important and influential institution from the lowest to the highest levels of society. This important institution is however not well-known and many uncertainties remain about it. One of these ambiguities is the inner structure of this class, which is still almost unknown. Due to the vagueness of the information coming from various sources other than a few titles, there is almost no precise data about its hierachy. Due to the great importance of this class, a proper understanding of the Sassanid era would not be possible without a proper understanding of the clergy class. This is the topic of the present paper, mainly based on literary material. It could notably be proven that the Zoroastrian clergy of the Sassanid period can be divided into two general groups in terms of the presence or absence of governmental professions and official titles. It is not possible to determine the upper ranks of this class, such as Rad, Dastour or Mowbed, while the head of the clergy class (as the Mowbedān-Mowbed) was a member of the class known as the Sassanid privileged ones (Vozorgan).
Keywords: Zoroastrian Clergy, Sassanid Era, Structure and Hierarchy of the Zoroastrian Clergy.

Introduction
It is difficult to reconstruct the internal structure of the institution of Zoroastrianism. It is due to two fundamental factors: first, the length of the Sassanid era and the dynamics of the society that inevitably led to profound changes and transformations in various institutions during these 430-year periods. and the second the final prophecy What happened during this time was long after the collapse of this dynasty, which was modified by the same institution in accordance with the goals and purposes of this institution and in accordance with the conditions of the time. Thus the texts further complicate matters rather than the help solving the problems. For example, in the Sad Dar Nasr is written: “In the case of sin, one should try to repent to the Hirbads and the Dasturs and the Rads.” In this phrase, three important cleric titles or positions are mentioned without any precision concerning their precise attribution (Sad Dar Nasr, Dar-e 45). It is probably explained because the main target audience of these books were familiar with these definitions and titles, and that the authors of the texts did feel consequently the need to explain them clearly. So what is the meaning of the titles used by clerics during the Sassanid period? How did this social class evolve? Almost all scholars who worked on the Sassanid period inevitably dealt with Zoroastrianism, and consequently the institution of the clergy (Christensen, 1368. Frye, 1382. Shaked, 1384. Zarinkob, 1388. De Yong, 1390. Daryaee, 1383. Shaki, 2011. Miri. 2013 &...).

Discussion
Daryaee segregated the Sassanid clergy class “in terms of their rank and duty”, including “Mowbeds, Hirbbads, Dasturs, Dadvars, and Rads”, which meant: the senior clergy, the Fire Worshiper clerics, specialist theologians or jurists, judges and scholar clerics “ (Daryaee, 1392B: 144). It is further shown in this study that it is not possible to deal with the internal division of this class clearly. For example, while Manouchehr, the author of the letters of Manouchehr, introduced himself in his letters as the Rad of Pars and Kerman, at the beginning of his third letter to all Behdinān, he called himself the Hirbad-e Khodāy. On the other hand, some of the categories are sometimes mentioned for a specific task, so it becomes very difficult to determine exactly what each of these positions was. In the Ravayat-e Azarfranbag-e Faroxzadan, in response to the question, “If all members of a family are to be Behdin except one woman, can she become the Padehah Zan?” it is said: “Rads, Mowbeds and Dasturan have to choose a guardian for her.” There are many similar cases in Sassanid texts which make it impossible to draw any definitive conclusions in this regard. Unfortunately, seals are not really helpful as Gyselen points out: “It should be noted that glyptic does not offer anything other than a very few titles or whether the lack of findings was because some authorities needed Have they not used the seal? Or the cause of something else is unclear “(Gyselen, 1995: 123). Accordingly, this paper is divided into two parts. The first deals with the official titles and ranks of the Zoroastrian clergy and the second part deals with the informal titles.

Conclusion
- Some clerical titles correspond to official titles, employed in government offices or bureaucracies, while most of clerics were not State employed and devoted themselves solely to religious activities.
- There were clerics who had no position in the clerical hierarchy and were usually referred as clergymen with specific characteristics, such as the title of Zartoshtom, which was probably something like a polar and a disciple.
- Although it is possible to imagine Rads, Dasturs and Mowbeds in the top ranks of the clergy, it is not possible to determine precisely the position of each of these titles in the hierarchy and their priority.
- The clergy class, like other classes of Sassanid society, had a leader whose title varied in different eras. The title Mowbedān-Mowbed is only attested since the middle of this period and probably did not exist in the early Sassanid era. It is still unclear what was the title or name of the head of this class at that time.
- It seems incorrect to distinguish the titles of Mowbed and Mog (Magi), and to place them in two separate degrees in the Zoroastrian hierarchy, at least until the mid-Sassanid era. They have the same linguistic meaning. Of course, in the later periods, and given the dynamics of Sassanid society, a distinction may be drawn between these titles, in which Mowbed took precedence over Magi.