Parseh Journal of Archaeological Studies

Rereading and Identification of RWB Ware Chalcolithic Period Painted Pottery from the Mahidasht Project, Western Central Zagros

Hassan Fazeli Nesheli

Abstract
The ceramic analyzed in this article, labeled as Red White and Black (RWB) ware in the Mahidasht region, is a painted pottery tradition in the west of central Zagros. Our information regarding this was limited to published information on the Mahidasht 1975-78 project. So, more questions and hesitation remain about this ceramic that should be answered. What are the essential characteristics of Red White and Black pottery? What is the exact chronology of this ware in the chalcolithic sequence of western Iran? So to answer these proposed questions and also to give an updated view from Red White and Black ceramic in the chalcolithic period studies in the west of Iran, the RWB ware of the Mahidasht project belonging to the Siahbid 1978 excavation stored at the National Museum of Iran was analyzed. In addition to the investigation of RWB ceramics at the National Museum of Iran, the published information concerning the most recent archaeological survey and excavations project done in the western parts of Iran has also been considered. This study has resulted in a complete and updated view concerning the different aspects of the Red White and Black ware studies, like chronology, settlement pattern, ware characteristics, dating. It became clear to us that some of the surveyed and excavated sites in different parts of western Iran date back to the early phases of the Chalcolithic period based on observation of Black On Buff (BOB) ceramics involving Red White and Black (RWB) ware instead of BOB ceramics and dating to later phases of chalcolithic period consequently. in addition to such dating that request future revision, our study on the Red White and Black ceramic in this article yielded more interested results in this regards.
Keywords: RWB Ware, Mahidasht Project, Central Zagros, Chronology, Late Chalcolithic Period.

Introduction
In the prehistoric archaeology of the western regions of the Central Zagros, and especially the Mahidasht region, various types of engraved pottery have been reported. One of these pottery traditions that is also the subject of the present project is Red White and Black/RWB pottery. This pottery type and the others mentioned are related to the Mahidasht project. It was carried out before the Iranian Revolution and between 1975 and 1978 by the Royal Ontario Museum under the direction of Louis Levin in cooperation with the Iranian Archaeological Research Center. This project identified more than 900 ancient sites from prehistoric times to the Islamic centuries. Due to the Islamic Revolution, the project above was left unfinished. The reviewers remained and could not publish the complete data collected by this project (Levine, 1975; Levine & McDonald, 1977) (Figure 1). After nearly 50 years, a team of Iranian and foreign archaeologists resumed the studies of this project (Renette et al., 2021). Part of this revision project is dedicated to the study of pottery known as J ware in the final stages of the Neolithic and the early stages of the Chalcolithic (Transitional Chalcolithic). Data related to the Chalcolithic period between 5000 and 3200 BC is another doctoral dissertation’s subject (Figure 2). Among the data from this dissertation, which is also the subject of the present article, are the pottery known as Red White and Black/RWB. Given the limited information published, many ambiguities and questions about this pottery type exist. Consequently, to answer the aforementioned ambiguities and questions, the RWB pottery collection, all obtained from the 1978 excavations of the Choqha Maran site and currently preserved in the National Museum of Iran, was studied and examined. A detailed study of this pottery and a summary of recent research and excavations conducted in various parts of western Iran led to new results about this type of pottery. In addition to providing new results about the characteristics and features of this type and also determining the exact period of this tradition in the prehistoric sequence of the region, the results of this research revealed that the scope of this pottery is not limited to the western regions of the Central Zagros and that more areas beyond the western regions of the Central Zagros, such as the sites of Kurdistan Province in the northern part of the Central Zagros, are under the jurisdiction of this pottery tradition.

Discussion
As mentioned, the Red White and Black/RWB pottery is among the painted pottery of the Late Chalcolithic of the Mahidasht Project in the western central Zagros regions. The name of this type, like other painted pottery types of the western central Zagros regions, such as Black On Buff/BOB, Red On Buff/ROB, or Black On Red/BOR, is derived from the technical and visual characteristics of the pottery. The adjective Red refers to the color of the core of this type. The adjective White refers to the white covering of the body of this pottery, and the adjective Black refers to the black patterns on the white covering. In short, this type of pottery is made with Red core and white covering with black patterns on the white covering (Henrickson, 1985) (Figure 3). All information about this pottery type in the Mahidasht Project is limited to these general descriptions and a few black and white plates. This is while all the RWB pottery fragments obtained from the 1978 excavations of the Choqha Maran site are currently kept in the National Museum of Iran (Figure 4). A close study of this type, along with a summary of the results of the latest research and excavations carried out in western Iran, has provided a good opportunity to introduce this type fully and to resolve all ambiguities and questions about this type of pottery about its precise chronology, precise technical specifications and features of the pottery, distribution range, etc. What follows is to present an updated and new picture of RWB pottery in the prehistory of western Iran. In continuing to describe this type of pottery, it should be noted that the white clay covering of this type of pottery is of the evanescent type and, in some cases, is very weak, so that sometimes nothing of this covering remains on the surface of the pottery. However, the patterns are healthier, and in some cases, the pattern and the covering have disappeared. Most RWB pottery is made using the wheel-made technique, which has not been mentioned in previous descriptions. Forms in many cases include vessels with turned-out rims and vessels with flat rims. The designs on these Pottery are also often geometric with parallel bands and stripes, hanging triangles, successive quotation marks, irregular vertical stripes and chevron hatching and in some cases animal designs (often goats with round horns and snakes) in a geometric frame and sometimes plant designs (Figs. 4,5,6) (Table 1,2).

Conclusion
The pottery traditions in the western Central Zagros region, about which little information has been published, are the pottery type known as RWB. This pottery type is well-made with a red core, a white covering, and black patterns. Most of the published information about this type is limited to the Mahidasht project between 1975 and 1978. As a result, complete information about this project and, consequently, the RWB ware pottery has not been fully published, and there are many questions and ambiguities about this pottery style. It should be noted that the data of the Mahidasht project are currently kept in the repository of the National Museum of Iran. As a result, the Mahidasht revision project has allowed the study of these data and the RWB pottery closely and in detail. By summarizing the studies and investigations conducted on this pottery and the results of new excavations and research conducted in western Iran, a new and updated picture of this type of pottery was provided in the archaeology of the Late Chalcolithic period of Western Iran. Some of the results obtained in this research, especially the information related to the distribution range of this culture in western Iran, and provide new information. RWB pottery is placed in the prehistoric sequence of western Iran after the Siahbid horizon and in the Maran horizon in the early stages of the Late Chalcolithic 2 (LC2). Some Late Chalcolithic sites in western Iran, especially the Late Chalcolithic sites in Kurdistan province, have been attributed to black-patterned pea-like pottery known as Black On Buff/BOB. However, by obtaining RWB pottery and studying it closely, it was found that these sites were incorrectly dated and that their Black On Buff/BOB pottery belongs to the RWB pottery tradition. In addition, this research found that the range of RWB pottery is not limited to the western regions of the Central Zagros and its neighboring regions in southwestern Iran, but covers much broader areas of western and southwestern Iran. The tradition extends from the south to the Hakalan and Parcinah cemeteries in the Ilam province in southwestern Iran. This tradition extends from the north to the city of Marivan in Kurdistan province (Fig. 7-11). In general, what was presented in this research is the most recent and up-to-date picture available of the RWB pottery tradition in the archaeological studies of the Western Late Chalcolithic in Iran.

Archeological Excavation in Tape Gohareh of Bisotun, a Site Remaining from the Seleucid and Parthian Periods

Seyed Mehdi Mousavi Kouhpar

Abstract
The primary questions of this research include the chronological and stratigraphic situation, the cultural material features, and the cultural interactions of the Tape Gohareh with other contemporary sites in the Central Zagros region. Based on preliminary evidence and surface findings, it appears that the Tape Gohareh contains continuous settlements from the Seleucid to the Parthian periods. The characteristic pottery of these periods includes painted, glazed, kiln-fired, and plain pottery. The study of these findings, along with other cultural artifacts from the site, indicates a cultural homogeneity between this mound and other contemporary sites in the region. This research aims to analyze the historical and cultural status of the Tape Gohareh and its connections with other contemporary cultural centers in the Bagestan region and Central Zagros. The research methodology was based on field methods and documentary analysis, where the former involved archaeological excavations documenting the deposits and cultural findings, while the latter included historical sources, books, published articles, and excavation reports. The results indicate the existence of an ancient site from the Seleucid and Parthian periods in the Bisotun and Central Zagros region. Studies on the social structure and livelihood patterns of the Tape Gohareh communities suggest that livestock farming, hunting, and possibly agriculture, along with other social activities such as weaving, spinning, and pottery-making, were common in these societies. Architectural remains from various phases of settlement, as well as characteristic pottery—such as painted, glazed, kiln-fired, and plain pottery—were among the significant cultural findings. The analysis of these artifacts highlights the cultural homogeneity of the Tape Gohareh with other prominent Central Zagros sites such as the Parthian slopes of Bisotun, Sorkh Dom-e-Laki Kuhdasht, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana and Sang-e-Shir Hamedan, Anahita of Kangavar, and Khurheh.
Keywords: Central Zagros, Bisotun, Tape Gohareh, Seleucid, Parthian.

Introduction
The ancient site of Tape Gohareh is located in the province of Kermanshah, within the region of Bisotun (ancient Bagistana). Situated in a mountain valley overlooking the Chamchamal plain, it lies approximately 4.5 km from the historic remains of Bisotun, adjacent to the northern side of the village of Gohareh (Map. 1 & Fig. 1). Bagistana, or modern Bistun, was one of the important regions of Central Zagros in antiquity, and is mentioned by Isidore in the first century AD as a Parthian city (Schoff, 1914). Despite numerous activities and research conducted in Bisotun and the Central Zagros region in recent years, our understanding of certain historical periods, such as the Seleucid and Parthian eras, remains limited. Given the significant political and historical influence of the Seleucids in the Central Zagros during the third and second centuries BC, only a few sites, such as Laodicea (Rahbar & Alibaigi, 2011), Ecbatana (Azarnoush, 2007), and Sorkh Dom Laki (Shishegar, 2005), as well as scattered artifacts such as the statue of Heracles (Bernard, 1980), an Ionic column base in Bistun (Lushe, 2006), stone vessels and a broken stone basin from Dinavar (Ghirshman, 1971), the Kermanshah Greek inscription (Robert, 1967), a capital discovered in Shiyan, a Greek inscription in Eslamabad (Alibaigi et al., 2020), and the Daya Cave in Sarpol-e Zahab (Alibaigi et al., 2023), have provided us with insights. In this light, archaeological research and excavation of the Tape Gohareh at Bisotun, a site with cultural remains spanning the Seleucid to Parthian periods, could be a valuable endeavor in understanding the region’s historical and cultural developments during these eras. The key questions of this research are: What is the stratigraphic and chronological sequence of the site? What are the characteristics of the cultural materials from the Seleucid and Parthian periods found at Tape Gohareh, and based on the existing cultural artifacts, what level of interaction did this site have with other contemporaneous regional sites? Moreover, what was the social and cultural status of Tape Gohareh in the region during the Seleucid and Parthian periods?
It appears that Tape Gohareh was continuously inhabited from the Seleucid through the Parthian periods. The cultural remains of this era include notable decorated, glazed, clink, and plain pottery. The study of these finds, along with other cultural materials from the site, suggests a cultural affinity with other contemporaneous sites in the Central Zagros region. The research on the social structure and livelihood patterns of the communities of Tape Gohareh indicates a prevalence of pastoralism, hunting, and possibly agriculture, as well as other social activities such as weaving/spinning and pottery-making.

Discussion
Excavations at Tape Gohareh revealed two trenches, Trench 1 (10×5 meters) and Trench 2 (3×2 meters), which uncovered cultural remains including architectural structures, pottery, decorative stones, glass artifacts, storage jars, pestles and mortars, metal objects, evidence of pottery-making activities, and the bones of both domestic and wild animals, as well as an Islamic-period cemetery.
The architectural remains consist of five distinct phases from the Seleucid and Parthian periods (Fig. 2, 3 & 4). The first phase includes a floor made of plaster or lime mixed with gravel. A 20 cm layer of ash above this floor in both trenches suggests the possibility of a widespread fire, marking the end of Phase 1 habitation. The site was reused in Phases 2 and 3, with more extensive and higher-quality architectural features compared to later phases. It is likely that these communities had a higher social and economic status compared to the societies of Phases 4 and 5. Phase 4 saw a decrease in architectural construction, and Phase 5 shows more significant construction activities, although only stone foundations of the walls remain. Phases 1 to 3 likely date to the Seleucid period, spanning roughly from the mid-3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. For Phases 4 and 5, a middle Parthian date is suggested. Additionally, excavations uncovered 20 graves from an Islamic-period cemetery. The animal bone remains from the site indicate the presence of domesticated herbivores (cattle, sheep, goats, horses, and donkeys), wild herbivores (boars), and carnivores (dogs). The economic structure of the Tape Gohareh communities seems to have been based on pastoralism, with the highest frequency of animal use being sheep (30%), followed by boar (22.5%), cattle, goats, and horses (15% each), and donkeys and dogs (2.5% each) (Chart. 1).
The site’s pottery is classified into four groups (Fig. 8, 9, 10 & 11): plain, decorated, clinky, and glazed. The plain pottery from both the Seleucid and Parthian periods shows similar forms, with no significant differences in shape. However, finely decorated pottery is characteristic of the Seleucid period at Tape Gohareh. These decorated pottery pieces were not found in Parthian layers and likely date to the mid/late 3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. Two decorated pottery fragments were recovered from Parthian layers, but the quality of their craftsmanship was inferior. The earliest glazed pottery pieces at the site likely date from the late 3rd century to the mid-2nd century BC. Clinky pottery fragments were found in cultural layers likely dating from the late 3rd century to the 1st century BC. Pottery traditions at Tape Gohareh show a cultural affinity with other Central Zagros sites. These pottery pieces can be compared to finds from the Parthian Bisotun slopes, Kangavar, Sorkh Dom Laki, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana, and the Sang-e Shir of Hamedan, as well as from Khurha Central (Kleiss, 2007; Kambakhshfard, 1995; Shishegar, 2005; Rahbar & Alibaigi, 2011; Azarnoush, 2007; Afshari & Naqshineh, 2014; Rahbar, 2003). Additionally, in some cases, comparisons can be drawn with sites such as Ghale Yazdgerd (Khosrowzadeh et al., 2021), Nushijan (Stronach, 1974), and extra-regional sites such as the Elhaei site in Khuzestan, Susa, Pasargadae (Sharifi, 2005; Haerinck, 1997; Stronach, 1997), Failaka Island in Kuwait (Hannestad, 1983), and the Uruk site (Petrie, 2002).

Conclusion
The findings from the cultural excavations at Tepe Gohareh suggest three distinct phases of settlement, beginning with the Seleucid period from around the mid-3rd century to the mid-2nd century BCE. Following this period, a relatively small settlement from the Middle Parthian era developed on the site, and then, possibly towards the end of the Parthian period, a larger settlement emerged. After this phase, the site was abandoned, and eventually, a cemetery was established on it during the early Islamic period.
An examination of the social and economic structures of the site reveals that the communities of Tepe Gohar followed a consistent subsistence pattern throughout the settlement phases, primarily involving livestock farming, hunting, and possibly agriculture. The discovery of cultural artifacts such as mortars, spinning whorls, slag, and discarded pottery suggests other societal activities, including agriculture, weaving/spinning, and pottery production. Additionally, items related to personal hygiene, cosmetics, and adornment—like small glass vessels and decorative stone beads—were also found.
Among the most significant finds were distinctive pottery pieces from the Seleucid and Parthian periods. The analysis of these finds indicates that Tepe Gohareh shares a cultural homogeneity with nearby sites in Central Zagros, such as the Parthian terrace at Bisotun, the Anahita Temple in Kangavar, the Sorkh Dom Lakki of Kuhdasht, Laodicea of Nahavand, Ecbatana, and Sang-e Shir in Hamadan, Khorheh, and in some cases, with Nushijan and Ghale Yazdgerd. Although some pottery pieces resemble those found at sites such as Pasargadae, the Elhaei site, Susa, or the island of Failaka in Kuwait, and Seleucid-era Uruk, the cultural similarities are not significant enough to confidently discuss a broader regional connection.

Structural Characterization of the Deterioration Factors of Stucco Decorations Ornaments from the Qaleh Zahhak Archaeological Site, and Proposed Conservation Strategies

Neda Khaleghi Sani

Abstract
Zahhak Castle in Hashtrood, one of the prominent archaeological sites in northwestern Iran (East Azerbaijan Province), houses valuable stucco decorations. A portion of the artifacts recovered from excavations is preserved at the Zahhak Castle site museum, another portion in the storage of the Azerbaijan Museum in Tabriz, and a limited number in the museum’s main gallery. These artifacts include animal, human, floral, and geometric motifs. The present study aimed to evaluate the crystalline structure, mineralogical composition, and the extent of structural degradation of the excavated stucco decorations, employing laboratory techniques including X-ray diffraction (XRD), field-emission scanning electron microscopy (FE-SEM), ion chromatography (IC), proximity, and monitoring of environmental conditions (temperature and humidity). To compare structural damage, samples from both the site museum and storage artifacts were selected and analyzed. Phase analysis results indicate that the main phases of the stucco decorations are gypsum (CaSO₄·2H₂O) and quartz (SiO₂), with minor amounts of calcite (CaCO₃), albite (NaAlSi₃O₈), anorthoclase (O₈(Si₃Al)(Na,K)), and anorthite (CaAl₂Si₂O₈) also identified. According to IC results, the presence of harmful chloride and nitrate ions was detected at low and non-destructive levels. Crystallographic data suggest that structural alterations mainly occurred prior to excavation and during artifact burial. However, the high humidity conditions at the site museum and the lack of adequate conservation standards may accelerate deterioration processes. For optimal preservation, it is recommended that environmental temperature and humidity be continuously monitored and that standard display cases, along with periodic monitoring, be employed as effective conservation measures.
Keywords: Qaleh Zahhak Hashtrud, Stucco Decorations, XRD, Fe-SEM, Heritage Conservation.

Introduction
Excavations at the Zahhak Castle site in Hashtrood were conducted on a limited scale by Ghandgar and Rahmatpour between 2000 and 2007. During the excavations in the hall of the site (which is now the Zahhak Castle site-museum), a number of stucco decorations with various motifs—including plant, human, animal, and geometric designs, as well as pieces related to half-columns—were discovered. The stucco decorations obtained from the Zahhak Castle excavations are currently preserved in two collections: The Azerbaijan Museum in Tabriz and the Hashtrood Museum. These decorations include 47 pieces housed in the Azerbaijan Museum and a considerable number of stucco fragments of various sizes that remain at the site-museum. Of the 47 stucco pieces in the Azerbaijan Museum, five are displayed in the main galleries, while the remaining pieces are kept in the museum storage under relatively stable temperature and humidity conditions. The stucco works at the Zahhak Castle site are currently placed on the ground on a plastic sheet covered with excavation soil, and some pieces are kept in glass display cases and niches within the site-museum.
Considering the thermodynamic properties and crystal solubility of gypsum, along with the specific temperature and humidity conditions at Zahhak Castle during different seasons, it is not unexpected that these conditions may lead to particular changes in the structure of the excavated stucco decorations. This study aims to investigate these changes by comparing the microstructure of the stucco decorations at the Zahhak Castle site with those housed in the Azerbaijan Museum. The research examines these changes by analyzing the environmental parameters to which the pieces have been exposed, as well as considering the chemical composition of the gypsum used in the decorations and the ions present in the site environment. The processes that have caused—or may cause—the deterioration of these works will be evaluated. Ultimately, the study seeks to propose appropriate environmental conditions that would lead to the more sustainable preservation of these artifacts.
Therefore, the research questions are as follows: What types of damage have affected the stucco decorations at Zahhak Castle, and what are the causes of this damage? Additionally, what temperature and humidity conditions are most suitable for the proper preservation of the stucco decorations at the site?

Discussion
Site-museums encompass historical sites that have been excavated during various archaeological seasons. The primary purpose of creating such spaces is to present important archaeological findings and data derived from excavations. During excavations, some artifacts are preserved in situ by providing necessary conditions and facilities, and are made accessible to the public so that visitors can establish a direct connection with the context of the artifacts’ creation and formation.
In site-museums, visitors can simultaneously observe both the artifacts and the historical site, while also witnessing ongoing archaeological activities as well as conservation and restoration operations (Hassanzadeh, 2012: 378). The quality of the museum’s interior space is enhanced through the arrangement, organization, and structuring of its elements and forms, and it is designed with the aim of creating an attractive environment for tourists (Azarbouye Dinki et al., 2018).
Accordingly, the display cases at the Zahhak Castle site-museum (Fig. 1) are not suitable for the proper preservation of the stucco artifacts under study. These display cases should not only ensure protective security but also enable better exhibition of the artifacts. Currently, the artifacts are kept in glass display cases that allow visitors to access the items by sliding the glass and, in some instances, even remove them from the cases.
The overall arrangement of visual elements is designed to prepare the viewer’s mind to receive information. The artifacts inside the display cases are arranged in two rows, and visitors must sit to view the items on the lower level, which sometimes discourages them from observing these pieces. Additionally, the artifacts are presented without any information regarding their condition, year of discovery, or function, which generally renders them meaningless and of little cognitive value to visitors.
For designing an appropriate enclosure for the Zahhak Castle artifacts, it is recommended to consider the display case and communication spaces, the visual requirements of the environment, climatic conditions, lighting, materials and construction techniques, and security and protective systems (Fig. 2). In this regard, it is suggested that stucco artifacts of similar types be grouped in the same enclosure, accompanied by explanations regarding the excavation period, historical era, and probable function of each piece. Furthermore, the pieces should be categorized according to their design and motif and displayed in separate enclosures.
The primary factors for physical and chemical preservation in museums include the monitoring of temperature, relative humidity (RH), and fine particulate pollutants, and careful supervision of environmental conditions is of high importance (Mansourzadeh & Hatami, 2017: 289–302; Rahmani-Garmi, 2011: 62). To control the environmental conditions at the site where excavated artifacts are housed, monitoring tools such as thermometers and hygrometers should be used. Additionally, the implementation of air conditioning, protective measures, and museum security systems is essential.
In the case of the Zahhak Castle site-museum, comprehensive preservation of the artifacts is particularly important because these items are part of a valuable historical heritage, and proper care and maintenance are necessary.
The main factors in the preservation of artifacts in museums include both physical preservation and protection against chemical agents (Mansourzadeh & Hatami, 2017: 289–302). Careful monitoring of environmental conditions, including temperature, relative humidity (RH), and fine particulate pollutants, is one of the most important measures for safeguarding collections (Rahmani-Garmi, 2011: 62). To control the environmental conditions were excavated artifacts are housed, the use of monitoring tools for temperature and relative humidity, such as hygrometers and thermometers, is essential.
Furthermore, the implementation of ventilation systems and comprehensive protective and security measures in the museum, especially at the Zahhak Castle site-museum, must be thoroughly considered, as the excavated artifacts are part of a valuable historical heritage and their preservation is essential.
Regarding the Zahhak Castle site-museum, since the site’s temperature rarely reaches 40 °C—which typically does not cause phase transformations in gypsum—there is likely no significant concern about the deterioration of the stucco artifacts due to heat. Similarly, considering the low concentrations of chloride and nitrate ions in the stucco samples, the likelihood of phase transformations in the artifacts is also reduced. However, it is still recommended to maintain the temperature and relative humidity at approximately 20–25 °C and 40–50%, respectively, to prevent potential damage to these works.
To improve the storage conditions of the stucco artifacts in the Azerbaijan Museum’s repository, it is necessary to use an automatic air ventilation system that operates several times a day at predetermined intervals to remove excess humidity from the storage environment. Therefore, to monitor the temperature and humidity in the repository, the use of temperature and humidity data loggers is essential for recording and surveying environmental conditions, allowing precise control over storage parameters. Seasonal analysis of the data collected from the temperature and humidity data loggers, as well as air treatment systems, can help prevent damage to the stucco artifacts and minimize structural deterioration of the pieces.

Conclusion
This study demonstrates that the degradation processes have not significantly altered the structure of the stucco decorations at Zahhak Castle within the site-museum. Examination of the crystalline structure of these artifacts, both at the site-museum and at the East Azerbaijan Archaeology Museum, indicates that structural changes in the stucco were likely limited to the pre-excavation period, during the burial of the artifacts in soil, and that no substantial changes have occurred from the time of excavation (2003) to the present (2024).
Harmful anions, such as chloride and nitrate, are present only in minor amounts in the Zahhak Castle stucco, which slows down the processes of dissolution and recrystallization of the gypsum artifacts. Despite the anticipated lack of significant changes in the artifacts at the site-museum, it is recommended that these pieces be placed in standard display enclosures and maintained under stable temperature and humidity conditions to prolong their lifespan.
It is noteworthy that the stucco decorations at the site-museum generally lack distinctive designs or motifs, and most intact samples have been transferred to the repository of the East Azerbaijan Archaeology Museum. The primary reason for this transfer was the absence of a secure storage environment at the site-museum. It is expected that the installation of temperature and humidity data loggers, security equipment, and the use of standard display cases will improve the protective conditions of the site-museum.
Furthermore, the absence of specialized staff at the site-museum leads to confusion among visitors and the loss of opportunities to convey valuable information about the artifacts. Access to Zahhak Castle is only possible via challenging routes, which, combined with the lack of expert personnel, may reduce visitor motivation. It is therefore recommended that the artifacts be preserved near their original locations, with suitable conditions for display and protection. Similar artifacts should be kept in designated, separate enclosures from other types and displayed on shelves accompanied by complete information regarding their condition at the time of excavation and their probable function.

Newly Discovered Structure in the Aala Riverbed: New Evidence of Sasanian Management and Investment in Irrigation Facilities in the Ramhormoz Plain

Ehsan Barani

Abstract
Ramhormoz city is located in Khuzestan province, southwest of Iran. The founding of Ramhormoz is attributed to the Sassanid kings in Islamic period texts. Based on archaeological surveys and excavations conducted in Ramhormoz, traces of settlements from prehistoric times to the Qajar era have been identified. The Aala River, as one of the most important rivers in this city, passes through the Ramhormoz plain and divides it into two parts, eastern and western. On the banks of this river, there are traces and evidence of Sasanian investment in the agricultural economy, such as tunnels and water supply canals. Recently, due to subsidence of the riverbed near Tall Bormi and south of Ramhormuz, part of the remains of a structure have been revealed. This study, for the first time, examined the relationship between this structure and evidence of Ramhormuz irrigation. In the absence of a comprehensive and independent study of the Ramhormuz plain irrigation system, such a study is all the more necessary The goals of this research are to chronologies the structure and understand its relationship with other evidence of plain irrigation in order to determine its function. In order to achieve these goals, the method of library studies and analysis of historical texts and findings of previous archaeological surveys was used, along with the analysis and review of findings from the author’s field survey of the river structure and open and covered channels of the Aala River. Determining the function of the newly discovered river structure as a dam-bridge and part of the Ramhormuz irrigation system to feed the southern canal known as Moradbeigi and provide the possibility of movement between the two parts of the plain, determining the Sassanid chronology of the Moradbeigi canal and the bridge structure based on its connection with the Sassanid sites of the western plain, are among the most important findings of this research.
Keywords: River Structure, Bridge-Weir, Sassanid, Aala River, Ramhormoz.

Introduction
The Khuzestan Plain was one of the most important centers of the agricultural economy during the Sasanian period, due to its fertile lands and important and large rivers. At least since the Sasanian period, whose economy was based on agriculture, the inhabitants of Khuzestan built complex systems of dams, canals and underground tunnels into the river valleys (Mousavi & Daryaee, 2012: 1082; Alizade et al., 2004: 70). Among the numerous water structures built on the rivers of Khuzestan during the Sassanid period, at least two remains are located in the Ramhormoz region: one is the ancient Jareh Dam on the Zard River, and the other is part of the remains of a structure that was revealed as a result of the author’s field survey in the bed of the Aala River. Archaeological research and excavations have been conducted on the Jareh Dam before it was flooded, which has led to the identification of architectural remains from the Sassanid and Islamic periods. However, no independent research has been conducted so far regarding the newly discovered river structure in the Aala River bed, as well as the water supply system of the Ramhormoz Plain. Only in the archaeological studies of Ramhormuz, there has been a brief mention of the existence of canals and aqueducts of the Aala River; The reason for this could be the recent and late discovery of the water structure on the Aala River bed. Therefore, such research can increase knowledge and understanding of the Ramhormuz irrigation system during the Sassanid period. The most important questions that this research intends to answer are: 1) What function or functions did the newly discovered structure in the Aala River bed have? 2) Based on what evidence can this structure be attributed to the Sassanid period? The authors hypothesize that this river structure was the remains of a bridge or a dam-bridge. In addition to comparing the architectural remains, if there is a connection between it and other evidence of Sasanian irrigation on the Ala River, it could be a structure from the Sasanian period. The problem of this research, unlike similar studies that mainly examine the relationship between irrigation evidence and existing bridges and dams on the rivers of Khuzestan in order to understand the mechanism and goals of water supply, is to first determine the function of the river structure (bridge or dam-bridge?) by proving the relationship with irrigation evidence and then determining the goals of water supply in addition, determining the possible chronology of this river structure based on its relationship with evidence of Sasanian irrigation of the Ramhormuz plain and architectural materials and remains is another goal of this research.

Discussion
One use of this river structure is as a bridge, because the Aala River divides the Ramhormuz plain into two parts, eastern and western. Given the similarity of the architectural materials, it seems that this bridge was a Sassanid bridge. Identifying the function of the dam-bridge for this structure depends on proving its connection with other evidence of irrigation of the Ramhormoz plain. In the north of the plain, on the eastern walls of the river are the Jubaji Tunnels and on the western walls are the Zirzard Tunnels, which are actually a type of river aqueduct. Given the large distance between the northern aqueducts and the location of the river structure’s discovery, as well as the location of the tunnels close to the riverbed, it is clear that this structure has no connection with the northern aqueducts of the Ramhormoz Plain However, in Henry Wright and Elizabeth Carter’s survey of the western plain of Ramhormuz, they mentioned Sasanian canals. One of these canals (the southern canal), now called Moradbegi, is located a hundred meters upstream of the structure, which proves that this structure was a dam-bridge. Of the 6 sites associated with the Moradbegi Canal, about 5 sites have Sassanid settlements, indicating that Moradbegi is a Sassanid canal. Since the end of this canal leads to three sites RH-8, RH-8, and RH-22S, it seems that the purpose of constructing the canal was to provide water for consumption at these sites, in addition to agriculture. This function is possible, according to the “Maqdasi” report, regarding the supply of water to the city of Ramhormuz from the northern canal. After supplying water to the city of Ramhormuz, the northern canal entered the agricultural lands of the western plain and was used to irrigate these lands

Conclusion
The most important evidence of Sasanian investment in the Ramhormuz region can be seen in the Jareh Dam area and around the Aala River. During the Sasanian period and thereafter, the inhabitants of this region created irrigation systems branching off the rebellious Aala River, enabling the exploitation of the river’s water for agricultural and irrigation purposes This system in the north of the Ramhormoz Plain included tunnels dug in the conglomerate river wall to irrigate the eastern part of the plain; and in the western plain, it included a number of irrigation canals. The southernmost canal, dated by Wright and Carter to Sasanian times, was fed from behind a bridge, the destroyed remains of which have recently been discovered in the riverbed near Tole Burmi. It seems that this fragmented and destroyed structure, considering its upstream Sasanian canal and the architectural typology, materials used, type of cutting and arrangement of stones used, belongs to the Sasanian period, which was used simultaneously as a bridge for passage between the eastern and western parts of the plain and as a dam to direct surface water and upstream of the structure to the Sasanian sites RH-9, RH-22S and RH-8 and agricultural lands, and had a dual use The construction of the Moradbeigi Canal, which was fed from behind the Aala dam-bridge, was in line with the policy of settling the agricultural population in large cities. Because, based on its size, the RH-9 site, apart from the Sassanid city of Ramhormuz, was a large population centre in the Ramhormuz plain that was abandoned in the post-Sassanian phase. Despite the importance of Ramhormuz in the constant exchanges between Fars and Khuzestan since prehistoric times, it does not seem that the Aala Bridge was a caravan bridge with strategic military and economic importance between different states, but rather a local structure or building that was built to manage the water of the Aala River in part of the Ramhormuz lands.

An Analysis of Archaeological Findings from the Pir-Meka’il Site

Ali Sajadi

Abstract
Due to the construction of the Seymareh Dam and the risk of flooding the archaeological site ‎known as “Pir Mikail,” conducting salvage excavations at this site became an unavoidable ‎necessity. At the highest point of the mound, a stone structure with an irregular plan was ‎situated, initially hypothesized to be a Sasanian Chahartaq (four-arched structure). Accordingly, ‎the excavation was carried out with the aim of identifying the nature of the structure, ‎understanding the settlement pattern at the site, and examining the surrounding remains and their ‎interactions with one another. The present research is based on a descriptive-analytical method ‎with a field and comparative approach, as well as historical sources, and seeks to answer the ‎following questions: What is the nature of the stone structure located at the summit of the ‎mound? Is it a Sasanian Chahartaq or an Islamic-era tomb? What other remains does this site ‎contain, and what interactions and functions have these remains had with each other or with ‎other neighboring sites? What factors have influenced the formation of human settlements and ‎architecture in this region? The excavation results revealed that the main structure was not a ‎Sasanian Chahartaq but rather a tomb belonging to the middle Islamic period. In the southern part ‎of the site, the remains of a coherent architectural complex belonging to the Sasanian period were ‎identified, including spaces with barrel vaults and lime plaster coating, as well as a columned ‎hall. Furthermore, evidence indicates that this site was connected to the “Shahr-e Viran” complex ‎and a communication route. Overall, the findings suggest a continuity of settlement sequence at ‎the Pir Mikail site from the Sasanian period to the early Islamic centuries, and continued activity ‎in its central part until the late Middle Islamic centuries.‎
Keywords: Archaeology, Simareh, Sasanian, Pir-Meka’il Site, Kuhdasht.

Introduction
The Seymareh Valley has persistently attracted human societies due to its natural characteristics, strategic position, and fertile water and soil resources. This valley constituted one of the major civilizational hubs during the Sasanian and Islamic periods. Historical texts refer to it as part of the province of “Pahleh,” which comprised two principal districts: “Māsabadhān” in the north (modern-day Ilam Province), centered on the Sasanian city of Sirwan, and “Mihrajān Qadhaq” (also recorded as Qadhaq) in the south, centered on the city of Seymareh (Balādhurī, 1376/1997: 433). According to historical sources, these cities retained their significance until the early Islamic centuries. Despite the identification of numerous ancient city remains along the valley, some—such as “Shahr-e Rudbār”—have not yet been subjected to archaeological study and excavation.
The construction of the Seymareh Dam and the consequent risk of inundation rendered salvage archaeological excavations an unavoidable necessity at sites within the reservoir catchment area, including “Pir Mikā’il.” Archaeological data pertaining to the Sasanian period across present-day Iran have largely been obtained from other provinces. Recent discoveries of architectural evidence and remains in the Seymareh Valley, however, can provide a new model for settlements of this period in the Central Zagros and Lorestan regions. The studied site is located approximately at the far end of the Seymareh Valley in Lorestan Province. At the highest point of this low elevation mound, a stone structure was present, initially hypothesized to be the remains of a Sasanian Chahartaq (four arch structure). The distribution of surface sherds further confirmed the existence of occupation during the Sasanian and Islamic periods.
Excavation at this site was undertaken as a salvage necessity, with the objectives of identifying the site’s remains, determining the nature, function, and date of the stone structure, elucidating the interrelationships among the architectural features, and understanding the role and significance of these structures within the cultural and geographical context of the region. This research, predicated on the hypothesis that the aforementioned site contains previously unknown remains from the Sasanian and Islamic periods, commenced with the following research questions: What is the nature of the stone structure located atop the mound? Is this structure a Sasanian Chahartaq or an Islamic period tomb? What other remains does this site contain? What interactions and functions did these features have with one another or with other features at neighboring sites? What factors have influenced the formation of human settlements and architecture in this region?

Discussion
The most significant excavation data include:
A. Islamic Period Structure: Excavations in the central part of the site revealed a mausoleum measuring approximately 8x8 meters. The building materials consist of local natural limestone, such as large and small dressed cubic stones, sometimes irregular, along with rubble stone and cobbles, bonded with a semi-crushed, reddish-tinted gypsum mortar.
b. Sassanid Period Architectural Findings: Remains of a regular architectural complex, consisting of several interconnected spaces built with natural stone and gypsum mortar, were identified. To increase the strength of the walls, the stones were laid with gaps between them, and the empty spaces were filled with a significant volume of mortar to enhance the structure’s adhesion and resistance. Overall, the main structure includes a quadrangular space and columned halls.
c. Quadrangular Space: This refers to a quadrangular room with approximate dimensions of 360×270 cm. The discovery of arched gypsum fragments within the ceiling debris indicates that this space was covered with a barrel vault.
d. Columned Halls: Adjacent to the quadrangular space, two columned halls were also identified, each featuring a central quadrangular pier of stone and gypsum mortar acting as the middle column. Comparing this structure with similar examples suggests that the roofs of these halls were also vaulted. The internal and external surfaces of the walls were covered with a layer of gypsum plaster, 3 to 5 cm thick.
e. Enclosure Wall: In the northwestern sector of the Sassanid site, a dry-stone wall (without mortar) built with stones averaging 10×15×17 cm in size was discovered. Only one course of stones remains from this wall, which has a width of 80 cm and a remaining height of between 40 and 45 cm.
f. Remains of an Ancient Road: At the far end of the site, in its southwestern sector, parallel to the discovered enclosure wall and above the Qanat’s outlet, traces of an ancient road running northwest to southeast were identified. This road, with a width between 3 and 4 meters, ran parallel to the river and established a connection between Sirvan and Seymareh.
g. Qanat: This Qanat was identified in the southern area of the site. It transported potable water from the mountain aquifer foothills to the structures located along the banks of the Seymareh River and to the Qanat’s outlet (mazhar).
The aqueduct’s structure consists of vertical wells with an average depth of 7 meters and a gentle slope. This aqueduct channel consists of two main parts: the “arch” (with a semicircular arch and, in some parts, a “keyhole arch” type) and the “body”.

Conclusion
Archaeological excavations revealed that the main structure in the central part of the site, contrary to the initial hypothesis, was not a Sasanian Chahartaq but rather a solitary mausoleum belonging to the Islamic period.
However, the archaeological findings in the southern part of the site include the remains of a coherent complex of spaces featuring barrel vaults, semicircular arches, and columned halls (with stone piers and semi-crushed gypsum mortar), constructed using stone and gypsum. The presence of a columned hall alongside spaces with barrel vaults constitutes a distinctive characteristic of this complex, indicating a combination of two architectural styles, both belonging to the Sasanian period. Other notable architectural features include the use of small arched openings as doorways, delicate gypsum-plastered niches on the interior walls, and the employment of simple gypsum blocks in door frames.
Considering the structural similarities with Sasanian sites within the catchment area of the Seymareh Dam—such as the materials used, arched doorways, symmetrical niches, as well as the presence of pottery sherds of the same style at the site, which correspond to typical Sasanian-period examples—a Sasanian date is proposed for this structure.
The contemporaneous functioning of the Qanat with other surrounding features provides strong evidence for the existence of an organized settlement dependent on this water system during the historical Islamic period. This Qanat not only represents a rare example of indigenous water engineering but also clearly illustrates the connection between nature, technology, and human settlements, manifesting the intelligent interaction and adaptability of human habitations with the natural environment within a historical framework.
Although a definitive statement regarding the precise function of the Sasanian structure remains difficult, its location downstream of the “Shahr-e Virān” (the ruined city) site, the presence of traces of an ancient road to its west, its proximity to the rock-cut Qanat, as well as its general architectural features and ceramic evidence, all indicate the interaction of this complex with its surrounding environment. It seems that this complex served to secure the communication route between Sirwan and Seymareh during the Sasanian and early Islamic periods. The presence of collapsed arched vaults and destroyed walls made of stone and saruj (a traditional lime-mortar) likely points to a devastating earthquake (in the 3rd century AH / 9th century CE), which caused serious damage to the Qanat and the building complex, leading to their abandonment and eventual complete destruction of the site, as well as the destruction of “Shahr-e Virān.” In sum, the architectural evidence and ceramic data confirm the settlement sequence of the site from the Sasanian period, with continued occupation into the early Islamic centuries.

Archaeological Study, Chronology, and Analysis of the Troglodytic Architecture in the Defensive Wall of the Arg-e Bam, Iran

Saeed Amirhajloo

Abstract
The ancient city of Bam, one of the five main cities of Kerman Province in southeastern Iran, developed based on a three-part structure: the governorate (citadel or Dezh), the commoner quarter (Shahrestan), and the suburb (Rabaz). Within the defensive walls of the Shaherstan, numerous troglodytic spaces exist. A study of 162 troglodytic spaces within the defensive wall of the Arg-e Bam revealed the necessity to study the reasons for their formation, development, and chronology. This research addresses questions regarding the characteristics of the troglodytic spaces, the factors influencing their spatial structure, and their chronological evolution. Through field surveys and documentary analysis, this study identifies architectural features, analyzes structural influences, and determines construction methods and their dating. Results indicate significant diversity in floor plans, spatial geometry, elevation levels, arch shapes and height, and structural composition (clay layers vs. mud-brick combinations). Key factors influencing these spaces include the city’s geographical and historical context, traveler volume, location relative to the main southern gate, wall materials, usage patterns, and the relationship between ceiling height and floor elevation. While the initial phase of the Arg-e Bam wall dates back to the Seleucid period or early Parthian era, the excavation of the first troglodytic spaces likely occurred concurrently or shortly thereafter, during the Parthian or Sassanian periods. However, written sources and evidence of defensive wall reconstructions during the Islamic era suggest that the creation and development of these troglodytic spaces continued from the early Islamic period up to the late 18th century AD.
Keywords: Islamic Architecture, Vernacular Architecture, Arg-e Bam, Troglodytic Architecture, Defensive Wall, Hesar.

Introduction
Troglodytic architecture reflects the technical and artistic skills of its creators, as well as the cultural beliefs of different socities. Beyond residential functions, these spaces served as social, religious, and economic hubs. This architectural style demonstrates human adaptation to the environment and the optimal use of local resources, allowing for harmonious integration with natural surroundings (Abdel-Azim & Osman, 2018). Features such as thermal and moisture insulation enabled inhabitants to thrive in harsh climatic conditions by maximizing natural resources. While troglodytic architecture in mountainous regions typically takes the form of deep caves, in plains, it manifests as tunnels and surface chambers.
The defensive wall of Arg-e Bam contains numerous diverse troglodytic spaces. The issue of this research is the existence of such troglodytic spaces in the “wall texture”. Because troglodytic spaces in the clay texture of defensive walls of cities have rarely been reported. The only introduced case is found in Narin Qal’eh of Meybod, which features a clay (Chineh) and mud-brick defensive wall structure (Nikzad & Ghafouri, 2015: 111).
The objective of this paper is to document and conduct statistical studies, morphology (physical and structural characteristics), architectural elements, construction methods, and dating of the troglodytic spaces in the Arg-e Bam defensive wall, while explaining their evolutionary development.
The research method combines field surveys and documentary studies. Theoretical dimensions, research background, and geographical and historical characteristics of the studied area were compiled through documentary methods. Field surveys were conducted to supplement documentary information, document architectural features, and identify specific elements. Statistical analyses were conducted based on the variables and architectural features of the troglodytic spaces.

Discussion
Field surveys of the defensive wall of the Arg-e Bam after the 2003 earthquake identified over 240 troglodytic spaces for the first time. However, many were destroyed, leaving only traces. In the second phase, 162 intact spaces or those revealed during debris removal were documented. Spatial distribution shows the highest concentration in the southern wall (63 spaces), followed by the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh (53 spaces), the eastern wall (37 spaces), and the northern wall (7 spaces). These spaces range in size from 1 to 10 square meters, with one exceptional case measuring 15 square meters.
The troglodytic spaces of Arg-e-Bam are divided into rectangular (or square) and curved groups based on their plan. Most curved spaces lack regular or specific designs. There are 66 rectangular spaces and 96 curved spaces. This predominance of curved, irregular shapes suggests a process of population growth and urgent needs that led to the organic development of spaces without pre-designed plans.
In terms of spatial geometry, the troglodytic spaces are divided into single-chamber (122 cases), two-chamber (35 cases), and multi-chamber (5 cases). The prevalence of single-chamber cases indicates that subsequent changes and developments likely led to the formation of additional spaces around or along the axis of the original space (centripetal or longitudinal expansion).
The troglodytic spaces are located at various elevations: some are above ground level, some are flush with the surrounding land, and one is excavated below ground level. Notably, the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh exhibit a significant increase in the use of mud-brick compared to pure clay (Chineh). This shift is likely related to the need for a higher ceiling and improved structural stability. Statistical analysis of spatial location reveals that the highest density of troglodytic spaces is in the southern wall. Due to its proximity to the main entrance and market, this area features more spaces designated for temporary residential use and production workshops.
Given that the initial formation of the Arg-e Bam defensive wall dates to the Seleucid or early Parthian era, the excavation of the first troglodytic spaces likely occurred during the Parthian or Sasanian eras. However, written sources and evidence of wall reconstructions and destructions during the Islamic era indicate that the creation and development of these spaces continued from the early Islamic period through the late 18th century AD.

Conclusion
The analysis of structural and spatial elements of the Arg-e Bam defensive wall highlights significant diversity among the troglodytic spaces. The frequency of curved plans compared to rectangular ones probably represents a developmental process driven by population growth and practical needs, resulting in irregular, asymmetrical shapes without pre-designed layouts. Structurally, while single-chamber cases are the most common, subsequent modifications led to an increase in two- or multi-chamber configurations, where new spaces were formed around or along the initial cavity.
Although most troglodytic spaces were dug into the clay texture of the defensive wall, and the number of spaces dug in the mud-brick texture of the wall is less, the use of mud-brick is significant in the western wall and Konari-Mahalleh, and the reason for this should be related to increasing the height of the ceiling and improving the structure. Some mud-brick elements predate the excavation of the troglodytic spaces and were exposed by clay layer collapses, while others were added later to reinforce walls.
Statistical analysis confirms that the southern wall has the highest density of troglodytic spaces, where, due to its proximity to the main gate and the market, more spaces with temporary residential uses and workshop spaces have been created. The height of the ceilings in southern troglodytic spaces is shorter, and their space is more limited, indicating rapid creation and temporary uses. In contrast, higher-elevation spaces in the western wall have more regular plans, suggesting more diverse and stable functions.
Based on archaeological and laboratory evidence, the defensive wall’s initial formation dates to the Seleucid or early Parthian era. implying that the first troglodytic excavations occurred during the Parthian or Sasanian periods. However, based on written sources and the process of reconstruction and destruction of the wall during the Islamic era, it seems that the creation and development of troglodytic spaces continued from the early to the late Islamic period (late 18th century AD). Comparative studies with regional troglodytic spaces (from the Afraz and Bagh Chammak fault areas) and trans-regional cases (such as Samen and Narin Qal’eh in Meybod) support a formation date from the late Parthian to early Sassanid period for the Bam troglodytics. While their development occurred between the early Islamic period and the late Islamic centuries. In general, the troglodytic spaces of the Arg-e Bam historically represent a continuous process of cultural and social development and diverse uses throughout the history of this complex.

Research on the Real Identity of Bibidoost Hills of Sistan, Based on of Reading Ancient Sources and Study of Archaeological Findings with Emphasis on Pottery

Mohammad Ebrahim Zarei

Abstract

Bibi Doost Tepe series around Bonjar city of the central part of Zabol city in the north of Sistan and Baluchistan province along the Niyatak channel in a north-south direction. These series of Tepe due to its Massive volume of cultural materials, especially pottery samples and the proximity to the Zahedan Kohne site the second government House of Sistan in the Islamic era it is of special importance in the Studies of Archaeology and History of Sistan, accordingly with the issuance of a license from the Archaeological Research Institute in 2016, speculation to determine the area and privacy done. In this study 877 pieces of pottery related to the Islamic era were identified, recorded and studied. Examples mentioned in four groups: Simple unglazed pottery, no engraved glaze, Simple glazed and Glazed engraved were located. in this research an attempt was made to start Study ancient sources and Archaeological Researches the Real Identity of Bibi Doost Tepe in the North of Zahedan Kohne Then, the samples of pottery collected from the level of Bibi Doost Tepe should be applied to: their typology and relative dating. The results of the studies indicate that it is important that the Bibi Doost Tepe are part of the second capital of Sistan due to its location in the area of Zahedan Kohne. And the results of the study conducted on its pottery also informs about the technique of making high quality pottery in the Islamic era, in the north of Sistan plain. The results of the studies also clearly show the cultural connection of this region with the Baluchistan basins of Iran and Afghanistan, Greater Khorasan, Kerman, Central Plateau and parts of Central Asia. The present study intends to provide a ground for illuminating a part of the Islamic era of Sistan by conducting a scientific and methodical study.
Keywords: Sistan, Bibi Doost Tepe Series, Pottery Of The Islamic Period, Reading Ancient Sources, Typological Comparison.

Introduction
Sistan and Baluchistan province with an area of about 187,502 square kilometers is equivalent to 9.1% of the area of Iran, of which 8,117 kilometers are related to the Sistan region (Najjar Salighe, 2015: 25). Citing historical sources, there is no doubt that the land of Sistan had great importance and capabilities during the Islamic era. The site of Bibi Doost, in the form of a series of continuous Tepe on the western edge and along the Niyatak channel in the north of Zabol city, in the north of Sistan region, at an altitude of 493 meters above sea level and in the geographical position N: 3106740 and E:6136897 can be seen. Considering the proximity of this series of Tepe to the Zahedan Kohne area, a systematic archaeological investigation of the Bibi Doost area with the aim of determining the identity of these Tepe, discovering the history of settlement, types of pottery and how it has cultural relations with other Neighboring points were put on the agenda and efforts were made to provide appropriate answers to existing questions by conducting scientific studies on the collected terracotta samples and reading ancient sources.
Research method: The research method in this research is descriptive, comparative-analytical. which is based on two parts of field investigations and the use of library resources. The field method in this research is that after preparing and drawing the topographical map of the region, which includes an area of about 30 square kilometers, by 8 experts in a step-by-step survey, compacted at distances of 50 meters from each other. It has been surveyed that during this survey, 877 pieces of pottery related to the Islamic era were identified, collected, recorded and studied from all the existing structures. In addition, the sampling process, which was considered the most important part of the field method, was done randomly and categorized by indicators.
Research questions: 1) Based on the reading of the ancient sources and the study of the pottery of the Bibi Doost hill series, can this area be considered a part of the ancient city of Zahedan Kohne? 2) What types of pottery from the Islamic era can be identified in the Bibi Doost hill range? 3) In what time period are the studied pottery findings dated? 4. Based on the pottery findings, how are its regional and extra-regional connections evaluated?

Discussion
In this research, an effort was made to study the distribution of ancient structures in the Bibi Doost area and their proximity to the Zahedan Kohne area in accordance with the predetermined goals. Due to the extensive destruction of Zahedan Kohne city and the change of its cultural and ancient landscape, an effort was made to use ancient sources and archeological finds (potteries) in order to know its exact extent. In the first part of the research, based on the reading of ancient sources, it was determined that the series of Tepe of Bibi Doost is a wide area of ancient monuments, which is completely different from the point of view of the types of pottery, the date of settlement, the type and structure of the structures and the references of the texts. It can be mentioned as part of the old books of Rabaz city Zahedan Kohne, the second Government House of Sistan (Kiekha, 2016: 1120-1120). For example, Qasim-Abad mill or Kusang mill, which is probably the minaret of the mosque or the caravanserai mill in the area of Zahedan Kohne city Rabd (Landour, 1999: 635 & 652), is currently among the ancient monuments of the Tepe dynasty. It is located in the center of Bibi Doost, which indicates that the scattered structures in the Bibi Doost area are in full connection with the Zahedan Kohne area. In the continuation of the research and in order to answer other questions, it was tried to study and investigate the types of terracotta in the Bibi Doost hill range. Regarding the classification and typology of the pottery of the Islamic era of the Bibi Doost Tepe series, which led to the identification of more than 18 types and subspecies of pottery, it shows that the potters of Sistan used various methods of production. and the decoration of pottery of the Islamic era. Then, the pottery samples of Bibi Doost area, which are considered the most important documents for the chronology of this area, were compared with the samples and pottery vessels found in the explored and investigated areas. they got. The results of the studies of the samples and the comparisons show that the pottery of the Bibi Doost hill series in the middle centuries of Islam (4 and 5 to 9 centuries A.H.) can be dated. are set This importance is completely consistent with the rise and fall of the Sistan plain and its centrality at that time, which is the city of Zahedan Kohne. In the end, the results of the typological comparisons of the pottery samples of the Bibi Doost area clearly show the similarity of these samples with the pottery of the neighboring areas, especially Khorasan.

Conclusion
Studying the architectural structures scattered in the Bibi Doost hill range, at first glance, due to the high amount of destruction, their identification and connection with the Zahedan Kohne area was almost impossible. Therefore, an effort was made to identify the true identity of these Tepe by reading ancient texts and studying the surface pottery of this area. Taking into account the different parts of the city of Zahedan Kohne that were known earlier (five separate parts called the Castle or fortress, the first citadel, the second citadel, Sharstan and Rabd), now we can The chain of Tepe known as Bibi Doost, which is located in the vicinity of the northwest front of the city of Zahedan Kohne, added a part of the Rabd of this city, which is the second Government House of Sistan. The collection of historical evidences about the foundation and decline of the city of Zahedan Kohne in the Islamic era shows that this city was founded in the 4th and 5th centuries of AH and started to decline in the 9th century of AH. The study of the pottery of the Bibi Doost hill series also confirms the same point. Based on the study of the pottery, the oldest type of pottery in the area is dated to the 4th and 5th centuries of AH and the most recent one is dated to the 9th century of AH, which is completely consistent with the rise and fall. It is located in the city of Zahedan Kohne and another reason is that this series of Tepe is part of the main structure of the city of Zahedan Kohne.

Trade Relations of the Samanid Dynasty with Northern Europe: Insights from Islamic Texts and Coins Discoveries

Ahmad Salehi Kakhki

Abstract
Numerous silver coins from the Samanid dynasty have been unearthed in Russia and various European regions, suggesting significant trade interactions between Asia and Europe during the 4th century AH, and illustrating the Samanid dynasty’s international relations with European merchants at that time. This study addresses a central question: How did the Samanid era’s trade expansion extend to Northern Europe? Utilizing Islamic historical documents and numismatic evidence, this research seeks to trace the Samanid dynasty’s trade routes across Western territories, with a particular focus on the Dirhams issued by Samanid emirs found in Eastern, Central, and Northern Europe. Employing historical-analytical methods through documentary and library research, the study explores the trade dynamics during the 3rd and 4th centuries AH/9th and 10th centuries AD. During these centuries, the Khazars served as a pivotal trading link between the West (Bulgaria, Russia, Byzantium, and the Baltic coasts) and the East (Iran and other Islamic regions). Ancient Islamic records reveal that the Samanid dynasty’s international commerce was highly developed during this period. One notable trade route ran from Samanid territories to Eastern Europe and the Baltic Sea shores. Key regions such as Khwarazm, the land of Oghuz, Volga, and the Baltic coasts were crucial to the trade activities along this route, which is examined in this study. The discovery of Dirhams from Samanid emirs, including Ismail Samani, Ahmad Samani, Nasr II, Nuh I, and Mansur I in Eastern, Central, and Northern Europe, serves as evidence of the extensive trade exchanges during this period.
Keywords: Samanid Dynasty, Coin, Islamic Era Texts, Exchanges, Northern Europe.

Introduction
Researchers have segmented the history of the Samanid dynasty into two primary phases: the pre-independence period (819-875 AD / 203-261 AH) and the post-independence period (875-1005 AD / 261-395 AH) (Jalolzoda, 2018: 15). While there is consensus on this chronological division, numismatic findings indicate that the origins of the pre-independence era may extend to as early as 191 AH. Coins serve as a dependable resource for exploring this subject, and it is recognized that during the dynasty’s initial phase in Transoxiana, local trade utilized Bukhar Khudahs coins, which were confined within the region (Ibid: 17). The discovery sites of Samanid coins suggest that in this early phase, the coins did not circulate beyond the borders of the Samanid realm at the time. In the subsequent period, known as the independence era of the Samanid dynasty, the regime operated under the “official endorsement of the Abbasid Caliphate” and received “authorization” to produce both gold and silver coins (Ibid: 18). This era saw the exportation of Samanid coins beyond their dominion. This study employs ancient Islamic manuscripts to investigate the Samanid dynasty’s trade interactions with territories outside their domain, and numismatic evidence from beyond the Samanid borders corroborates the expansion of their trade relations into broader European regions.
Research Objective: The aim is to explore the trade pathways utilized by the Samanid dynasty for international exchanges in Western territories and to analyze the Dirhams issued by Samanid emirs found in Eastern, Central, and Northern Europe.
Research Question: How did the Samanid dynasty’s trade activities extend to Northern Europe during their era?
Research Methodology: Utilizing a historical-analytical approach, this study leverages documentary and library research to assess the spread of Samanid coins outside the traditional boundaries of the Samanid dynasty. By examining numismatic evidence alongside historical and geo-historical documents, the extent of the Samanid dynasty’s financial interactions with Northern Europe is scrutinized. In this study, areas where coins have been discovered are treated as “primary data,” whereas “historical and geo-historical” documents are used as “secondary sources.” Through detailed analysis and classification of the collected data, conclusive results will be derived.

The Introduction and Decline of Samanid Dynasty Dirham Imports into Europe
Starting from the late 9th century AD, the Samanid dynasty began exporting substantial amounts of silver coins to promote trade with other regions (Perrie, 2006: 54). Serving as a conduit, Russia facilitated the export of silver to Europe for approximately two centuries, a process through which Samanid Dirhams were introduced to Sweden (Kovalve, 2002: 3). Numerous caches have been unearthed along the Volga River, from western Russia to Kazan, revealing stocks of Samanid Dirhams. In the 10th century AD, these Dirhams made their way to Northern Europe and Scandinavia through the territories along the Volga and the Bulgars residing in the Middle Volga, as corroborated by texts from the Islamic era (Jonsson et al., 1989: 251; Kovalve, 2002: 1). Ibn Fadlan reports that the route from Transoxiana to Khwarazm, extending to Itil and the Bulgars, as well as the pathway from Bukhara through Khwarazm heading northwest directly towards the Kama River and the Bulgars, was heavily trafficked by traders (Ibn Fadlan, 1966, 98). He provides a detailed account of this road; in Bulgar, he noted the presence of Muslim groups, including those from Khwarezm. The principal trade route originated in Khwarazm and traversed the territory of the Khazars, situated on the northeastern coast of the Caspian Sea (Hudud al-’Alam, 1993: 122-123), reaching its capital, “Itil ,” at the Volga River’s mouth in Russia, and proceeded towards Eastern Europe. The Russians exchanged goods with the Bulgars for Samanid Dirhams, facilitating the introduction of these coins into the northern regions of Russia (Kovalve, 2002: 3). This trade eventually extended into Scandinavia , and the unearthing of Islamic coin hoards in Northern Europe substantiates this assertion (Heidemann, 2010: 9). Samanid-era coins that arrived in Russia were utilized as money for trading purposes and were locally circulated, gaining popularity in the 10th century AD (Grossman & Walker, 2013: 332). Over the course of the 10th and 11th centuries, these coins traveled from Central Asia to the Baltic area (William, 2016: 63). In the 10th century, Samanid Dirhams became extensively popular across Northern Europe, with numerous coins discovered in Norway, Denmark, and Sweden (Grossman and Walker, 2013: 332). The decline of the Samanid dynasty signaled the end of the influx of Samanid Dirhams into Europe, resulting in a reduced number of these coins reaching Scandinavia (Johan 1980, 4).

Conclusion
Geographical sources offer valuable insights into the trade routes connecting the Samanid dynasty’s territory with Europe, detailing the merchants active along these routes and the goods exported from European nations to the Samanid domain. The Samanid territory was linked to Europe via several pathways. The principal starting points were Transoxiana and Khwarazm, situated along the Amu Darya River. During this period, the link between Russia, Khwarazm, and Transoxiana was established through Itil in the Volga Delta. Another starting point was the coastal cities along the Caspian Sea. Furthermore, an additional route connected the Samanid dynasty to regions along the Volga and Itil , beginning from Rey and extending to the Caspian Sea coastline. This route, traversing through Transoxiana and reaching Merv in Khorasan, enabled the substantial movement of commercial goods from Khorasan, Khazar, and Kama Bulgaria to Rey. Additionally, there was a path leading from Itil to the Russian territories, specifically to Kuyaba in the west and Tselinnoye in the northwest. Along these routes, merchants carried goods from the Samanid dynasty’s territory to various locations in Eastern and Central Europe, including areas around the Volga River in Russia, as well as Poland, Germany, and Hungary. In exchange, they imported products from these European regions, notably including Slavic and Finnish slaves. During this period, the coins initially utilized for purchasing goods in Russia, Bulgaria, the Qebchaq steppe, and other adjacent areas were traded for goods in the Scandinavian countries (Sweden, Norway, and Denmark). Additionally, Khwarazm traders moved up the Volga River to acquire commercial products, thereby enabling the importation of goods from Eastern Europe into Kama Bulgaria, the capital of the Kama Bulgars, and subsequently to Khwarazm. Russian traders in Kama Bulgaria engaged with Khwarazm merchants and journeyed to the land of the Khazars to conduct trade. The Khazars played an active role in facilitating the transport of goods from the Samanid territory across the Ural and Volga regions and further into the Baltic, acting as effective intermediaries. In this period, traders from Russia, Iran, and Viking communities converged in the Bulgar region to trade goods. Additionally, Hungarian merchants transported slaves from Scandinavian areas to the markets in Bulgar. At the same time, goods from the East were being imported into Scandinavia. The Vikings moved their merchandise southward, engaging in exchanges or trades with Eastern goods in the Volga region. This trade primarily facilitated the influx of silver into Northern Europe, while Scandinavia exported furs and slaves, commodities that were attractive to the Samanid dynasty. Numismatic evidence along these trade routes reveals that, over the years, Samanid Dirhams made their way from Eastern Europe to Northern Europe. These coins have been discovered in various Northern European regions including Scandinavia, Scotland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland, and the Baltic coasts. Typically, these Dirhams are linked to rulers such as Ismail Samani, Ahmad Samani, Nasr II, Nuh I, and Mansur I. The primary minting locations for these Dirham coins were largely in Samarkand, Al-Shash, Balkh, and Andarab.

The Narrative Warp and Woof, Quranic Stories on the Narrative Rugs in Qajar Period

Mitra Shateri

Abstract
Carpets and rugs are one of the most important ancient crafts of Iran. The flourishing of visual arts began in the Safavid and Qajar periods, it appeared on many works such as books, tiles, wall paintings, calligraphy fabric, carpets and rugs, and reached its peak. The beginning of relations with the West and the adaptation of Western images, the printing and photography industry had a significant impact on Iranian works of art. A group of these works are religious-narrative rugs, which are considered a subgroup of pictorial rugs. This group can be divided into different categories and each category deals with the narration of one or more stories taken from Quranic stories. In this research, with the main aim of identifying, typology and analysis of religious narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories, an attempt was made to answer the following questions: Which Quranic stories of the prophets are depicted the most? And which centers were the main weaving centers of these rugs? This research has been done in a descriptive-analytical way and the statistical population includes 30 narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories, all of which belong to the Qajar period. Collecting information by means of finding and field studies, by referring to the reliable sites of museums and auctions, has been done in a purposeful way and the findings indicate that the Quranic stories engraved on these rugs are stories that are approved by all three major religions of the world, namely Islam, Christianity and Judaism, the most famous of which are the narrations related to Abraham and Ismail(pbuh), Mary(pbuh) and Jesus(pbuh), Suleiman(pbuh), and Yusuf(pbuh). Most of these types of rugs are woven in the cities of Kerman and Kashan, so they are considered important rug weaving centers of the Qajar period.
Keywords: Religious Rug, Qajar Period, Pictorial Rug, Narrative Rug, Quranic Stories.

Introduction
In response to the need to protect himself from the cold, man turned to the weaving of various types of carpets. Carpet and Rug weaving have been noticed by humans for a long time. The Pazyryk Rug attributed to the Achaemenid period is an example to prove this claim. It can be said that many carpets and rugs have been woven from the Achaemenid period until now, due to their decomposability, only a few examples of them are currently available. But the progress of this art can be seen in the quality of fibers, color, pattern and attention to details over many years. The art of carpet weaving in the Safavid period had a significant growth along with other arts and this trend continued in the Qajar period as well. Qajar period carpets and rugs have various animal, vegetable, geometric, human, mythological motifs and later inscriptions, which have displayed original images with different themes and combinations. One type of them are Pictorial carpets and rugs, which can be divided into several groups. A group of them is called “narrative rugs” that include different topics. The reflection of the religious beliefs of the people of the Qajar era in this art has caused the emergence of narrative rugs with the theme of Quranic stories. The aim of the upcoming research is to identify and introduce, typology and analyze religious narrative carpets of the Qajar period with a focus on Quranic stories and these are the questions: 1- Which Quranic stories and related to which prophets have been narrated in religious narrative rugs in Qajar period? 2- In which centers are the religious narrative carpets of the Qajar period mostly woven? Due to the fact that carpets decorated with the motifs of Quranic stories are parts of the art of the Qajar period, and at this time, they have attracted the attention of people and weavers. We need to analyze them.

The Subject of Pictorial rugs
The weave of such Rugs is considered a great development in the Qajar period, which may have its roots in the Safavid period. Pictorial rugs have various divisions based on the subject they presented. These subjects can inspire the reader with stories of historical, geographical events, epic, love stories, religious and mystical stories in the form of sweet stories. These stories have old roots and most of them have been written into poetry during the past centuries by the great poets of Iran and have been illustrated many times by painters and artists (Shabani Khatib, 2008: 89, 90). Qajar kings always resorted to religion to legitimize their rule. Reciting prayer, Taziah in Muharram and public mourning days are part of the religious ceremonies that were prevalent in the Qajar period (Shamim, 2008: 357). Of course, the educational aspect of such rugs in the direction of religious teachings for the less educated people of the society cannot be ignored.
The impact of new industries
The art of the Qajar period entered a new stage with the influence of intellectual currents, economic, social and artistic relations of the West and the entry of photography and printing industries. The art of illustration, which was used only to decorate the pages of books and the walls of important buildings, was manifested this time in the art of rug weaving. The rugs considered in this research can be divided into 5 groups in terms of subject matter: the stories of Gabriel (pbuh), Ibrahim and Ismail(pbuh), Maryam (pbuh) and Jesus(pbuh), Solomon(pbuh) and Yusuf(pbuh).

Discussion
It appears that from the mid-13th century AH, the commissioning and consumption of pictorial rugs particularly those featuring religious themes and narratives based on various Quranic stories followed an upward trend that continued into the subsequent century (the 14th century AH). The primary themes employed for this category of rugs are Quranic stories that are also recognized by other major world religions, such as Judaism and Christianity, and are recounted in the Torah and the Gospels. Undoubtedly, among the Quranic narratives, the stories of Abraham and Ishmael, Mary and Jesus, Solomon, and finally Joseph are the most well-known. At the same time, the most prominent and well-known events have been selected from the various life stories of each of these great figures. The primary motifs are depicted within the rug’s central, predominantly rectangular panel, while the borders featuring Flowers and foliage patterns, as well as verses in Nastaliq script set within medallion shaped frames reinforce the themes of the central imagery.
The study revealed that Kerman and Kashan were the two major centers for the production and weaving of pictorial rugs during the Qajar era; notably, out of the 30 rugs examined, 25 originated from Kerman and Kashan. Despite the vast distance separating these two production hubs, the details within the woven patterns bear such a striking resemblance that the similarity cannot be attributed to mere coincidence. Undoubtedly, therefore, extensive professional, artistic, and commercial ties existed between these two centers of production.

Conclusion
The Quranic stories engraved on Qajar religious narrative rugs refer to the most prominent and well-known stories of divine messengers. Among the mentioned 5 groups, rugs focused on the life stories of Prophet Yusuf(pbuh) with 11 rugs, represented more than one third of the quantity of existing rugs and represented the success and acceptance of the subject by weavers and customers. Kerman and Kashan, two main poles of the production and weaving of such rugs, because 25 of the 30 rugs examined are woven in Kerman and Kashan and they are woven only in the size of a rug (1*2 m). In addition to being time-consuming, the weaving of such rugs is also expensive and they were woven only on the orders of kings and nobles, and their use was only visual-decorative, and they were not woven to furnish the ground, but were offered as a vow or endowment to religious places. Maybe it was used to tell a story (Naqali). The many commonalities in each of the groups, despite being produced in different centers, indicate the connection between artists and craftsmen in the Qajar period. These rugs were woven from the end of the 13th century AH to the middle of the 14th century AH (the fall of the Qajar rule).

The Reflection of Socio-Economic Transformations of Zoroastrians in the Formation of Religious and Public Buildings: A Comparative Study of the Dasturan Neighborhood (Urban) and the Village of Moryabad (Rural) during the Late Qajar and Pahlavi I Periods

Seyyed Rasool Mousavi Haji

Abstract
As Iran underwent major political, social, and economic changes in the late Qajar period, the Zoroastrian community, particularly concentrated in the city of Yazd, experienced significant transformations in its social and economic conditions. These changes were gradually reflected in the architectural fabric of Zoroastrian settlements in both urban and rural contexts. Despite the wide distribution of Zoroastrian settlements in Yazd and its surrounding villages, comprehensive research addressing the impact of socio-economic transformations on their built environment remains limited. The main research question of this study is how socio-economic changes among Zoroastrians in the late Qajar period influenced their urban and rural settlements. The study assumes that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status created the conditions necessary for the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings, which had previously been severely restricted. The research employs a qualitative methodology based on the analysis of historical documents and archival sources to reconstruct the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians and the forces that contributed to the reduction of their limitations. This analysis is complemented by field surveys of architectural remains in two case studies: the Dasturan neighborhood as an urban Zoroastrian settlement and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement. The findings indicate that the improvement of the Zoroastrians’ socio-economic position from the Naseri period onward directly facilitated the emergence and expansion of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural areas, developments that had no precedent prior to this period. These architectural changes reflect not only economic advancement but also deliberate efforts to strengthen religious identity and internal social cohesion within Iran’s Islamic society.
Keywords: Zoroastrian Architecture, Dasturan Neighborhood, Moryabad, Qajar Period, Pahlavi I Period.

Introduction
The political, social, and economic transformations of Iran during the late Qajar period profoundly altered the country’s traditional structures. Within this broader context, the city of Yazd experienced notable economic growth due to its relative security and its strategic position along major commercial routes. These conditions contributed to Yazd’s emergence as one of the most significant centers of Zoroastrian settlement in Iran, reinforced by the geographical concentration of Zoroastrians within the city. The economic prosperity of Yazd in this period was closely linked to the commercial networks established between local Zoroastrians and their coreligionists, the Parsis of India. These transregional connections played a crucial role in expanding trade activities and improving the economic standing of the Zoroastrian community. Prior to the Naseri period, however, Zoroastrians faced extensive social and economic restrictions, including limitations on cross-border trade and the exchange of certain goods. Such constraints also affected their ability to construct or even repair religious and public buildings, thereby limiting their visible presence in the urban and rural landscape. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, a combination of internal and external factors facilitated significant changes in the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians. The abolition of the jizya tax under Naser al-Din Shah, increased social and economic freedoms, and the growing involvement of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations collectively contributed to the gradual improvement of the community’s status. As a result, Zoroastrians were able not only to strengthen their economic position and participate more actively in Yazd’s international trade networks, but also to initiate the construction and reconstruction of religious and public buildings within their settlements. Despite the extensive presence of Zoroastrian neighborhoods in Yazd and its surrounding villages, limited scholarly attention has been paid to the ways in which these socio-economic transformations were reflected in the built environment of Zoroastrian settlements. Comparative analyses that address both urban and rural contexts remain scarce. This research seeks to address this gap by examining the architectural and spatial consequences of socio-economic change among Zoroastrians during the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods.
Focusing on two contrasting case studies, the Dasturan neighborhood as the only urban Zoroastrian residential area in Yazd, and the village of Moryabad as a rural settlement, this study aims to analyze how broader social and economic transformations had materialized in the physical fabric of Zoroastrian communities. By combining historical sources with field-based architectural surveys, the research explores the relationship between socio-economic change and the formation of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural settings.

Discussion
This research adopts a combined historical and institutional approach to analyze the relationship between socio-economic transformations and the formation of religious and public buildings in Zoroastrian settlements. Data collection was carried out through an integrated methodology, including archival and documentary research alongside field-based architectural surveys. This approach allows for the reconstruction of the socio-economic conditions of Zoroastrians during the Qajar period and an examination of how institutional support influenced changes in the built environment. Historical evidence indicates that until the late Qajar period, Zoroastrians lived under difficult social conditions characterized by discrimination and legal restrictions. As ahl al-dhimma (protected religious minorities), they were subject to the jizya tax and deprived of many basic social and economic rights. They faced severe limitations in commercial activities, including restrictions on long-distance trade, import–export practices, and participation in professional mercantile networks. These constraints also limited their ability to construct or repair religious and public buildings, resulting in a largely invisible architectural presence in both urban and rural settings. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, however, the intervention of several supporting institutions led to a gradual transformation of these conditions. The abolition of the jizya tax by royal decree, the growing influence of the British government, and most significantly the financial and political support of Indian Parsis and emerging Zoroastrian associations contributed to the improvement of Zoroastrians’ socio-economic status. Following these changes, Zoroastrians were permitted to engage openly in trade, establish commercial companies, and participate in expanding trade routes between Iran and India, particularly through the city of Yazd. These developments facilitated the emergence of a Zoroastrian mercantile class and strengthened the economic foundations of the community. The architectural consequences of these transformations are clearly observable in both case studies examined in this research. In the urban context of the Dasturan neighborhood, the improved socio-economic position of Zoroastrians and the presence of institutional support enabled the construction and reconstruction of a wide range of religious and public buildings from the Naseri period onward. These included fire temples, darb-e-mehr structures, communal ritual spaces, schools, hospitals, water reservoirs, and libraries. A similar but more limited pattern can be observed in the rural settlement of Moryabad.

Conclusion
In response to the research question and drawing on historical sources and field-based investigations of the buildings, the findings indicate that the formation and development of religious and public buildings in both urban and rural contexts reflect the improvement of the social and economic conditions of Zoroastrians in the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods. In Moryabad, efforts were largely concentrated on the construction or restoration of religious buildings such as fire temples and pilgrimage shrines, while public structures were limited to water reservoirs and two primary schools. By contrast, the Dasturan quarter, as an urban fabric, exhibited a far greater diversity and scale of public buildings, ranging from schools and high schools to a hospital, library, and water reservoir. The presence of supportive institutions and the emphasis on restoring religious buildings and constructing public structures, particularly schools in both urban and rural areas, not only indicate a reduction and moderation of the former restrictions imposed on Zoroastrians, especially regarding the restoration of religious sites and the establishment of schools, but also reflect this community’s efforts to enhance its social standing and to consolidate and strengthen its religious identity and intra-group cohesion as a religious minority within an Islamic society.