Parseh Journal of Archaeological Studies

Architectural Context of Pisdeli Culture (Hasanlu VIII), Based on Archaeological Excavations

Mahnaz Sharifi

Abstract
Excavations at Gird-iAshoan, An Archaeological mound in Piranshahr County in the Lower Zab Basin, provided remarkable insights into cultural traditions characterizing the region in the Late Chalcolithic. Whilst reflecting some indigenous peculiarities, its material culture exhibits broad affinities with Northwest Iran, Caucasia, and Anatolia. This evinces the spread of the Late Chalcolithic (LC) cultures, especially LC2‒3, over vast territories, which could imply either population movements or spread of a certain pastoralist subsistence system. of the total of four architectural phases presently known from the Chalcolithic deposits of Gird-i Ashoan, the two upper phases were recorded in the first season. Phase 1 consisted of dry-laid stone walls in the northern quadrant of the trench,while Phase 2 was represented by perpendicular mudbrick walls beginning from -3.43m and ending at -3.62m. The recovered mudbricks measured 40 × 60 cm. In this paper, an attempt is made to explain the cultural relations of the Zab basin with other regions by presenting a detailed stratigraphy, and an analysis of the recovered architectural remains. To conclude, observations made at Gird-i Ashoan suggest that in the fourth millennium, the Early Chalcolithic III‒II culture reached the Zab region, where it would eventually be replaced by the subsequent Hasanlu VII culture. In this article, we will introduce the Architecture remains and the methods. With its thick deposit of 8.65 m, Gird-i Ashoan in the Zab basin represents a key point in northwestern Iran.
Keywords: North-West Iran, Pisdeli, Late Chalcolithic Period, Mud-brick Architecture, Chaff-Tempered (CFW).

Introduction
The opening of the 5th millennium BC coincided with the arrival of the Dalma cultural tradition, which extended over vast territories (Hamlin 1975; Henrickson 1983; Henrickson and Vitali 1987). It was to be superseded in the mid-5th millennium or somehow later by the Pisdeli tradition (Dyson 1968; Dyson and Young, 1960: 20). The Pisdeli horizon, designated as Hasanlu Period VIII, was dated between 4300‒ 4500 BC (Voigt and Dyson 1992), which is also corroborated by radiocarbon dates (Danti et al., 2004). It was eventually replaced by the cultural tradition of the Late Chalcolithic in the region. An outstanding question about the period in northwest Iran concerns the little-known phases of Late Chalcolithic III‒II. The time-span is of particular import for the regional archaeology as it has a bearing on the phenomenon of social complexity and the beginning of the urbanization. Unfortunately, ambiguities remain about the chronology of the period due to the lack of regular excavations. Although recent discoveries have provided new information in this regard, the absence of serious excavations of the Chalcolithic deposits deprives us of the attributes of the coeval culture. Mellaart regards the Ubaid as a Late Chalcolithic culture (1966). Helwing splits it into three sub-periods, with the earliest being the Pisdeli (LCh I) (Helwing, 2012: 204) and the Chaff-Faced Ware (CFW) typifying the subsequent LCh III ‒II (Helwing, 2005). In Iran, related material is currently known from Gird-i Ashoan and Kul Tepe, while beyond the Iranian borders they occur at several sites, among them being Çadır Höyük, Kenan Tepe, Arslantepe, Barcın Höyük and Höyük in Anatolia and Leyla Tepe, Beyuk Kesik, Mentesh Tepe, and Alchan tepe in Caucasia (Baxşeliyev, 2010).
Following preliminary inspections, Gird-i Ashoan was selected for excavation in 2019 as the key Late Chalcolithic site. Among the main objectives of the present study were gaining an insight into the settlement sequence, examining the Hasanlu VIII cultural tradition of the Zab basin in light of recent archaeological finds, and investigating the cultural interactions of the local populations with the neighboring regions. Attempts were made to obtain a better understanding of the Late Chalcolithic cultural horizon. The excavation at Gird-i Ashoan yielded a assemblage of Pisdeli painted ware (LCh I), while the LCh III ‒II ceramics, the so-called Chaff-Face Ware native to northern Mesopotamia, were attested in abundance. In the period that immediately followed the Ubaid, North and South Mesopotamia each began to proceed along different directions culturally. Hence, the southern sphere witnessed the spread of the Uruk tradition, while the northern one would be overwhelmed by the Chaff-Faced Ware culture (Kepinski, 2011:65). This ware type occurs over vast territories, which also includes northwest Iran, where the related material culture and chronology share wide affinities with the sites of North Mesopotamia, Syria and East Anatolia, in particular by the latter half of the 4th millennium (Helwing, 2004:16). The location of Gird-i Ashoan close to northern Mesopotamia and eastern Anatolia significantly contributed to the materialization of the shared traditions.
East Anatolia, South Caucasia and Northwest Iran served as the milieus for the genesis and further development of the Chaff-Faced Ware tradition and later the Kura-Araxes culture. The regions have always been the crossroads of various peoples with diverse ethnic and cultural affiliations, and most of the migrant or invading groups would cross them in their east-west movements over the centuries.
Geographic Location of Gird-i Ashoan
The mound lies at UTM X.520062 Y.4057880 at an altitude of 1415 m, at the eastern fringes of the Piranshahr plain, on the east bank of the Lavin River. The northern and western flanks of the mound are about 330m and 450m off the riverbed, respectively. The site is within the boundaries of the modern village, flanked by its buildings. It is a mound with a circular base of about 55 m in diameter. Measuring about 55m north-south and 50m east-west, it occupies a total area of ca. 2750 sq. m. The east and south slopes gently descend against the walls of the villagers’ houses.

Pottery
Pottery represents the most abundant category in the artefactual assemblage. The pieces are plain, with a profusion of chaff and fine grit added as temper to their fabric, leaving them with a pockmarked appearance, thus the designation “chaff-faced pottery.
The sherds from Gird-i Ashoan have brown, orange, and grey surfaces, are poorly fired, and bear a thick slip, though rare examples of thin slip are also attested. The applied ornamental elements include carved motifs and incised grooves. The ceramics of the Late Chalcolithic III and II are invariably chaff-tempered and handmade.
The pottery falls into three categories: plain, incised and painted. The last is represented by three sherds of Pisdeli type bearing black motifs on a buff ground. As regards morphology, the excavated pieces can be divided into several groups: 1. Open pithoi with everted rim, which are the most common form at Gird-I Ashoan and exhibit the closest ties with different regions of Anatolia, the Caucasus and Mesopotamia. 2. Open bowls. 3. Shallow trays, albeit in extremely limited numbers. 4. Closed jars.

Architectural Remains
Mudbrick wall: Part of a brick wall (F.1017) was exposed along the southern section of the trench. It began from -2.35 m and continued to the depth of 3.19m. The individual grit and sand tempered mudbricks variously measured 60×40× 9cm, 56×39× 9 cm and 56×32× 9 cm, and ranged from brown-buff to red-brown in color. Both the bricks and the wall oriented north-south. The surfaces of the wall was lined with a clay coating that contained the same grit and sand particles. The small segment uncovered at the center of the trench near the southern section represented the corner of two perpendicular walls: the north-south wall of F. 1017a and the east-west wall of F. 1017b . The associated floor surface was recorded at -3.19m. It consisted of a compacted silt-clay deposit mixed with sand, charcoal particles and ash. In is notable that the floor surface sealed a layer of debris that was accumulated over time.
At a depth of 3.62 m near the western section, a pottery vessel was found to be intentionally included into a 55×55 cm mudbrick. This poorly fired vessel was made of a chaff-tempered fabric with a black core. Quite interestingly, the embedded vessel was meant to serve as reinforcement.
Mudbrick floor: Near the western section, the mudbrick floor (F. 1021) was encountered at -3.5m. The structure was formed by laying down brown mudbricks of varying dimensions. Recorded were square (55×55cm) and rectangular examples as well as fragmentary bricks set, rather irregularly, into a red -brown clay mortar. In two cases, the mudbricks were reinforced by embedding insufficiently fired pottery vessels of a paste with black core. The exposed part of this flooring extended 0.7m north-south and about 0.4m east-west. A very small part of a second flooring (F.1022) was cleared in the southeast quadrant of the operation at the depth of 3.95m.
With its thick deposit of 8.65m, Gird-i Ashoan sited in the Zab basin represents a key point in northwestern Iran.

Conclusion
Excavations of Gird-i Ashoan revealed an LCA deposit, which extended from the depth of 1.00 m down to a depth of -9.65 m. Results from the excavations of the site are indicative of the interactions and cultural similitudes of the occupants of Gird-i Ashoan with northwest Iran, north Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Caucasia. The period is marked by the spread of the technological horizon of Chaff-Faced ware, a widespread cultural phenomenon covering vast territories, (Palumbi, 2011: 211; Helwing , 2012: 204) which displays fairly consistent cultural attributes (Helwing 2012: 207).
The material culture from the site exhibits close relationships with those of the coetaneous centers of the Lake Urmia region, on the one hand, and Anatolia, Caucasia and Mesopotamia, on the other. In effect, given the geographic location of the Zab basin as a cross-regional crossing, we may conjecture that Gird-i Ashoan might have served a transitional role in this communication network. The hypothesis seems to be confirmed by the discovery of the obsidian pieces. To conclude with, observations made at Gird-i Ashoan suggest that in the 4th millennium the Early Chalcolithic III‒II culture reached the Zab region, where it would be eventually replaced by the subsequent Hasanlu VII culture.

Middle Chalcolithic Period Architecture of Cheshme Rajab (Symareh), Based on Archaeological Excavations

Abdolreza Mohajery Nejad

Abstract
Architectural remains are as the “foundation” of archaeological research, these evidence can be described with words, numbers and precise and clear drawings. But the interpretation of architectural remains and worldview contexts related to human social behavior are still problematic. Architecture is related to material remains, but we must remember that ultimately these remains reflect the customs and worldview of the respective societies. There is no doubt that the individual household unit changes successively over time to accommodate nuclear and extended families, groups, tribe, etc. Cheshme Rajab site is located in Lorestan province, Kohdasht County - Konani district, 500 meters north of the Symareh River, 6.5 km from the top of the Symareh dam, and in the cultural domain of central Zagros. It is considered one of the key sites for the study and cultural developments of the rural settlement period of the region and Zagros. In April 2019, the second season of extensive (vertical-horizontal) archaeological excavations was carried out by creating three trench in the center, west and south of the site in order to know and be aware of the cultural developments in the region in the said Tepe. The current research is based on the presentation of the exploration results, the discussion of its architectural data analysis. This research is done with a fundamental purpose and its data collection method is based on the field and library method, and in it, while introducing and describing the architecture of this site, we seek to answer the questions regarding the architectural condition of this site, such as whether it is right-angled and... Which period does the site belong to? Also, based on the results of the archaeological excavation, it can be said that in terms of the obtained works, it belongs to the late Neolithic and Chalcolithic Period.
Keywords: Symareh, Cheshme Rajab, architecture, Neolithic Period, Chalcolithic Period.

Introduction
The water catchment basin of the Symareh dam is located at the intersection of the common border of Lorestan and Ilam provinces. Symareh, having a different environment (mountainous, plain and hilly), located in the central Zagros basin and adjacent to the lowlands of Khuzestan and Mesopotamia, has always been the focus of different cultures. In general, due to the special biome and diverse geographical texture of central Zagros, this site has long played a key role between Mesopotamia and Khuzestan and the highlands of central Zagros. The changes of intra-regional (environmental) factors cause the abandonment or burial of villages and hamlets that were formed on the side terraces of the Symareh River, and these developments are important for archaeological research. The presence of small and large terraces of sedimentary deposits, fresh water springs, the use of pasture land, rock shelters, etc., are important factors for the emergence of settlements in this region in the prehistoric period (Introduction). et al., 2017: 3). In the meantime, the excavations of the Symareh dam basin have provided valuable information about Neolithic and Chalcolithic Period cultures. In the investigation and identification of the cultures of the Symareh dam basin, Cheshme Rajab site in 2007, by Abbas Moghadam and colleagues; the first season was explored by stratification but did not reach the virgin soil, the second season of archaeological exploration was carried out in 2010 by Abdul Reza Mohajeri Nezhad. According to archaeological research and excavations, most of the settlements during human settlements since prehistoric times have been located in line with water resources that have suitable environmental conditions. Therefore, the catchment site of Symareh River is not exempt from this case. In 2007, the investigation and rescue excavations of the Symareh dam were able to investigate many ancient sites and clarify the time period of ancient times. Also, the Cheshme Rajab site is one of the important and key sites of the Symareh basin for investigating the process of cultural developments during the realization period of the Zagros region. One of the goals and necessity of the research in the Cheshme Rajab site is to investigate and analyze the architectural findings obtained from the Chalcolithic Period of this site. The main question of this research is trying to determine which cultural period the architecture obtained from Cheshme Rajab’s surroundings by examining the settlement style belongs to. Based on the results of archaeological excavations, it can be said that in terms of the obtained works, it belongs to the late Neolithic and Chalcolithic Period.

Research method
The current research has a qualitative and strategic system and is based on fundamental goals and is historical in terms of method. The method of data collection has been carried out in two ways: field and library. In the field method, the desired samples have been examined and studied. The basis of analysis relies more on internal information and findings, and the second method is a library that draws conclusions by matching and comparing data at the same time and by matching and analyzing them.

Discussion
The people living in Cheshme Rajab lived in rectangular houses. The main materials used in the construction of houses are materials such as crushed stone (river), mud mortar and plaster, which are taken from the natural bed of the region and due to the easy access and experience of the residents of the region, in angular and almost rectangular spaces, as a unit. They have used a building in rammed floor or rubble and almost regular clays and a mold that was a combination of straw, sand and river mud. According to the time frame of Cheshme Rajab, from the beginning of the Neolithic period, it seems that since this time, due to the easy access to stone, they have started to build buildings with stone carcasses, which have taken a step towards monotony (old village settlement). The obtained architectural remains indicate the construction of angular chambers made of crushed stone with a floor of rammed earth and sometimes cobblestones were used. The coherent architecture that was obtained from Pit 1 has not been observed in any of the contemporaneous sites in central Zagros, also in Pit 2, evidence of an industrial trench was found, which is unique in its time period and can be a sign of a specialized society. In this trench, several clay sherds were found, which were probably a sign of a spinning trench. Such Spindle Whorl in the Symareh basin were previously also reported from Chararo, but there was no discussion about the existence and acquisition of the trench (Hessari et al., 2012: 94), the emergence of these evidences either from the Rajab Spring or from Chararo itself. It shows the emergence of an advanced society that they created a spinning trench, although Henrikson, by studying the architectural structure of Tepe Segabi A in the Godin VII period, believes that this structure was a mass production trench and a skilled and expert group was engaged in it (Henrickson, 1988: 10) And later Badler and Rothman were also of the opinion that at the end of the Middle Chalcolithic Period and the beginning of the late Chalcolithic Period in the Godin VII period, Zagros-centric societies are passing from simple and equal societies to rank societies (Rothman & Badler, 2011: 80).Despite the fact that in the west of Iran, simple village-dwelling and herding communities live and we do not see evidence of social complexity and inequality in them (Mohammadi-Qasarian, 2021: 19), at the same time, in the northern and southern Mesopotamia, we see large site that reach up to 15 hectares in size. (Trentin, 2010). The round temples in Erpachie and the big temples in Eridu indicate the formation of societies with social complexity (Stein, 2012: 130). This issue is also true in the southwest of Iran (Holl, 2002: 178), while no signs of social complexity and progress can be observed in central Zagros (except Cheshme Rajab & appeh Chār Ārou) at this time, even the spread of Dalma pottery and the similarity Together, they raise the hypothesis for some researchers that maybe this pottery was produced in a certain center and was distributed throughout Zagros (Henrickson & Vitali, 1987: 40), but so far there is no work that confirms this hypothesis. Among the materials found in Cheshme Rajab, it can be a proof of an advanced society.

Conclusion
The Symareh River is a river that drains the entire region and the change in its behavior has had a tremendous impact on the geology of the region and the way humans have settled. Due to the strategic location of the Symareh Valley in the west and southwest of the Iranian plateau, it has been considered as an intercultural communication route since ancient times. The location and geographical conditions (Symareh alluvial valley, great heights of Kabirkoh and its pastures, Symareh river, alluvial and rich lands of the region) have provided ideal conditions for agricultural life and animal husbandry in the region. According to the obtained architecture, the residents of Cheshme Rajab have settled in right-angled houses with a rectangular layout and the use of natural materials of the site. The main materials used in the construction of houses are irregular rubble and molded clay with mud mortar. Inside the architectural spaces, there are traces of ovens, food storage pots, the existence of their large objects and counting objects, which are direct evidences regarding the storage system of the residents of the site during the Chalcolithic Period.An architectural space for industrial activities with clay flooring, clay Spindle whorl, works of pottery kilns, welding kilns and pottery that fell due to high heat, which shows that architectural spaces were used for industrial activities in addition to residence. During the Chalcolithic Period, like in other sites, especially central Zagros, the inhabitants of the site gathered bodies under the floor of residential spaces and buried small decorative objects and children inside burial vats. Other findings obtained in the site, such as obsidian blades, show the connection of the residents of this site with other places (Northwest and Anatolia) and the presence of clay Spindle whorl are direct evidence of the advanced spinning activities among the residents. Also, according to geographical conditions and environmental factors, the existence of extensive pastures in the site and spinning spindles are indirect evidences related to animal husbandry activities among the residents of the site.

Some Aspects of the Social and Livelihood of Eastern Mazandaran from the 4th to the 2nd Millennium BC based on the usage of Yaqut Tepeh Pottery

Rahmat Abbasnejad Seresti

Abstract
Analyzing why and how food collecting and production has been occurred in past societies has always been one of the main archaeological and anthropological research question. This work is done using archaeological finds, especially pottery. In this research, we tried through study of Yaqut Tepeh pottery usage to understand the socio-livelihood situation of East Mazandaran from the 4th to the 2nd millennium BC. In terms of use, potteries were divided into three categories: kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Various variables such as clay, construction stages, decoration and form have been considered. Chi-Square and Kruskal-Wallis tests were used to analyze the relationship between the mentioned variables and the relationship between the use of pottery and each of the locus consequently. The socio-economic situation is the specific question of eastern Mazandaran communities from 4th to 2nd millennium BC. Probably this event took place in the east of Mazandaran, which is the intersection point of different cultures and the gateway to the Gorgan Plain and Central Asia on the one hand, and the southern slopes of Central Alborz and the Shahrood, Damghan, and Semnan plains through the mountainous plains, has happened. There is a significant relationship between kitchen pottery and food storage containers with some locus; but this relationship is very weak on daily uses containers. In the middle of the settlement and lifetime in this site, more and more diverse pottery was produced and a certain standard and legality was observed in the production of pottery. The variety of uses of containers as a sign of increasing the diversity of the diet can be one of the reasons for the social and subsistence life of Yaqut Tepeh community to become more complicated from the third millennium BC onwards.
Keywords: Social Life and Livelihood, East of Mazandaran, Yaqut Tapepeh, 4th to 2nd Millennium BC, Pottery Usage.

Introduction
Since pottery is the most abundant and perdurable archaeological data, it is necessary and useful to study it in various dimensions and aspects. Recording, description, classification, typology, seriation, and analysis of pottery are very important. In fact, the detailed study of pottery, as well as posing questions and hypotheses, creates a strong analytical foundation for explaining cultural changes, and archaeological interpretations and explanations. If at this stage, archaeologist doesn’t succeed obtaining a relative scientific understanding of the pottery collection, the subsequent studies, including the technical and laboratory investigation methods, will not produce reliable scientific results. Therefore, understandings the function of pottery for social, economic and religious-ritual (cognitive) reconstructions are based on this stage, and basically, the laboratory study of pottery, which itself leads to the material culture knowledge, produce quantitative and technical data for confirmation and support of the mentioned reconstructions. The high abundance of pottery in ancient contexts provide the opportunity to learn about why and how this material became important and even the sanctity of this material among generations and the study of lifestyle changes, regional and extra-regional communications, the socio-economic status, beliefs, customs, rituals, symbols, and familiarity with the perceptions of the ancients the archaeologist (Shepard, 1974; Orton et al., 1993; Costin, 2007; Roux, 2019; Criado-Boado et al., 2023; Shortland & Degryse, 2019).
From the 4th millennium BC, fundamental changes took place in the West Asia; large settlements using the irrigation-based agricultural system emerged; the level of knowledge and specialties had reached its maximum growth; innovations such as rapid pottery wheel and the production of more diverse stone tools and implements emerged; early governments tried to expand their political and economic influence in wider geographical areas; and communities in different regions were trying to participate in these social and economic developments.
The Gorgan plain and eastern Mazandaran plains played their role in the cycle of social and economic activities of the 4th millennium BC (Cleuziou, 1986; Deshayes, 1968). Pottery and its related technologies are important data that are useful to explain the aforementioned developments in this region.
The present article main aim is the studying the usage of pottery on reconstruction of the social and livelihood situation in eastern Mazandaran plains from the 4th millennium to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC based on the unearthed pottery from Yaqut Tepeh excavation.

Discussion
In order to study the socio-livelihood situation of Yaqut Tepeh, it is necessary to determine the usage of pottery, and therefore, the technology of pottery making must be studied first. The study of pottery clay (texture and amount of temper), the stages of making pottery (external and internal surface of pottery), decoration and its relationship with the form of pottery can determine the usage of wares. In this article, the relationship between these variables has been measured using the Chi-Square and Kruskal-Wallis tests. Based on the results of this tests, there is a significant relationship between them. Therefore, Yaqut Tepeh pottery is divided into three categories in terms of usage, which include: kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Kitchen wares have temper and has a rough texture. These potteries are resistant and shockable due to temperature change and sudden impact. Another feature of these containers is the faster heat transfer. The form of these potteries is cauldron, drainage and cauldron cap (?). Cauldrons are of several types; two colors, single color and big cauldrons. Daily uses containers are in many different forms and have more decorations.
Food storage containers are in the form of bulgy jars and open mouth jars, each of which is divided into different categories. Each of these pots had a different use. Some were used for short-term food storage and others for long-term food storage. The relative chronology of the pottery, which was done by comparing them with the pottery of the neighboring areas, shows that the oldest settlement in Yaqut Tepeh appeared in the Middle Chalcolithic; Locus 15 of trench 9 potteries are comparable to Hesar II pottery in terms of manufacturing technique, design, and form. Settlement in this site continued until the Iron Age. Yaqut Tepeh have had trans-regional connections since the beginning. The red and gray pottery of the Gorgan plain has also been seen in this site.

Conclusion
Based on the relative chronology resulting from potteries and the arrangement of locus, the settlement in Yaqut Tepeh started almost from the Middle Chalcolithic and continued until the Iron Age. Due to its location in eastern Mazandaran, it has the possibility of more communication with the Gorgan plain and the central plateau of Iran. We said before that recognition the usage of potteries plays an important role of understanding the aspects of social life and livelihood of the ancient communities. This issue has been addressed by using the technical studies and Chi-square and Kruskal-Wallis tests.
The potteries were divided into three categories including kitchen wares, food storage containers, and daily uses containers. Pottery paste (texture and temper), manufacturing techniques, decorations and forms were the basis of this classification. All potteries with a rough and sandy texture because of their resistant to temperature changes and sudden shocks has been used for cooking. Therefore, in addition to the cauldron, there have been other wares among the kitchen wares, including drainage, open-mouthed jars, and cauldron cap. Due to the large size of food storage pots, a little temper is used in them; because temper prevents the pottery from cracking during drying. These potteries are undecorated. Pottery with daily use is very diverse and often delicate and decorated.
The relationship between these wares and locus was measured in order to study social and livelihood developments; a relatively strong relationship has been identified between the form of kitchen wares, food storage containers and locus. But there is not much connection with food storage pots. The aforementioned tests and pottery technology have shown that certain rules and standards have been common for production of pottery in Yaqut Tepeh. The variety of pottery from the Middle Bronze Age shows the dynamism of this community. The hypothesis of the site inhabitants diet diversity also shows their social and livelihood complexities.
The current research is an initial step recognizing and defining the concept of society from Middle Chalcolithic to Iron Age in eastern Mazandaran, where there isn’t much knowledge in this field. Naturally, a foundation has been created for future research.

New Findings from GKC (BMAC) in South of Khorasan Based on Evidence of Sartakhteh Baraz Site of Qaen

Bahram Anani

Abstract
In recent years Archaeologist have taken a special attention at south of Khorasan, especially the Qaen region. Recent archaeological surveys have provided valuable findings for researchers. Specific geographical location and the connection as a natural corridor among central Asia, North of Khorasan, southeast of Iran, and central plateau of Iran, which was made by central desert, can be a great cause in different periods, especially in the early second millennium B.C. The expansion of “GKC” (BMAC) in the Eastern half of Iran is one of the most important developments of the second millennium B.C. New findings show that this culture has spread to parts of South of Khorasan, for example, findings of the Razeh, Gavand and Bekanda previously studied. Sartakhteh Baraz site in Qaen is one of the significant sites in Southern Khorasan in which many evidences of the BMAC have been observed, which is less studied and, in this research, we attempt to introduce this site and identify the expansion of GKC. This site located in a mountainous region in Qaen area in North of Southern Khorasan. This site is much destroyed because it is located near a rural area. The main sources of this research have been chosen from the library sources and survey of Sartakhteh Baraz of Qaen area in 2016. The research method is descriptive-analytical. Then these findings were analyzed and interpreted in theoretical studies. This paper intends to introduce and describing BMAC at the South of Khorasan of Iran Based on evidence of Sartakhteh Baraz site of Qaen; furthermore, its results can demonstrate different aspects of this culture. It seems this culture has expanded in South of Khorasan in the first half of the second millennium B.C.
Keywords: South of Khorasan, Qaen, GKC (BMAC), Sartakhteh Baraz Site.

Introduction
South Khorasan is located in the east of Iran from a geographical point of view. This region has received less attention in terms of archaeological studies than other regions of the Iranian Plateau. Although these studies have greatly increased in the last decade and have attracted some attention, they are still far from reaching favorable point. South Khorasan, or the current South Khorasan province, geologically has two deserts and mountainous parts. Qaen region, which includes more the mountainous part of the region, is considered one of the cold and rainy regions of the province, so that the average annual rainfall in the city is 180 mm. The pattern of placement of Qaen region is in the form of sometimes continuous mountain ranges in the direction of northwest to Southeast, where Baraz, shaskouh, Ahangaran and Qaen mountains are among the main mountain ranges in the region. Qaen, together with Sarayan and Ferdows covers the northern half of the province, and archaeologically, it is one of the richest areas of Southern Khorasan. Many important settlements of South Khorasan in different periods are scattered in this areas. Strategically, this region forms a link between North Khorasan and Central Asia with the central Plateau and even the southeast. This factor has made the basic and important issues of archaeology in different periods to be tied with archaeology studies in South Khorasan. The studies of BMAC culture in this area are important in the sense that specializes studies and surveys have not been done for this area, and most of the studies include surveys with the purpose of identification. The purpose of the current research is to identify and introduce new evidences is of BMAC culture and explain the spread of this culture in parts of South Khorasan. This research, by using the descriptive-analytical method as well as using field research based on the findings obtained from the archaeological surveys of the central part of Qaen city, tried to analyze and introduce the new evidences obtained from the BMAC culture in the South of Khorasan.
Research questions and Hypotheses: The most important question raised in this research is how to analyze the spread of Great Khorasan culture in South Khorasan? It seems that by identifying new evidences in South Khorasan region, it is possible to discuss this culture more precisely in this region in such a way that it is very likely that the Great Khorasan culture spread in this region in its final stages.

Discussion
The Great Khorasan culture refers to a collection of settlement sites of the late Bronze Age (simultaneous with the V and VI Bronze age) that was formed in a cultured range beyond political borders. This area includes parts of Southern Turkmenistan, Northern Afghanistan, Northeastern Iran, southwestern Tajikistan and Southern Uzbekistan. Among the prominent features of this culture are the presence of distinctive types of pottery, the abundant use of bronze metal and precious metals such as gold and silver, the presence of a variety of prestigious and everyday goods that are made of imported and local stones, including: turquoise, agate, chlorite and marble. In addition to that, collections of unique and possibly ritual objects such as scepters of power, miniature columns, stone weights, mixed stone figurines of seated women in woolen clothes, marble vessels and collections of silver and gold vessels with special reliefs, all it shows specialized industry and exchange economy in this culture (Vahdati, 2015:42-43).
In general, the beginning of archaeological activities in the area of GKC (BMAC) in the central east of Iran in recent years, has led to the identification of new settlements and cemeteries of this culture. The new archaeological data and documents obtained from the settlements in the northeast and east of Iran (Khorasan) show the new areas of expansion and influence of GKC. The site of Sartakhteh Baraz of Qaen is one of the most important sites in South Khorasan, where the evidences of GKC has been observed. Sartakhteh Baraz site was first identified during archaeological investigation by Gholinezhad (Gholinezhad, 2016). This area includes large mound with an area of approximately 120×300 meters, which, due to agricultural activities, cultural data are removed from the original context and placed on the slopes and lands prepared for agriculture (fig 2). Therefore, the distribution of cultural materials can be seen on a large scale. The surveys conducted show that the data and evidence obtained include pottery (fig 4), dagger (fig 5), and a wand head (fig 6) vessel of kohl with a rod (fig 7). The pottery data in the area includes samples that belong to the third to second millennium BC according to the forms and types of pottery (Anani 1400: 113). Among these, there are 6 pieces related to the BMAC culture except for the two pieces that have pea paste and cover, the other pieces have orange paste and cover (Table 1). Some of these pottery are very similar to examples of the final stages of the BMAC culture such as Bustan and Molali in the first half of the second millennium BC (Ionesov, 2002). Based on this, it can be concluded that the layers of the BMAC culture in this area belong to the final stage of this culture. In addition to these, bronze tools and artifacts have been found in abundance in the graves related to the BMAC culture with we witness in the prominent sites of this culture such as Gonur Depe (Sarianidi, 2007:90-93).

Conclusion
In recent years the expansion of archaeological activities and surveys in South Khorasan has increased the identification of settlements and sites of different periods. However we are still far from the desired point and it is necessary that many areas of South Khorasan be investigated systematically and of course specialized. During the surveys, 4 sites belonging to the Great Khorasan culture have been identified in the South of Khorasan. However, if we consider Gonabad as part of this region regardless of the current political boundaries, the number of sites will increase. The new findings obtained from the Sartakhteh Baraz site in the Qaen region show the importance of this region in the late Bronze Age. As mentioned in this research, these findings belong to a new culture that appears in this region. The Great Khorasan culture has spread over a wide area from Central Asia to the Iranian plateau. In the meantime, South Khorasan has acted as a communication route and passage. In such a way that it connects the north-east and south of Turkmenistan to the south-east and the center of the Iranian plateau. Accordingly, it is obvious that we are facing the remains of this culture in this region. But the important question raised here is why most of the areas obtained in this region are cemeteries? Although the answer to this question is not the goal of the present study, before answering this question, it should be noted that all these sites have been archaeologically investigated and none of them have been stratified. The sites that have been explored have only been speculated and demarcated. However during these speculations, it has been almost determined that some of these areas are cemeteries. In the meantime, considering the difference that Sartakhte Baraz site has with other contemporaneous sites and has evidence from earlier periods, it creates the possibility that we may be facing a settlement here. Accordingly, in order to reach a reasonable answer, it is necessary to carry out a stratigraphy excavation in this area in order to be able to answer this question and of course many questions related to this culture in South Khorasan. Another important point that was mentioned and raised as a hypothesis is that the settlements in South Khorasan probably belong to the final stages (first half of the second millennium BC) of the GKC. of course, this assumption also needs more studies in the entire eastern region of Iran. It is hoped that more ambiguities can be answered in the future.

Iconographic Analysis and Interpretation of the Elamite Stone Sculpture at the Nahavand Cultural Heritage Museum

Khalil-Ollah Beik-Mohammad

Abstract
Monumental sculptures are considered significant artistic artifacts, primarily associated with ritualistic and religious contexts, and possess a long historical tradition. The creation of such commemorative and symbolic sculptures often aimed to represent the divine or transcendent status of their subjects. Within the cultural history of Iran, the tradition of sculpting with this approach dates back to the Neolithic period as exemplified by the “Venus of Sarab” and witnessed a substantial increase from the third millennium BCE onwards. This practice reached its height during the Elamite civilization, coinciding with the emergence of multiple deities and rulers. These sculptures were frequently used as votive offerings in temples or as grave goods in the burials of high-status individuals. The commemorative stone statue housed in the Nahavand Museum is one such artifact, yet its origin and precise nature remain unclear due to its non-archaeological discovery. Consequently, numerous ambiguities surround its contextualization. The main objective of this study is to examine the nature of this stone sculpture through an iconographic and chronological analysis. It seeks to address key questions regarding its material essence, function, artistic style, and usage, assuming it belongs to the Elamite period within the cultural domain of Simashki. To achieve more accurate contextualization and dating, the research employs comparative analysis with similar contemporaneous examples, aiming to enhance the understanding of Elamite art particularly during the Sukkalmah period in the Central Zagros region. This study adopts a qualitative methodology, utilizing a historical-analytical approach supported by library-based sources. To evaluate the research propositions, references are made to the sculptural styles of the Elamite civilization and comparative Mesopotamian examples. The findings suggest that the Nahavand stone statue, based on its formal and visual characteristics, can be classified as a monumental sculpture dating to the Sukkalmah period (second millennium BCE), and most likely originates from the greater Simashki region.
Keywords: Monumental Sculpture, Nahavand, Elamite, Sukkalmah, Iconography.

Introduction
What emerges more prominently in the archaeological data from western Iran during the Elamite period is not so much the material culture uncovered through excavations, but rather the names recorded in Babylonian and Assyrian inscriptions. Just as western Iran particularly Ecbatana served as a political center during the rise of the Medes and Persians, the discovery of this sculpture in Nahavand, alongside the limited number of Early Elamite finds from sites such as Giyan, may indicate the existence of cultural complexity even prior to these later civilizations. Alternatively, it could reflect a syncretic cultural expression influenced by Elamite traditions during the period of Kassite domination, especially considering the stylistic affinities of the sculpture under study. These possibilities warrant deeper examination and reflection. This discussion is situated within that very context: sculpture, as an integral component of cultural heritage, provides a valuable lens through which to understand the shifting cultural and political boundaries between Elam and Mesopotamia. The identification of Elamite-period artifacts particularly from the early Elamite era (Sukkalmah period) in western Iran, such as those associated with the early historical levels of Giyan V and Susa III, offer clues to the southern cultural sphere’s influence in this geography. Given that the sculpture analyzed in this study conforms stylistically to the early Elamite artistic tradition, it may represent a cultural artifact of that historical period and geographical reach within the Central Zagros. Accordingly, this paper aims to present further evidence of cultural contact or homogeneity between the northern parts of the Central Zagros and southern Elamite regions. Such a discovery might suggest the presence of one of the two models of Elamite governance autonomous or centrally controlled in western Iran from the late third millennium B.C. onward. Just as the cemetery seals of Susa reflect religious and ritual activities, this commemorative sculpture may also reveal similar ideological functions (cf. Hole, 1985: 21–24). To date, various artifacts seals, ceramics, figurative art, and paintings have contributed to our understanding of cultural convergence across different regions of Iran. Among these, sculptural objects offer a unique window into such interpretations. Place names such as Karin-Dash (modern Kermanshah), Shushur (in Iraqi Kurdistan), Elipi (Lorestan), Huni-Hur (Bakhtiari Mountains), and Simash (Khorramabad) (Majidzadeh, 1992), reflect the wide territorial reach of the Elamite state in western Iran. Therefore, the identification of this statue in Nahavand invites a reconsideration and deeper exploration of the Elamite presence in the region. To validate and further analyze these claims, the following sections of the study will provide a brief historical overview of Elamite sculpture and its stylistic characteristics, along with comparative examples. Ultimately, the goal is to determine the ritual and religious function of such an object, and to define its precise nature within this historical-cultural framework.

The Nahavand Commemorative Statue
The Nahavand stone idol, carved from limestone, stands approximately 37 centimeters in height and 11 centimeters in width at its base, where two back-to-back seated bulls support the sculpture. The figurine is composed of several components, each potentially bearing symbolic significance. The figure of the goddess, from the tip of her conical, woven headdress to her feet (which rest upon the backs of the two bulls), measures 24 centimeters in height. The statue is carved from a single block of stone but has suffered visible damage, including fractures at the goddess’s neck and feet. The goddess wears a tiered, pleated robe, intricately carved to cover the full length of her body, and a conical headdress woven in relief. The structured, layered nature of the clothing, along with the serene and formal depiction of the face, indicates the symbolic and sacred function of the figure. Her hands are positioned near the abdomen, possibly holding a vessel or an object though due to surface erosion, this remains uncertain. As noted, the goddess is depicted standing frontally atop two bulls, which are positioned in profile but rendered in full-face from the side view. This double-faced sculptural technique is strikingly similar to the posture and composition of the bull capitals used in the Apadana Palace at Susa during the late first millennium B.C. (see: Fig. 20). A hole located behind the bulls’ heads suggests that the statue may have been mounted on a base, suspended, or used in conjunction with a ritual element. A significant aspect of this sculpture is the rendering of the hands, which align with long-standing traditions in Mesopotamian and Elamite sculpture. These gestures are often associated with religious or ritual symbolism, as seen in various comparable examples (see: Figs. 7 and 8). This tradition derives from Sumerian representations of goddesses and priests shown in acts of reverence during religious ceremonies often bearing symbols of fertility and divine favor. Comparable Elamite statues depict deities holding vessels or sacred plants at the level of the torso or chest (see: Figs. 21 and 22). However, due to wear and erosion, it is unclear whether the hands in this statue are simply clasped over the stomach or if they originally held an object, as is evident in other Elamite figures, such as the well-known limestone statue from Susa believed to represent the goddess Napirisha, divine protector of Ontash-Napirisha. The Nahavand figure also closely resembles motifs seen in Elamite Middle Period representations, particularly in warrior or deity helmets. These helmets often portray divinities wearing tiered garments. The gesture of worship is replicated in smaller attendant figures, while the central deity holds a vessel from which two streams symbols of the waters of life flow (see: Fig. 22), (Naeimi Taraei, et al., 2017: 152–153).

Conclusion
Commemorative stone statues are among the artistic artifacts primarily associated with ritual and religious themes. As discussed throughout this study and supported by comparable examples, such representations have a long-standing tradition dating back to the third millennium B.C. and the early Sumerian dynasties. The creators of these monumental works often aimed to confer divine or transcendent status upon the figures depicted. From the third millennium onward, the production of such statues experienced notable growth, culminating during the Elamite civilization with the proliferation of divine and royal figures. These statues were often used as votive offerings in temples or placed in elite burials as funerary objects. The motif of deities overpowering or standing atop powerful beasts such as bulls or lions is a common iconographic tradition in the art of the ancient Near East, especially in Mesopotamia and Elam. Given its frequency and variety, this theme likely originated in Mesopotamia and subsequently permeated into Elamite cultural and artistic expressions throughout the third and second millennia B.C. Among the most significant examples are statues and iconographies from early Babylon and Middle Elamite, to which the Nahavand stone statue also belongs. The primary objective of this research was to analyze the Nahavand stone sculpture through an iconographic lens and to determine its temporal and geographical context. However, the precise origin and nature of this statue remain uncertain due to the lack of a well-documented archaeological context. Thus, this study approached the object cautiously, focusing primarily on its stylistic and iconographic features rather than its exact provenance. Across various mythological traditions from India to Mesopotamia and Iran gods and goddesses are frequently depicted riding or standing upon animals, not merely as mounts but as symbolic extensions of their divine attributes. For instance, Vishnu rides the mythical eagle Garuda; Shiva mounts the sacred bull, Nandi; and Durga stands or rides upon a tiger or lion, symbolizing triumph over evil. Similarly, Mesopotamian deities such as Inanna (Ishtar) and Marduk are shown riding or standing on powerful animals like bulls and lions Inanna, for instance, is sometimes shown standing atop a lion, signifying dominance over nature and primal force. In this context, the Elamite goddess depicted in the Nahavand statue, standing upon two bulls, appears to draw upon similar iconographic conventions shared among neighboring eastern and western civilizations. The findings of this study suggest that, based on its visual and stylistic attributes, the Nahavand stone statue should be classified as a commemorative sculpture dating to the Sukkalmah period (second millennium B.C.). Geographically, it is likely associated with the broader territory of Simashki. Given the presence of major Elamite sites such as Tepe Giyan in the region, it is plausible to trace the northern extent of Elamite cultural influence into the area of Nahavand.

Study and Conservation of Four Metal Earrings were Found from: The Tepe Zaghe the Dam4-Karun Excavation (Article Taken from the Treatise)

Hamid Reza Bakhshandefard

Abstract
In excavation of the tepe Zaghe the Dam 4-karun,were found different metal objects from middle-Illam.ln this article four metal earrings was studies experimental and analytical. For this purpose use of electron microscopy (SEM-EDS) to identify alloy combination and also microstructure of manufacturing and use of X-ray radiography and Optical Microscopy (OM) to identify construction method and shaping objects. Chemical analysis result show that they made from brass, pure copper, bronze and silver. Microscopic studies showed that the microstructure of the samples including of metallic matrix with sulfide inclusions and lead cells. Brass earrings mading is in the cycle of cold and annealing work and final step in shaping is also cold method. copper and silver earrings are made in alternating cycles of hammering and molding. In the bronze earrings, the presence of dendrites also indicates made from casting method. Also Energy Dispersive X-ray Spectroscopy (XRD), electron microscope (SEM-EDS) and Optical Microscopy (OM) used to identify layers formed. The phenomenon found in the all samples is oxidation. In The copper corrosion samples Copperite and Malachite.Also in the silver sample corrosionlayer, the amount of chlorine and oxygen was increased that made to silver oxide or acanthite.
Keywords: Tepe Zaghe The Dam 4-Karun, Late Bronze /Early Iron Age–Second Millennium BC, Metal Earring, Conservation and Restoration.

Introduction
According to archaeological findings the use of metals in the plateau of Iran and other neighboring areas expands significantly in the second millennium BC. At the end of the second millennium and the beginning of the first millennium BC, using of the metals such as bronze, iron, gold, and silver was common in Iran to making metal objects with different uses.
The catchment area of Karun Dam 4 has been subjected to archeological investigation in 2015 so many hills and sites were discovered belonging to the prehistoric, historical and Islamic eras. One of the important works of the dam lake area is the k4-4 area under the ammunition slum, which was explored during to the 1387 and 1388 in two seasons. numerous bronze objects were discovered, that are mainly ornaments. In this research, she studied the technology and pathology of four earrings, including two small hoop earrings, one wide hoop earring, and one pendant earring. The discovery and study of this collection in terms of belonging to small groups (because the uncovered architectural findings show parts of a small village probably it,s a season that housed a small population of nomadic Elamites) and in the oher words, the normal and very influential society of the Middle Elam period. That have less known to exploreing is important. Considering that no independent research has been done on the knowledge of the technology of the metals explored in this province, and most of the investigations are archaeological research, structural study and identification of the composition of the alloy and elements in the microstructure, technology and identification of the manufacturing and objects forming. Objects, pathology and identification of the layers formed on exposed objects by relying on instrumental and laboratory methods can identify a part of the culture and art of the nomadic tribes of the region for us and multiply the importance of studying and protecting historical-cultural artifacts. On the other hand, graves and the objects inside them can be considered as a living image of special moments in the life of past societies, which provides valuable information in the fields of chronology, ethnography, anthropology, social and economic relations, and social classes (Talaee 2011).
In order to reach to the above mentioned goals, two main questions 1 - elemental composition, type of alloy and how to make the four earrings in question 2 - the process of destruction and corrosion in the mentioned objects including two small hoop earrings, a wide hoop earring and a hanging earring are raised and In the process of this research, the effort was to reach an answer for them based on the studies conducted.

Identified Traces
Most of the studies in the catchment area of Karun Dam4 are limited to archaeological studies. This area was investigated by Aliasghar Noruzi, a member of the faculty of the Research Institute of Archaeology, during which many hills and areas belonging to prehistoric, historical and Islamic eras were discovered in 2015. In this survey of the ancient site of the slum, the most important site identified in the catchment area of Karun Dam 4 was introduced, and based on the additional investigations, this site has been expanded nearly one hectare. The excavations of the first chapter were carried out in 13 workshops and 16 boreholes in 12000 m2 areas, that has very significant results. The width of the area, the value and historical-cultural significance of the unearthed immovable works also made the second chapter of the archaeological excavations of the slum area in 2018, in accordance with the dispersion of the works and in order to further study of the historical-cultural remains in the concentrated parts.Brief reasherches have been done to Regarding the anthropology of the mentioned region and the archaeological evidences of the Elam period in the upper Karun basin, which cannot be mentioned due to the limited space (Norouzi, 2007). Different studies done by many domestic and foreign researchers technological and pathological it has been done on metal objects with different methods that has different results.
As it was said in spite of that there have been studies about the metal works of different ancient sites, but few studies have been done for the works of this ancient site, that are archeological mainly and for this reason doubles research is necessaly.

Conclusion
The composition of the metal/alloy used in sample K4-01 brass, sample k4-02 copper, sample k4-03 bronze and sample K4-04 silver was detected. The Sample K4-01 was made in a cycle of cold work and annealing, samples K4-02 and K4-04 were made by hot hammering or cold hammering with turning, and sample K4-03 was made by casting method. Is.
Corrosion of cuprite and malachite is well known in the samples K4-01 and K4-03. In sample K4-02 brocanthite in sample k4-04 acanthite and chloraragyrite can be detected.
The corrosion layer in the samples includes copper corrosion products along with soil compounds. In sample K4-02, intragranular corrosion and intergranular corrosion were also observed and the surface of the sample was covered with warts. Also, there are cracks on the surface of sample K4-03 due to corrosion and environmental pressure.
The phenomenon that happened in all samples is oxidation. In the samples made of copper, the amount of copper in the corrosion layer is less than of the alloy, and elements such as oxygen, chlorine, and elements related to soil have allocated a significant part of the composition of the corrosion layers. In the corrosion layer of the silver object, silver oxide is formed by increasing the amount of chlorine and oxygen.

Investigating and Studying the Settlement Patterns of Urmia Plain Sites in the Iron Age III

Kazem Mollazade

Abstract
Urmia lake basin is one of the most important cultural basins known in the archeology of Iran and has had a significant contribution in the historical and cultural evolution of northwestern Iran. Urmia plain and its surrounding heights have a special place among them. Due to the favorable environmental conditions in the Iron Age, important settlements were formed in the Urmia Plain. So far, forty-seven sites related to the Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC) have been identified in this plain that classified in the two parts of the settlement sites of the plain (39 settlement sites) and the defensive castles around it (8 castles). Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites belonging to the Iron Age III of Urmia Plain, thirty-one sites with an area between half and five hectares are small villages and settlements. Three Sites are between five and ten hectares and three Sites are between ten and fifteen hectares. The two site of Goy tepe and Dizaj-Takieh, with an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares, are considered among the large sites of Iron Age III of Urmia Plain. The distribution of ancient sites in the studied area is not the same, and among the thirty-nine settlement sites that have Iron Age III layers, a limited number are located in the higher areas of the western, southern and northern belt, and the absolute majority of the settlements are located in the flat plain of Urmia. Most of the settlement sites (about 76%) are less than a thousand meters away from water sources and rivers, and this shows that the water factor is the most important factor in the location selection of settlements in this era. During most of this period, Urmia region was considered one of the Urartian states. The results obtained from the analysis of GIS maps show that despite the pattern of Urartian settlements, which tends to settle and administrative management in mountainous and higher areas, the main and residential settlements of this era were formed in the lowland and their management was only in Military forts were located in higher peripheral areas.
Keywords: Urmia Plain, Iron Age III, Settlement Patterns, Urartu, Mana.

Introduction
Urmia plain is one of the fertile areas in the northwest of Iran, and therefore it has been the focus of human societies from the past until now, and the evidence left behind, such as numerous historical hills, testify to the establishment and exploitation of this plain in different prehistoric times. And it is historical. Even though the archeology teams have investigated the Urmia plain in the past and identified important sites, but most of them only identified and registered the sites And they have not provided chronological and analytical information related to the trajectory of the formation and expansion of Iron Age III sites And this issue has caused the failure to present a detailed map of the pattern of settlements and the state of the sites in this period. Therefore, studying the state of settlements, their formation and expansion can be effective in understanding the cultures and settlement patterns of this period in this great plain. The archeological survey of Urmia Plain was conducted with the aim of identifying and investigating the ancient sites of the Iron Age III and also studying settlement patterns in two seasons in the fall of 2019 and the spring and summer of 2020. The present article, by examining the sites of Iron Age III in the Urmia plain, studied the formation and expansion of the sites according to variables such as height above sea level, water sources, distance and proximity to rivers and vegetation And based on their size, they are ranked and finally, it analyzes and reconstructs the regional landscape of Urmia plain in the Iron Age3 and the environmental patterns of the settlements of this period.

The text of the article and the main discussion
The beginning of the Iron Age III in the important settlement areas of northwestern Iran, including Hasanlu, has been determined following the massive fires that occurred at the end of the Iron Age 2 and led to the destruction of the settlements of this period. Chronologically, this era coincides with the emergence of a new pottery phenomenon, which Young (Young 1965:70) called the new Buff Ware horizon, that appeared in many sites in western Iran. Based on this, in the northwest of Iran, especially in the Urmia lake basin, the Iron 3 period has been introduced at the same time as Hasanlu layer 3. Urmia Plain, as the largest plain on the western shore of Lake Urmia, witnessed extensive changes in the first millennium BC. The importance of the Urmia plain, and its location at an important crossing in the first half of the first millennium BC, has caused the attention of the governments of Urartu, Assyria and even Manna. Urmia Plain in the Iron Age III due to these favorable environmental conditions, especially the flow of permanent and abundant rivers, numerous springs, suitable and fertile land, rich pastures and abundant hunting, has received more and more attention and received a significant population. A population that relies on agricultural livelihood more than anything else, and the location of settlements has been done near stable water sources and main rivers And these places have been chosen according to the topography, slope and type of soil so that water supply to the land can be done easily and also have fertile soil. Among the forty-seven sites of Iron Age III (850 to 550 BC), thirty-two sites were formed on previous settlements and fifteen sites were formed for the first time in this settlement period. Among the thirty-nine settlement sites, thirty-one sites have an average area between half and five hectares, six areas have an area of between five and fifteen hectares, and two areas have an area between fifteen and twenty-four hectares. Among the four major settlement and non-settlement sites of this region, namely Goy tepe, Bari, Ismail-Agha Castle and Dizaj-takiyeh, two sites of Ismail-Agha Castle and Bari Castle are located in the mountainous areas overlooking the Urmia Plain And as fortresses and defensive fortifications, and two settlement sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj-takiyeh, have served as the central places of the plain. By looking at the distribution map of the settlements of this era and paying attention to geographical variables such as distance and proximity to water sources, agricultural lands and the size of the areas, the pattern of settlements in the region can be determined. Most of the sites are formed in the plain. Considering that water has always played an important role in the formation of these establishments and is considered an important indicator for their analysis, It is obvious that the flat areas and near permanent springs and rivers have been given more attention by these tribes. The higher areas of Urmia region have fewer settlements. These settlements can be considered as seasonal settlements, because they were forced to leave the place immediately when the amount of water decreased. Therefore, it seems that the permanent settlements are mainly formed along the permanent rivers. Other geographical variables such as distance and proximity to fertile and suitable agricultural lands and altitude above sea level are effective in this increase in population and settlements.

Conclusion
Among the 187 hills and historical sites identified in Urmia Plain, forty-seven sites from the Iron Age have been identified. Two pottery traditions have been identified, including the Urartian pottery tradition and the local pottery tradition with simple Buff Ware with the influence of late Manna pottery. In addition, suitable environmental conditions have made the Urmia plain one of the main agricultural areas of Azerbaijan, so that this area is considered one of the key areas in the development and population increase in the northwestern plateau of Iran (Biscone 2003:167). Settlement patterns in the Urmia Plain, including residential settlements in the bottom of valleys and low plains and close to fertile lands and water sources, especially permanent and abundant rivers in the region and the creation of fortresses and defense fortifications in the higher parts and on top of the rocks. The establishment of residential centers in the Urmia plain was done during the dominance of the Urartu in the alluvial lands of the plain And the main military centers have been built in the form of strong fortresses in the surrounding heights of this plain and The small sites in Urmia plain, which are less than nineteen sites and their size is less than three hectares, are residential units and small villages that were engaged in agriculture And other settlements of this era in the Urmia plain, which number up to eighteen settlements, are between three and fifteen hectares in size. And they are managed by two large and central sites, Goy tepe and Dizaj- Takiye. Therefore, according to Chrystaller’s model, Goy tepe, as the largest settlement site in the Urmia plain, controlled the central and northern sites of the plain, and Dizaj- Takiye, in the second place in size, controlled the southern sites of the Urmia plain.

Water Supply Systems of the Kur River Basin in the Achaemenid Period

Farshad Miri

Abstract
The Kur River basin, located in the Northwest of Fars province, is considered one of the main centers of the formation of the Achaemenid Empire. In terms of geographical landscape and climatic characteristics, the mentioned region includes vast intermountain plains (including Marvdasht and Korbal), rivers with deep beds (Kur and Sivand) and semi-arid climate. According to these conditions, the managers of Achaemenid economic-political institutions intelligently used the environmental capabilities of the region by building dams, weirs, Pool, reservoirs/catchments and canals to control surface waters and direct them to the ground. Agriculture and human settlements have paid. The dams and Weirs, while playing the aforementioned role, also prevented the damage to the agricultural lands located downstream by controlling the floods. The method of construction and selection of materials in the construction of structures has been different depending on the environment and their function. Dams and Weirs are mainly formed with an earthen core and a stone wall. The canals are also created in two ways: earthen and stone, or a combination of these two methods. The discussed structures have been attributed to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding sites and comparative comparison with similar structures. The present study tries to introduce the Hydraulic Structures of the Kur River basin, its functional nature and morphological characteristics by using the descriptive-analytical method and by examining the evidences resulting from archaeological excavations and surveys.
Keywords: Achaemenians, Kur River Basin, Hydraulic Structures, Canal, Agriculture.

Introduction
Central Fars region/Kur basin has a semi-arid climate with a Mediterranean rainfall pattern, most of which occurs in the winter season. New geological research and climate data show that during the Achaemenid period, the weather conditions of the Kur River basin were very similar to today (Djamali et al., 2009; Kehl et al., 2009; Rigot, 2010). Therefore, water control and management in a semi-arid environment with irregular rainfall patterns and rivers with deep beds has been vital and inevitable. According to these conditions, the managers of the political and economic institutions of the region have invested in the construction of structures such as dams, Weirs, reservoirs, and canals, whose works and evidence have been proven as a result of research and investigation. These Structures were built in different areas of the Kur River and with different purposes. The discussed structures in terms of dimensions and size, the amount of work and the materials used show the support and investment of the government. Therefore, the existence of various water structures, conducting targeted research in order to find out the functional nature of the structures, their physical structure and the reasons for assigning them to the Achaemenid period seems necessary. The main and important question of the current research is what was the function and performance of Hydraulic Structures in the Kur River basin during the Achaemenid period? What was the basis of the chronology and assignment of the studied water structures to the Achaemenid period? The structure, the environmental study and the geographical background of the formation of the structures have shown their various functions, such as supplying water to human settlements and agricultural lands, controlling and directing floods. Also, the discussed structures have been dated to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding sites and comparative comparison with similar Structures.

Identified Traces
As it was mentioned before, as a result of Archaeological investigations and researches, several important Hydraulic structures from the Achaemenid period have been identified and studied in the Kur river basin. In terms of morphological characteristics, the mentioned structures are divided into groups such as Dams, Weirs, Canals and Reservoirs. Among them, we can mention Band-e- Dokhtar, Bard Burideh II, Band-e- Bas II, Rahmat Mountain Canal, Asiyab Dam, Qondashloo Mountain Canal, etc. For the accurate dating of some of these structures (such as the band Dokhtar and the Bard Burideh), there is enough evidence, including the use of carved stone blocks and Dovetail Clamps. But some others can be attributed to the Achaemenid period based on possible evidence, including comparative comparison with similar structures and the connection with the surrounding sites. Band-e- Bas II and identified channels are included in this group. The precision and skill used in the construction of these structures indicate the existence of advanced engineering in the Achaemenid period. The chosen place for the implementation of Hydraulic projects reflects their functional nature. Therefore, it can be said that most of the Hydraulic Structures can be defined in connection with water supply and irrigation projects. The reason for the existence of Channels makes sense in this connection. Band-e- Dokhtar, Band-e- Bas and Asiyab Dam probably had a multifaceted function (irrigation, water supply and flood control). The Persepolis Tablets refer to a large amount of Agricultural and horticultural products in the Kur River basin. According to the texts of Persepolis, the diet of the people of this area in the Achaemenid period was mainly based on Agricultural products (barley and wine). Some of these crops can only be cultivated if irrigated. In addition, the implementation of irrigation projects has made it possible to plant nurseries and fruit gardens (mentioned in the Tablets).

Conclusion
As the heart of the Achaemenid Empire, the Kur River basin has diverse environmental and geographical capabilities, including vast and fertile plains and permanent rivers. These natural characteristics have prompted the economic policy makers of the Achaemenid Empire to implement the economic programs of the Kur region according to its potential. The use and exploitation of surface water (rivers and springs) for the economic prosperity of the region by building structures such as dams, Weirs, canals and reservoirs is one of these measures. In this context, Band-e- Dokhtar and the canal branching from it, Bard Burideh II, Band-e- Bas II, Koh-e- Rahmat Canal, Koh-e- Qondashloo Canal, Koh-e- Ayyub Canal, Dezhabad-Amir Aqueduct are worth mentioning. The environmental study of the formation of structures and their placement in the landscape of the region shows that the main purpose of creating structures was to supply water to human settlements and Agricultural lands. The Persepolis Archive implicitly indicate the expansion and prosperity of agriculture/Gardening activities and diet based on agricultural products in the Kur river basin. Also, the reference of the Tablets to the cultivation of water crops (cotton, flax and rice) and various fruits can be considered as clear evidence of the role of water supply structures. The discussed structures have been attributed to the Achaemenid period, mainly based on their morphological features, type of materials, connection with the surrounding Sites and comparative comparison with similar structures. In terms of size and dimensions, the above structures show the amount of work and materials used for government support and investment.

Distribution of Achaemenid Settlements in the Middle Ramhormoz Plain, Khuzestan, Southwest Iran

Leila Afshari

Abstract
Prior to L. Afshari’s fieldwork in Ramhormoz, the known Achaemenid sites from the plain only amounted to 17 in number. Yet, given factors such as favorable climate and fertile soil for agriculture, existence of important rivers such as Kupal and Sandali, proximity to such trade routes as the Susa-Persepolis royal road as well as to the two major Achaemenid capitals of Susa and Persepolis, we deemed the figure to be rather underrated, believing that there must be much more concomitant settlements in this plain. During our investigation, the sites recorded by the previous team were re-visited and new coeval sites were also identified. The survey of 2020, directed by one of the authors (L. Afshari), did not encompass the entire Ramhormoz plain. Covering only its middle part straddling the Ala River with a total area of about 53000 hectares (530 sq. k), the survey recorded 36 Achaemenid settlements. Identification of the relevant sites was based on Khuzestan’s local pottery of the Achaemenid period reported from Tape Daroughe. In this study, the impact of geographical factors such as the presence of large rivers and fertile lands on the genesis and prosperity of settlements was evaluated. The surface architectural finds are suggestive of interactions between rural and nomadic communities. Results of the surveys indicated the proximity to ancient royal roads and access to water sources and pastures to be the determining factors in the distribution pattern of Achaemenid settlements over the Ramhormoz plain. This survey program aimed to identify and locate the Achaemenid sites in the Ramhormoz plain, to examine their interrelations, to record their characteristics through sampling and observing pottery pieces, to establish a relative chronology for them based on the typology of surface pottery collections, and final to draw cross-regional typological comparisons with major sites in other parts of Iran, South Mesopotamia, and East Anatolia.
Keywords: Southwest Iran, Khuzestan, Ramhormoz Plain, Settlements, Achaemenid Period.

Introduction
The vast region of Ramhormoz stretches up to the mountain belt of Khuzestan to the north. Sitting in the eastern Khuzestan plain at an elevation above sea level of 120 m, the plain of Ramhormoz encompasses a total area of 620 sq. km. All across southwestern Iran, Ramhormoz is the region with the least archaeological investigation. Despite this paucity of work, recent studies have demonstrated the regional settlements (in both mountains and plains) to be integral to any understanding of the culture of the Achaemenid period. Geographic location of the region, the nature of settlements in the transition zone between plains and mountains, and their continuity and cultural ties with each other also furnish a pattern for grasping the Achaemenid world’s settlement policy. In addition, given its strategic location during the concerned period, the plain assumed a central role in the interactions between Iran, Mesopotamia and Anatolia. It is of great importance also because of its location on the Royal Road from Susa to Persepolis.
The southwestern region of Iran played an important role in establishing cultural, economic, and political interactions with surrounding areas such as Mesopotamia and Anatolia throughout the 1st millennium BC. The number of archaeological studies conducted in the Ramhormoz area has been quite limited. Despite the lack of archaeological information, the studies carried out in recent years have shown the significant role the cultures in the region (both the mountain and plain settlers) played in understanding the Achaemenid Culture.
The significance of the region was further revealed with the surface surveys carried out by Donald Mc Cown in the region and the excavations he conducted at Tol-e Geser (McCown, 1949, 1954). Surveys conducted by Wright and Carter in 1969 also pointed to connections between the region’s lowland and mountainous parts of southwestern Iran (Wright and Carter, 2003). Although the dimensions are different, it has been observed that the settlements share some common features with the mountainous parts of Persian geography. As a result of contemporary archaeological resources and the survey conducted under my supervision, the characteristics of the Achaemenid settlements in the Ramhormoz plain in Southwest Iran were reanalyzed. The influence of geographical factors such as the presence of large rivers and fertile lands on the formation and prosperity of the settlements and the relations between sedentary, rural, and nomadic communities were studied. Also, the transformations in the settlement system, distribution, and population differences during the Achaemenid period were revealed and subsequently / mapped.

Discussion
This survey program aimed to identify and locate the Achaemenid sites in the Ramhormoz plain, to examine their interrelations, to record their characteristics through sampling and observing pottery pieces, to establish a relative chronology for them based on the typology of surface pottery collections, and final to draw cross-regional typological comparisons with major sites in other parts of Iran, South Mesopotamia, and East Anatolia. The realization of the latter aim will have important implications for the Achaemenid archeology of southwestern Iran, altering the existing views. In light of our findings, it is possible to propose a distribution pattern for the settlements in the middle of the Ramhormoz plain as being clustered in two regions, viz. northwest and southeast, on both banks of the Ala River. The finds of primary importance from the settlements of the plain are pottery assemblages. To explore the Achaemenid pottery, they were first classified by shape, which consisted of the five groups of carinated bowls, bowls with a spherical body and a simple rim, necked jars, short-necked jars, and storage jars. This was followed by comparative studies for dating the pottery. Our observations show that the Achaemenid pottery traditions continued well into the subsequent period after the demise of the empire.
Thus, it is notable here that the materials and settlements discussed in this paper can potentially extend in date to as late as a century after the Achaemenid period. In terms of technical characteristics, the pottery splits into five groups: common, light green-slipped, red-slipped, eggshell, and painted wares.
Drawing on historical sources and archeological findings as well as the conducted studies, the villages across the plain tend to be clustered around or be related to the Susa-Persepolis trade route. The rich geography of the plain has informed the dynamics of its settlements over time. Notwithstanding the severe disturbances induced by modern settlements and agricultural and industrial activities, the identified settlement centers reveal direct or indirect link with the commercial or military routes of the Achaemenid times. In other words, their formation along the commercial routes was primarily meant to facilitate intra- and cross-regional contacts. The proximity of settlements to the royal road between Susa and Persepolis evinces the integral role the road played in the cultural interactions of the Achaemenid period. Therefore, archaeological studies directed by Esmail Yaghmai are important in detecting the remains of settlements along the royal road linking Susa to Persepolis as they reveal the characteristics of the settlement policy.

Conclusion
With the completion of the archaeological investigation in the Ramhormoz plain and the study of the findings and data obtained from this investigation, it seems that a general understanding of the cultural remains related to the Achaemenid period and the distribution of the sites of this period can be achieved to some extent. It was thus revealed that proximity to commercial roads and access to water resources and pasture were the main determinants in the distribution model of Achaemenid settlements. Rich pastures for nomads, the potential for irrigated agriculture for settlers, and access to communication routes provided advantages for both lifestyles. Therefore, the settlement pattern is more associated with roads. When the location of the settlements and their distance to each other are examined, it is seen that the frequency of settlements on the Susa-Persepolis Royal Road is very high. Settlements are located on the road within short distances of each other, which shows that the road is a determining factor on settlements in the region due to its socio-economic advantages.
Ramhormoz plain shows that the Achaemenid settlements in this plain maintained strong intra- and cross-regional cultural and economic ties. In terms of extent, Tol-e Ishan Seyyed Shabib or Tol-e Toupi, Tape Mava, Tape Mehr Alnesa and Tape Kheyr Alnesa appear to be examples of such type of villages. With respect to the location of settlements and their distance from each other, a concentration of settlements is discernible along the Royal Rod—they are clustered along this road at close intervals. This fact indicates that routs played a decisives role in the formation of regional settlements, and that the Royal Road yielded multiple economic and political advantages. In general, it is possible to say that most of the settlements in the Ramhormoz plain lie on the riparian areas or along the Royal Road from Susa to Persepolis, and judging by the pottery collections, there clearly were close interrelations between these settlements and interactions with neighboring regions. On this very basis, one may safely surmise that a local and highly advanced pottery industry prevailed in the plain during the Achaemenid period. Cross-comparisons of the surface pottery assemblages from the Ramhormoz plain with the excavated material from sites in southwestern Iran, southern Mesopotamia and eastern Anatolia indicate the presence of early, mid- and late Achaemenid ceramics, suggesting that the Achaemenid cultural horizon continued uninterruptedly over the plain between 330‒550 BC.

The Study of Sassanid Stamped Pottery from Vigol

Mohsen Javeri

Abstract
Recent studies in some archaeological sites of the Central Plateau of Iran and Afghanistan show that a style of decorating potteries known as stamped decoration was favorable to the Sassanid artists. Vigol, an archaeological site located in the northern Isfahan province (Aran and Bidgol), is one of those sites with several examples of Stamped motifs. This paper aims to study the patterns and abundance of stamped motifs and their chronology through comparative studies. Thus, our goal is to answer these questions: What are the patterns of stamped motifs in Vigol and how can we provide statistics on their frequency? What similarities do these motifs have with other common motifs in the art of the Sassanid period? Which of the existing samples can be compared with other motifs from Sassanid sites? The research method is descriptive-analytical which mostly relies on field and desk research. The results show that the motifs on the 49 stamped potsherds can be divided into seven categories, including heart-shaped, vegetal, circular, geometric, abstract, arch-shaped, and paisley patterns (Boteh). The first group of motifs including heart-shaped, vegetal, circular, arch-shaped, paisley, and some geometric motifs, are comparable to some artistic aspects of the Sassanid period like stucco design or reliefs and stamped motifs from other Sassanid sites. Chronologically stamped motifs of Vigol are comparable to some sites like Sassanid sites of southeastern Tehran province, Chal Tarkhan of Ray, Qaleh-Gabri and Langi-rud of Qom; and sites like Qasri-Abu Nasr, Ctesiphon, Qal’eh-i Yazdigird and Mes Aynak outside of the survey area. Several geometric and abstract motifs seem to be local and similar examples cannot be found.
Keywords: Aran and Bidgol, Vigol, Sassanid Art, Sassanid Pottery, Stamped Motifs.

Introduction
Vigol is located in the southeast of Aran and Bidgol, nowadays surrounded by dunes deserts, and shrubs that cover most of the site. Based on some early and middle Islamic texts, this site was probably one of the villages around Kashan. In Tarikh-i Qum (History of Qom) written by Hassan ibn Mohammad Qomi, Aran, Haraskan, Noush-Abad, and Halil are mentioned. Some scholars believe that Halil is the same as Vigol, although its name is not mentioned as Vigol in Tarikh-i Qum (Mashhadi Noushabadi, 2017: 36). Nevertheless, what attaches importance to Vigol is the presence of two castles in the east and west of the site, mainly referred to as two separate urban structures of the Sassanid period. Also, a Fire temple unearthed in the vicinity of the western site is a unique example of Sassanid art and architecture that emphasizes singlehandedly the position of Vigol among other sites that belong to this period (Javari, 2015: 87). But we can’t escape the fact the existence of this fire-temple caused other studies, including potteries, to be forgotten. So, there is no comprehensive study focusing on Vigol’s potsherds and their importance in understanding the typology, classification, and chronology of the Sassanid pottery. The only paper available that covers Vigol’s pottery is the one that exclusively studies 98 potsherds of the Sassanid period. Results show that Sassanid pottery includes a simple and unglazed type with shapes of all kinds such as bowls, bins, jars, vats, pots, flats, trays, lids, and handles, which are comparable with other Sassanid sites of the west, northeast, south, and the central plateau of Iran.
But this paper’s focus is on Vigol’s stamped pottery of the Sassanid period. Concerning this issue, we have chosen 49 potsherds with stamped motifs and analyzed them based on their piece and patterns. These potsherds mostly belong to the body of earthen wares, but some rims, necks, shoulders, and bases are also examined. Shapes such as necked jars, closed-mouth jars, bowls, and lids are also decorated with stamped patterns. These potsherds have dough in the buff, red and brown colors, they are wheel-made with a decent firing. The temper includes minerals such as fine and coarse gravel, sand, lime, mica, and quartz and plants such as straw. Considering motifs, we have divided potsherds into seven categories: heart-shaped, vegetal, circular, geometric, abstract, arch-shaped, and paisley patterns (Boteh). In general, these motifs form the basis of our current research, thus other measures such as shape have been avoided.

Discussion
Studying Vigol’s potsherds shows that potters were particularly interested in this type of decoration and used it in all kinds of shapes. Many of the stamp motifs of this site have traces of the Sassanid period and are reminiscent of the religious-ritual beliefs and artistic interests that dominated this historical period. Motifs include heart-shaped, vegetal, circular, geometric, abstract, arch-shaped, and paisley patterns (Boteh), among which the usage and variety of abstract motifs and geometric motifs are more visible. Abstract motifs were used as decorative borders on the lower part of the rim or the body of the vessels. Geometric motifs are also usually borders with incised motifs in horizontal or vertical rows and are even scattered all over a potsherd. Also used in horizontal or vertical rows as a decorative border, are circulars which are among the other diverse motifs. In some cases, these motifs have been used in the frames of incised motifs in the body of an earthenware. Due to the similarity of these motifs to the sun or the lotus flower, they cannot be separated from the religious-ritual beliefs ruling the Sassanid period.
Motifs in small numbers such as heart-shaped, vegetal, arch-shaped, and Boteh, are important considering their content and similarity to other artistic and ritual aspects of the Sassanid period. Despite the common usage of heart-shaped motifs in other forms of art in the Sassanid period such as stucco design, reliefs, and garments, these motifs are among the diverse items of Vigol’s potsherds, and unique when we compare them with other Sassanid sites. These motifs also decorate pots in vertical and horizontal rows and share a similarity of designs with the stucco of well-known Sassanid sites of Barz-Qavale and Ctesiphon. Compared to other motifs, heart-shaped motifs are the only case that evokes the arts of the Sassanid period in such diversity.
It must be admitted that most of the stamped motifs of Vigol are similar to the potsherds surveyed at other Sassanid sites. Thus, for a more reliable chronology, we have divided Sassanid sites into two categories: Sassanid sites of southeastern Tehran province, Chal Tarkhan of Ray, Qaleh-Gabri and Langi-rud of Qom located inside the area of survey; and sites like Qasri-Abu Nasr, Ctesiphon, Qal’eh-i Yazdigird and Mes-Aynak which are located in the outside.
Some stamped motifs such as circular, vegetal, and several geometric motifs, are comparable to other motifs obtained from known Sassanid. But some other geometric motifs, vertical or horizontal rows of abstract motifs used in the decoration of earthenware, seem to have a local nature. Because a similar example of them has not been found among other common arts of the Sassanid period and sites with stamped motifs.

Conclusion
The Sassanid art is known to be overwhelmed with luxurious aspects and motifs that are represented in Stucco design, Reliefs, metalwork, and, textiles. However, looking into other artistic features of this period indicates a new and unique medium. To comprehend this topic, we need to study the pottery created during the Sassanid period. We should consider its artistic value and how it is affected by the religious and ritual practices of that time. Vigol is one of the Sassanid sites with a fire temple that is a representation of their influence and power. Potsherds related to this period show the importance of pottery and its decoration. Examining these samples shows that most of them are simple and unglazed with stamped decorations, the variety and abundance of which is remarkable. Also, stamped sherds of vigol pottery is inspired by other artistic motifs of this period, such as heart-shaped motifs. According to the available documents and studies, it can be said that pottery has been a more appropriate cultural material for performing roles than other decorative arts. The comparison of motifs found on Stamped samples shows that this type of decoration was not only in Vigol but also in other important Sassanid sites in Mesopotamia, Iran, and Afghanistan. However, in some cases, the decoration of Stamped in Vigol shows a special variety that distinguishes it from other examples in the Sassanid period. Further studies consisting of archaeological surveys and excavations will add to our knowledge regarding the production and variety of motifs of Stamped potteries.

A Port Not on Seashore: An Inquiry into the History of “Qal’eh Bandar” in Shiraz

Morteza Ataie

Abstract
Qal’eh Bandar is situated on top of the mountain on the northern edge of the Shiraz plain. It overlooks a gorge which, along with Allah Akbar Gorge, was one of the few access routes from the Shiraz plain to the northern plains and the Marvdasht plain. The remains of this castle, including its towers and its three intriguing deep stone wells, are overlooking the street that leads to Saadi Tomb. According to historical and archaeological evidence, before the construction of the new city of Shiraz Qal’eh Bandar, alongside other fortifications such as Qasr-i Abu Nasr and possibly Pol-i Fasa Qal’eh, controlled the Shiraz plain during Sasanian and early Islamic periods. There are limited archaeological investigations of this fort, however the authors attempt to reconstruct the history, periods of occupation, and abandonment of this significant castle in the Shiraz plain by gathering and analyzing historical documents and archaeological findings. The main question of this research is the history of settlement of Qal’eh Bandar, as well as its connection to the name “Shahmubad Castle,” mentioned in some early Islamic geographical sources. The study results indicate that Qal’eh Bandar was used intermittently and frequently, at least from the Sassanian to the Safavid period, after which it was abandoned. However, there were also periods when the castle was abandoned and possibly unused. Folklore literature and culture reveal interesting similarities between the narratives of Qal’eh Bandar and the stories of the “One Thousand and One Nights,” which have not been previously considered. Additionally, contrary to common belief, “Shāhmubad Castle” does not correspond to Qal’eh Bandar but rather to the ruins of “Qasr-i Abu Nasr.
Keywords: Shiraz Plain, Qal’e Bandar, Pahandar, Shāhmubad, Qasr-i Abu Nasr.

Introduction
Historical evidence suggests that the Shiraz region lacked urban structures prior to the establishment of the new city in the latter half of the first century AH. Ibn Balkhi clearly indicated the absence of any city in this area before the Muslim Arab invasion. He described pre-Islamic Shiraz as a region with strong Castles. Considering the use of names similar to Shiraz and the mention of the Shiraz Castle in the Elamite tablets of Persepolis (Ti-ra-iz-zī-iš / Šir-zī-iš / Ti-ra-zī-iš / Ši-ra-iz-zī-iš), which reflect the Elamite version of the Old Persian name *Dīrāčiš, Richard Frye proposed the hypothesis that during the Achaemenid period, the name Shiraz referred to a region encompassing several villages and Castles. After the Achaemenid era, the name Shiraz reappears in the form of šyrɔcy as part of the Ardashir-Khwarrah district in Sasanian seals discovered at the site known as Qasr Abu Nasr in Shiraz. These pieces of evidence are significant for two main reasons. They help in determining the precise location of Shiraz in Sasanian era. They also provide insights into the political and administrative divisions of that period. It appears that, alongside Qasr Abu Nasr, other Castles were important in controlling and administrating of the Shiraz plain before Islam. Among these castles, Qal’eh Bandar holds great importance. Researchers have often identified it with the Shāhmubad Castle, the most important Castle in Shiraz according to early Islamic sources. However, no clear evidence has been provided to support this identification yet. The present research intents to answer two primary questions. First, is there a historical and geographical connection between Qal’eh Bandar and toponym Shāhmubad castle? Second, based on historical texts and archaeological evidence, when this Castle was inhabited and abandoned? Despite the significant historical and archaeological importance of Qal’eh Bandar, there has been little comprehensive research on the history and archaeology of this castle. By examining and analyzing the historical and geographical sources, and then correlating them with archaeological findings, this article reveals information on the history and periods of settlement and abandonment of Qal’eh Bandar in the Shiraz plain. It also provides a more detailed understanding of the role and significance of Qal’eh Bandar in the context of the broader historical and administrative landscape of Shiraz.

Discussion
Several famous Islamic geographers referred to an ancient castle called “Shāhmubad” in Shiraz. Moreover, Istakhari mentioned a Tasuj called “Shāhmubad/Shāhmarnak” among the thirteen Tasujs of the Shiraz plain. Most modern researchers have considered Shāhmubad castle to be the same as Qal’eh Bandar without any evidence. Moreover, Whitcomb has attempted to define the area of Tasuj Shāhmarnak/Shāhmubad in the Shiraz plain based on Qal’eh Bandar’s location (or Shāhmubad castle, in his opinion and that of other researchers). The authors, however, believe that Shāhmubad’s castle is not actually Qal’eh Bandar but rather the ruins of Qasr-i Abu Nasr. In support of this location, one should consider a bulla discovered at Qasr-i Abu Nasr, which is the most common seal impression in this collection. It bears the Middle Persian inscription šylɔcy mgwx. The legend “mgwx” or “mgwh” referred to the most common administrative position seen in the administrative seal impressions on Sasanian bullae. There has been much discussion about it. Frye suggested that “mgwx” is an abbreviation of /magu-x[wadāy]/ mgwx[wtɔy], meaning chief magu/chief priest. To support this reconstruction, Frye referred to a bulla in the British Museum which bears the full form of the word mgwxwdɔt.
Since the Middle Persian word xwadāy means Lord, and it was usually translated to Shah in New Persian texts—such as the translation of Khwaday-Namag into Shahnameh—the authors believe that “Shāhmubad” could also be a new translation of magu xwadāy. Furthermore, if a Sasanian and early Islamic castle was named “Shāhmubad” or a similar version of this word, the castle is not Qal’eh Bandar but possibly Qasr-i Abu Nasr, where magu xwadāy or his administrative institution was located.
Based on historical texts, nine phases can be identified in Pahander Castle, including construction, restoration, addition, and destruction:
- Phase 1: Construction, Sasanian period, probably Shapur II’s reign
- Phase 2: Addition, Sasanian period, probably Yazdgird III’s reign
- Phase 3: Destruction, Arab conquests, 1st century AH
- Phase 4: Restoration, Buyid, Imad al-Dawla (327 AH)
- Phase 5: Restoration or addition, Buyid, Aḍud al-Dawla
- Phase 6: Restoration, Buyid, Abu Qanim ibn-i Amaid al-Dawla
- Phase 7: Restoration or addition, Muzaffarids, Shāh Shoja (760 AH)
- Phase 8: Restoration, Timurid, Amir Sunjak (796 AH)
- Phase 9: Final destruction, Safavid, Imam Quli Khan (after 1031 AH)
Moreover, three phases of abandonment can be considered:
- Phase 1: From the late 1st century AH until the Buyid period
- Phase 2: From the middle of the Seljuk period until the Injuids
- Phase 3: From the middle of the Safavid period until the present
The mentioned phases are based only on historical evidence and should be complemented with archaeological surveys and investigations.

Conclusion
Before the construction of the newfound city of Shiraz in the second half of the first century AH, a system of fortifications, including Qal’eh Bandar, Qal’eh Pol-i Fasa, and Qasr-i Abu Nasr as the center, were erected to control the Shiraz plain during pre-Islamic (particularly Sasanian) and early Islamic periods. It remains unclear why previous researchers have identified Qal’eh Bandar as the Shāhmubad castle mentioned in Islamic geographical sources. The present study clarifies that there is not solid evidence to substantiate this claim. In addition, the sigillographic evidence from Qasr-i Abu Nasr indicates that it is very probable that Qasr-i Abu Nasr, rather than Qal’eh Bandar, considered as the Shāhmubad castle. Although Qal’eh Bandar is situated on a rather low mountain, its strategic position allowed to control the Shiraz plain and the adjacent gorge, which was one of the few significant routes providing access from the Shiraz plain to the northern regions and the Marvdasht plain. This location advantage resulted in intermittent occupations at Qal’eh Bandar from its construction during the historical period—probably Sasanians—up to the later Islamic centuries. The significant strategic position of Qal’eh Bandar is evident from its intermittent settlements over the centuries. However, when the adjacent route lacked its importance, and the Safavid sought to reduce government expenditures, Qal’eh Bandar was destroyed by Imam Qoli Khan. Following its destruction, the castle was never rebuilt again. Despite its destruction, Qal’eh Bandar left a rich legacy in the collective memory of the people of Shiraz. This legacy persists in both bitter and sweet memories; Most often bitterly, due to the harsh punishment inflicted on adulteresses by throwing them into the well of the castle, or sometimes sweetly, through the recollection of its rock slide, which has become a part of local folklore.

An Analysis of Pottery from the 11th to the 14th Centuries in the Historical Area of the Ancient City of Belqeis or Esfarayen

Mohammad Farjami

Abstract
Belqeis site or Old Esfarayen is considered one of the important urban centers in the Islamic era and in the North Khorasan province. Based on historical sources and archaeological excavations, this city has been inhabited since the early Islamic centuries until the Safavid period. So far, many books and articles have been published about this city and some of its archaeological evidence; But parts of its findings have not been published yet. Pottery from the 11th to the 14th century is among the archeological findings of this site, which have not been introduced and investigated in any independent research. These works include various decorative groups, some of which are less known. These factors show the necessity of conducting independent research in this field. The current research was based on two essential and main questions, which are as follows: How many groups were the pottery from the 11th to 14th centuries, what decorative features do they have, and which regions are they comparable to? What are the production centers of this pottery? According to these questions, the main goal of the current research is to investigate, analyze, and compare the pottery of the 11th to 14th centuries in the vicinity of the Belqeis site and to identify their possible production center or centers. The descriptive-analytical method was used to conduct the present research and the method of collecting information is based on field and library studies. As a result of the present research, various types of unglazed and glazed pottery from the 11th to 14th centuries of the area were investigated, described, and compared. In the meantime, some decorative techniques such as drop-drop glazing were also presented in the research for the first time. Much of the studied pottery was probably produced on the site itself, whose production evidence was also shown in the article. Still, some pottery, such as lusterware and celadon, was probably exported to this city from other centers such as Jurjan, Jiroft, Kashan and China.
Keywords: Pottery, Esfarayen, Belqeis Site, 11th to 14th Century, Islamic Era.

Introduction
Esfarayen is one of the ancient cities of North Khorasan province, which has been subject to calamities, looting, and attacks many times throughout history. Historians have called Esfarayen the border of Nishapur or Jurjan. Most of the transformations of this city are related to the 9 to 11 centuries; However, in the period of 12th and 13th centuries, it faced decline and was attacked twice by the Ghoz and then by the Mongols. In the 14 century and with the establishment of Sarbedars rule in the region, the city became relatively prosperous for a while, and this process continued until the Safavid period. According to these cases, it is clear that the life of the ancient city of Esfarayen continued continuously from the beginning of Islam to the Safavid period; This is despite the fact that our awareness regarding the archaeological findings of this city, especially its pottery, includes most of the early Islamic centuries. On the other hand, our knowledge about the pottery of the Islamic era of Greater Khorasan also includes the periods before the Mongol attack and after the Timurids came to power; While our knowledge about the pottery of the 13-14 centuries in the region is relatively small. Considering that the social life of the city of Esfarayen spanned the entire 11th to 14th centuries, it was necessary to investigate the pottery of this period in independent research. A subject that has not been independently addressed in any research so far. According to these cases, the current research is based on two essential and main questions, which are as follows: How many groups were the pottery from the 11th to 14th centuries, what decorative features do they have and which regions are they comparable to? What are the production centers of this pottery? According to these questions, the main goal of the current research is to investigate, analyze, and compare the pottery of the 11th to 14th centuries at the Belqeis site and identify their possible production center or centers.
Descriptive-analytical method was used to conduct the present research and the method of collecting information is based on field and library studies. Based on this, the pottery studied in this article is related to the archaeological excavations of the third and fourth seasons of the Belqeis site. After the initial documentation and description of these pottery, they have been classified and their comparative study with other sites has been done.

Discussion
In the present study, only the pottery was examined and studied, which included the 11th to 14th centuries according to the comparative dates. These potteries were divided into two groups, unglazed and glazed, and each group was examined separately. The unglazed pottery of the area has a clay paste in the color range of pea, red, green, and black, and various motifs are used on some pieces. Some unglazed pottery from the area, such as red paste samples, probably from Jurjan or Jiroft, were exported to this area. But other decorative pottery, such as molded and stamped samples, were produced in the area itself.
The glazed pottery of the area also has various clay pastes, frit-ware, and porcelain. The single-colored glazed examples of the area generally have a frit paste, and most of them are turquoise-green in color. Most of these production pieces were probably from the Belqis site. Among the single-colored glazed pottery of the area, scattered pieces of Celadon pottery were also identified, which imported from China in the 14th century. Pottery with the underglaze painting technique has a lot of variety and is generally frit-ware. Some of this pottery, such as the blue and white samples, was probably the production of the area itself, but the pottery, such as the Silhouette and Sultanabad samples, was exported to this area from other centers such as Jurjan, Nishapur, and Kashan. have been Lusterware pottery, which all belong to the 13th century, are exported from other regions such as Jurjan or Kashan.
It should be noted that in the excavations of the site, in addition to the pottery kiln, many slags were also found inside the kiln and its surrounding areas. Among the evidence of pottery production in the area, we can mention the following: scattered pieces of clay molds, three, four, or multi-faceted clay stamps, and many pieces of clay balls that sometimes have glazes on them. It can be seen, many pieces of pottery tripods, clay chines, unglazed or glazed pottery, deformed or stuck together, crudely carved pottery, and objects Cone-shaped pottery that was obtained along with other findings related to pottery production.
According to the existence of this solid evidence as well as petrographic studies conducted on some terracotta pieces, it can be assumed that many of the studied terracotta pieces were produced in the area itself; But some pieces, such as examples of lusterware, Celadon, Sultanabad, and some painted red paste pottery, were imported from other centers such as Jurjan, Nishapur, Jiroft, Kashan, and China.

Conclusion
The present research was carried out with the aim of examining, comparing, and dating the pottery of the 11th to 14th centuries of the Belqeis site and also identifying the possible centers or centers of their production. As a result of the present research, various types of unglazed pottery of this period were investigated, analyzed, and compared. As an example, pottery with drop glaze decoration was introduced and it was checked that this decorative method was used in combination with other motifs on the unglazed pottery of the area. Due to the fact that in addition to unglazed pottery, evidence of pottery production was also obtained in the excavations of the area, it can be said that most of the unglazed samples were probably produced in the area itself; But pottery such as unglazed embossed red paste with stumpy decoration and sphero-conical vessel pieces were probably exported to this area from the two centers of Jurjan and Jiroft. Because the production evidence of this pottery was obtained in these two centers and the form and patterns of the pottery in the area are somewhat similar to the production samples of these two centers.
Many of the glazed pottery of the middle Islamic ages of the area, despite the great variety, were probably produced in the area itself; As an example, we can refer to the single-color turquoise glazed pottery of ferritic paste, the examples of single-color oil-lamps of frit-ware, and the blue and white pottery with a striped pattern. Apart from these cases, in the excavations of the area, scattered fragments of other pottery groups of this time period were found, which were probably imported from other centers due to less dispersion and lack of identification of proof of their production in the area. are as an example, we can mention the obtained luster-ware, Sultan-Abad, Celadon, and Silhouette pottery, which may have been imported from centers such as Kashan, Jurjan, and Nishapur.

The Necessity of Rereading Architectural Extensions of Historical Buildings

Ali Zamanifard

Abstract
Throughout history, historical architectural works have been maintained, changed in use, expanded spatially, and had architectural elements added. These interventions and additions contribute to the dynamic nature of a structure. However, dealing with these additions, whether through familiarization, complementary conservation, or occupation of the constituent elements, can be a complex process. Proper actions in conservation, stabilization or destruction require an understanding of the reasons behind the existence of each layer, which could provide the basis for essential actions. This research aims to examine the formation of historical layers over time. It seeks to address questions such as the role of historical layers in conservation decisions and the process of a building’s evolution. This study is classified as applied and developmental research, utilizing a combination of strategies and research methods. It will be a qualitative research study based on a case study approach, utilizing archival documents, fieldwork, and library resources, and documentary data collection. The study will place a particular emphasis on conducting field observations. The Pir Bakran building has been chosen as an important architectural feature to illustrate the path towards understanding buildings with multiple historical layers. It heavily relies on the research method based on case samples and data analysis. Ultimately, this research emphasizes the importance of a comprehensive understanding of historical structures and their different aspects throughout the conservation process. This includes accurate knowledge of the work’s existence, nature, and the recognition of all historical layers and the reasons behind their creation as the work has developed and evolved over time. Such understanding forms the foundation for effective and proper conservation.
Keywords: Architectural Extensions, Historical Layers, Evidence- Based Restoration, Pir Bakran Mansion.

Introduction
The 11th article of the Venice charter suggests that the valid contributions of all periods to the building of a monument must be respected, since unity of style is not the aim of a restoration. When a building includes the superimposed work of different periods, the revealing of the underlying state can only be justified in exceptional circumstances and when what is removed is of little interest and the material which is brought to light is of great historical, archaeological or aesthetic value, and its state of preservation good enough to justify the action. Evaluation of the importance of the elements involved and the decision as to what may be destroyed cannot rest solely on the individual in charge of the work. So, it would appear that the exceptions allow for intervention in the structure and the removal of layers, especially extensions. But there is a question: what feature of that particular layer enables intervention?
However, many theorists argue that the presence of historical layers within a structure affects its authenticity, particularly in light of the fact that material integrity is taken into account when determining the historical accuracy of a work The Nara document (1994) of course, this issue is related to various perceptions and the gradual emergence of the notion of authenticity. The Nara document (ICOMOS, 1994) brought up a never-before-discussed issue: the varying perspectives on authenticity across different cultures. Effective conservation calls for the accurate reading of historical layers in valuable buildings and an understanding of the factors that led to the formation of additional layers in various eras. The research’s central premise is that historical layers are intentionally created over time.
The hypothesis of this research is “creation of historical layers over time is purposeful”. The research questions include: What role do historical layers play in historical decision-making? How does the process of building evolution occur? What are the reasons for the formation of historical layers in a building? Will be. The historical monument of Pir Bakran was the subject of a case study that was looked into in order to comprehensively and deeply clarify the topic, content and understanding of the phenomenon within the context. Due to this monument’s historical feature, varied uses throughout its history, and multiple significant historical layers with various causes for formation, it has received discussion that hasn’t been done before. It will be a qualitative research based on a case study approach, utilizing archive documents, fieldwork, and library and documentary data collection, with a particular emphasis on field observations. The so-called process that should be followed in order to understand the building with different historical layers is indicated by an examination of the case study’s outputs.

Identified Traces
Over time, conservation theories from the 20th century have revealed the various facets of authenticity. These studies have demonstrated that throughout its history, authenticity has been a variable and relative concept. Theoretically, the approach to the idea of authenticity in charters and documents has significant implications for conservation and interventions, particularly when choices are made regarding the conservation or removal of historical layers. It has been looked over and read again to come to a conclusion about the historical layers. The emphasis was laid on the necessity to respect and maintain the authenticity of historic monuments as well as to safeguard them an appropriate use “no less as works of art then as historical evidence”. These aspects, in fact. From the essence of the theories of conservation, the questions around which debates had been going on for more than a century, and where opinions had often been divided (Jokilehto, 2005: 422).
Because the building’s historical eras reveal the history of the monument and provide tangible and intangible proof of the decisions made during its lifespan, entire portions of the evidence should be preserved. Conservation of historical evidence is crucial because loss shouldn’t happen as a result of preservation since a monument’s history can be viewed as a component of its value. The responsibility for safeguarding the historical layer, which implies the building’s life, survival, and durability, rests with the decision-makers. Buildings’ historical layers all work together to create a cohesive whole and give it consistency. In fact, every layer is a historical record of its time and shouldn’t be altered, moved, or removed during the intervention. The originality of a building’s overall design is also reflected in the originality of the building’s component parts or historical layers.

Conclusion
Based on the research, which included details and changes identified in the Pir Bakran tomb’s architectural elements of and specific categories, determining the exact date of extension and added decorations with using inscriptions, old photographs, archaeological findings and architectural evidence, it determines that the Pir Bakran tomb has different and numerous historical periods, which makes it particularly complicated. This building’s construction began with a small adobe room, which was later joined by a lofty three-story structure, and due to political, religious and geological developments, decorative and structural elements with different periods are added to it. Some of the extensions were created while completing the Pir Bakran tomb and related to the construction period of the building. The expansion and additional elements of these periods, such as the additional belt, the southeast entrance, etc. shows the structural and decorative evolution of the building. In fact, a historical monument is the result of the combination of various historical layers that have formed over time and blended together. These layers have experienced ups and downs and, at times, have become intertwined, ultimately reaching us in their present state. Therefore, the removal and cleaning of these extensions would be against preservation principles. It has actually been necessary to conserve some of the Pir Bakran building’s historical layers, so it would seem necessary to maintain the structure’s integrity.

A Study on Farahan and Sarouk Rugs Available in the Textile Treasury Affiliated to the Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation

Mohammad Afrough

Abstract
Art works and objects in museums are valuable cultural and civilizational treasures that are usually less prone to research and have been neglected by researchers to spawn new approaches to scientific study and introduction to the audience. Accordingly, the collection of works of art and particularly the rugs available in the Textile Treasury of the Cultural Complex (Museum) of the Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation are valuable examples of magnificent museum works and an exquisite treasure of the carpets of the Qajar period with great capacity and capabilities for research and introduction. These rugs have been collected from different weaving centers of Iran with various designs and patterns. A total of 51 rugs are stored in this museum, 8 ones of which have been woven in Farahan-Sarouk region, one of the major centers of carpet production for global export during the Qajar period. With this in mind, the current study sought to analyze and introduce these rugs from technical and artistic perspectives. The research question is, “What are the technical, aesthetic aspects (design, pattern and color) and, if any, the semantic concepts of the texture of Farahan-Sarouk rugs?” The findings of the study include the following: the designs and patterns of these rugs include Corner-Medallion, Vase-like Altar-shaped, Overall Flower with Corner, and Paisley with Medallion in various forms and colors. Additionally, the background color of these samples includes lacquer, ivory, copper, blue and navy blue, and the background color of the margins, except for two lacquer cases, is all navy blue - a feature that is a mostly fixed characteristic of Sarouk and Farahan’s rugs. This is a qualitative developmental study conducted using the descriptive-analytical research method with data collected through the desk-based method.
Keywords: Museum, Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation, Farahan, Sarouk, Carpet, Design, Color.

Introduction
The Cultural Complex of the Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation, including various complexes, museums and treasures of artistic, historical and archaeological works and objects, is one of the richest Iranian museums extending and developing its cultural and museum subsidiaries over the past years and decades to such an extent that it currently has various museums such as anthropology and museum gardens in many cities of Iran. In fact, this foundation initiated its cultural activities by setting up and operating museums under the title of “The General Administration of the Foundation’s Museums” from 1995 with a specialized and scientific approach to museum management and with the aim of collecting, preserving and documenting museum objects and works and making exhibitive, research and educational uses of them in order to improve the general and specialized knowledge and attract more audiences, enhance the scientific and cultural potential of the society by providing museum services, and familiarize the future generations with the cultural, civilizational, historical and national identity by using the facilities, works and economic and cultural resources available in the Foundation.
As a part of art and national identity, hand-knotted carpets are among the most precious and valuable works in the Islamic Art Museums and Textile Treasury, which makes this cultural complex more attractive. Particularly, Farahan and Sarouk carpets, as part of Iran’s weaving system and the art of carpet weaving available with 8 antique carpets, are among the outstanding hand-woven carpets in this country. The vast area of Farahan in Markazi Province, with more than two hundred villages including Sarouk and Jirya, as one of the most prominent high-quality weaving centers of Iran, could introduce itself to the world community in the mid-19th century during the Qajar era and the era of the revival of all kinds of local and national arts by producing various kinds of unique carpets and rugs, especially carpets that were produced and exported under the auspices of a foreign company such as Ziegler. Some of the exquisite carpets surviving from Farahan, Sarouk and Soltanabad are currently kept in many world-famous complexes and museums, such as the famous Claremont Complex and the Carpet Museum of Iran (as the most specialized carpet museum in the world). This study aimed to review, analyze and introduce the Farahan-Sarouk rugs in the Textile Treasury of the Museum of Islamic Arts affiliated to the Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation. Therefore, the research question is, “What are the aesthetic aspects (design, pattern and color) and technical aspects (linage, knotting, dyeing), and if any, the semantic concepts of the texture of Farahan-Sarouk carpets?”
This is a qualitative-developmental study carried out using the descriptive-analytical research method with the data collected through the desk-based method.

Textile Treasury
The Textile Treasury, affiliated to the Islamic Art Museums, has 1,187 coded and labeled museum works, including various objects related to the antique textiles woven in Iran. These works include carpets and rugs, historical clothes (coats, vests, Turkmen scarves, veils, hats, military uniforms and their accessories), military insignia, machine-made carpets, Termeh, needlework textiles, Termeh frocks, needlework Termeh tablecloths. Sermeh embroidery, Termeh cushion, arch-shaped shawl, prayer mat, velvet, carpet tableau, embroidery tableau, fardel, exquisite pates, Indian sari, wicker, Kalamkari (a type of hand-painted cotton textile), tapestry, fabric tent in the form of Naser al-Din Shah’s tent, Kaaba curtain, Qashqai horse belt, Turkmen back, Jabbeh (a hand-woven pile rug of coarse quality and medium size), Paravan (room divider), wardrobe, sofa and chair with tapestry cover, prayer rug, double-waft shroud fabrics, saddlebag, wicker fan, pen-case, Quran holder, coin holder, hand-woven Giveh (light cotton summer shoes),Jajim (coarse and loosely-woven woolen cloth) and Kilim (a flat tapestry-woven carpet or rug). The oldest and most prominent work of this treasury is the double-waft collection of the Buyid dynasty period, known as Buyid dynasty shrouds.

Rugs and their technical and aesthetic aspects
All the carpets available in the Textile Treasury (former Dafineh Museum) are of the rug type and are considered among the most exquisite rugs in this treasury. Dating back to sixty years to two centuries ago, they are the most unique Persian carpets produced with beautiful, original, harmonious vegetable-based colors with a variety of designs, colors and patterns. These rugs have been woven in important weaving areas and centers of Iran, including Kashan, Farahan and Sarouk, Kerman and Ravar, Isfahan, Bidabad (a neighborhood of Isfahan), Najaf-Abad, Tabriz, Haris, Shiraz (Qashqai -Kashkuli), Arab tribes of Fars, Ghonghori tribe of Fars, Bakhtiari, Malayer, Sanandaj, Bijar, Yazd and Tehran. In general, as many as 51 rugs are kept in this treasury, which date back to the Qajar or early Pahlavi periods (based on the approximate dates mentioned by the museum). The designs and patterns of the rugs include Prayer-nichee, Corner-Medallion, Paisley, Fish, Hunting, Overall Flower, Rhombus Frame and Nazem pattern. All the designs are listed in Table 3. It is important to note that the design of the Vase Prayer-nichee and Corner-Medallion designs are among the most frequently used designs. Among these rugs, 8 rugs belong to Farahan (Sarouk) region in Markazi Province. Figure 2 shows samples of the carpets available in the Textile Treasury.

Conclusion
This article was an attempt to study, review and analyze the carpets of Farahan and Sarouk region while introducing the cultural collection and museums of the Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation and its carpet treasury. The vast area of Farahan, with a wide range of carpet weaving areas and centers such as the famous village of Sarouk, has been one of the oldest carpet-weaving areas of high-quality and exported carpet production in Iran since the Qajar era and the mid-19th century. Eight rugs woven in Farahan-Sarouk are kept in the Textile Treasury, a subsidiary of the Oppressed and War Veterans Foundation. These rugs are 113 to 130 cm wide and 190 to 203 cm long. Additionally, the background colors of the rugs includes lacquer, ivory, copper, blue and navy blue, and the background color of the margins, except for one lacquer (red) case, is all navy blue. The knot used in these rugs and other rugs of Farahan and Arak regions is (Persian) asymmetrical. The type of dyeing and colors used in these samples are natural and vegetable-based. One of the other characteristic features of these samples, which is rarely seen in the past and even contemporary carpets, is their linage. The linage in these carpets is 40, 50 and 60, which makes it a unique rug of that era. Furthermore, the raw materials used in the rugs are mostly wool, and to a lesser extent, cotton and silk. The designs and patterns used in the rugs include the common designs of Corner-Medallion and Tree-shaped and Vase-shaped Prayer-niche designs in different types as well as Paisley design. Among the rugs, Rug No. 4 is a unique product displaying symbolic concepts in the background texture of which elements and concepts specifically related to Mithraism, such as the (Holy) Life Tree, Birds, Cypress Tree, Animal’s Combat and Crow motifs have been designed and patterned. Although these antique rugs are considered part of the artistic identity, they can be modeled, redesigned, represented, modified and rewoven in the Persian carpet design system.

Anthropological Study of Cultural Heritage Management in Crisis: Case Study Kermanshah Earthquake

Minoo Salimi

Abstract
In natural hazards such as earthquakes, one of the most important parts that get damaged is cultural heritage. Cultural heritage (tangible and intangible) plays a fundamental role in adaptability, resilience and reconstruction of a disaster-struck society. The main objective of this study how to manage of cultural heritage during the crisis in November 2017 Kermanshah earthquake. This research seeks to answer the questions that; Do crisis managers manage cultural heritage in the Sarpol-Zahab earthquake area and does cultural crisis management in the Sarpol-Zahab earthquake have the equipment to provide a model to increase the resilience and adaptability of cultural heritage in times of crisis? The findings of this field study, which are based on assessing the concepts of resilience and vulnerability in the crisis management cycle, indicate that crisis management in the field of cultural heritage during and after the crisis has not been performed satisfactorily despite vulnerability assessments. According to the patterns and models of enhancing resilience, Our society is not sustainable. As a result the management of cultural heritage has not clearly considered the issues of adaptability and resilience, focusing only on minimal restoration and reconstruction of historical monuments in a temporary period. In the crisis management cycle, Pre-crisis measures that will reduce vulnerability in future hazards have not been considered in relation to earthquakes in these areas. During the recovery and social rehabilitation phase, considering the cultural characteristics of the people, the intangible heritage has significantly contributed to enhancing social and cultural resilience among the affected population. Nevertheless, the crisis management of society and cultural heritage has never been able to serve as a repository for knowledge to reduce vulnerability and enhance resilience in society, aiming to establish a balanced relationship between resilience and vulnerability within the crisis management cycle.
Keywords: Vulnerability, Resilience, Earthquake, Crisis Management, Cultural Heritag.

Introduction
Our country, which is more than eleven thousand years old, is one of the accident-prone countries of the world, and due to the fact that most of its regions are among the regions with high seismicity, the occurrence of earthquakes in it is inevitable. In an earthquake, one of the most important parts that get damaged is cultural heritage. Cultural heritage forms the backbone of human and social life of the society, and its reconstruction in the post-disaster period should be considered in the early stages. Tangible cultural heritage (museums, ancient sites, memorial tablets, etc.) and intangible (culture, stories, myths, rituals and ceremonies, celebrations and performing arts such as music, theatre and film) which play a fundamental role in shaping human memory. This memory helps people to be more resilient during crises.
Following other field researches that the writer has conducted in the field of anthropology of disaster from 2017-2024 in Sarpol-Zahab, the research on the management of cultural heritage in the earthquake was one of his research priorities.
The November 2017 earthquake in Kermanshah (Sarpol-e-Zahab) killed 626 people and damaged many cities and villages.
According to the announcement of the Department of Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism of Kermanshah Province,in this earthquake,Khosrow’s Palace,Fire tample(Charqapi), Qasr-e-shirin Karavansarai, Zij Manizheh, Abodojaneh historical Cemetery, Yazdegerd Castle (Dalahu County), Gilangharb Castle, Islamabad-e-gharb palang fire temple, Hosseinieh Sarpol-e-Zahab, the shrine of Ahmad ibn Ishaq Ash’ari Qomi in Sarpol-e-Zahab, Abdullah ibn Omar Rijab Mosque were damaged.
In this research, the researcher, who was trying to find out the degree of damage, the adaptability and resilience of cultural heritage management, in the first stage of his research, visited the earthquake-affected cities and their ancient monuments. In the second stage, in order to complete the information, the researcher conducted structured and unstructured interviews with crisis managers and cultural heritage managers. Finally, based on disaster anthropology studies and this research, the researcher was able to provide a model for how to manage cultural heritage during the disaster cycle and crisis.

Discussion
The findings of this research show that the most important cultural heritage measures after the earthquake have been carried out in the fields of aid, cultural heritage, infrastructure, handicrafts, tourism and investment. Examining the performance of the cultural heritage during the crisis shows that since our crisis management system does not have a resilient system, the cultural heritage sector also does not have the capabilities to manage the crisis and the action it has taken cannot return the society to a normal situation in a short period of time. In the earthquake, our society showed that it is not a resilient society, and in passing through the crisis and dealing with it, it faced the greatest disruption in all its parts, such as cultural heritage. The management of cultural heritage in the infrastructure sector will not be able to plan and operate in order to deal with future hazards.
In this area, restorations and renovations have been done, but due to the risk of this society, the necessary funds for the future to increase adaptability and resilience have not been considered. In the field of tourism, investment and infrastructure even reconstruction and restoration of damaged areas have not been done after estimating the amount of damage. As a result, in this part of the crisis management cycle, cultural heritage is unsuccessful, and its performance has been limited to visits and meetings to adjust requests and express problems.
Intangible cultural heritage during the earthquake had an impact on the adaptability and resilience of the society. This heritage helped the people in different ways during the mourning such as the native sounds and tunes of mourning (ĉamar, Môye, Hûre and Môr). In the post-disaster stage and during social recovery, the use of the culture of aid, local foods, rituals and ceremonies, music and local games is undeniable.
In disaster we lose everything, the only thing left for us is the past. This past brings our culture for us. Culture tells us what we did in times of crisis and what we can do to heal our pain. This culture is divided and multiplied in different times and places. It supports and sustains our culture in times of disaster. The intangible cultural heritage can play an irreplaceable role in the days of the people who have suffered disaster after disaster to recover.

Conclusion
The cultural heritage of our country is vulnerable and our crisis management does not have the ability to reduce vulnerability. But our intangible heritage has the ability to increase social resilience in our disaster-stricken society. Our cultural heritage management does not have the knowledge of risk analysis, assessment of financial and human resources for coping and reconstruction, location, emergency evacuation of visitors in the prevention phase (before the crisis). Since the cultural heritage managers do not have the necessary knowledge to deal with the crisis, our cultural heritage does not have the ability to manage and perform optimally in the stage of preparation and coping during the crisis and reconstruction. In the crisis management cycle, cultural heritage is also facing important problems in the post-crisis reconstruction phase. At this stage, protective measures and compliance with the standards (body and physical) of constructions around cultural works should also be considered, which due to the lack of sufficient knowledge about cultural heritage by various institutions, the protection of cultural works has not been respected and retrofits It does not take place in this section. In this area, intangible heritage such as museum, narratives, poetry, legend were not formed to commemorate and form the cultural memory of Sarpol-e-Zahab earthquake. As a result, it can be said that the intangible heritage has also played a role in the social rehabilitation of the people, but it has not been able to perform well as a category that takes steps towards the preservation of cultural heritage.
Since according to the patterns and models of increasing the resilience of society, our society is not a resilient society. As a result, the main question of this research can be answered as follows: The management of cultural heritage in the Sarpol-e-Zahab earthquake did not consider the issue of adaptability and resilience and limited itself to the minimal restoration and reconstruction of historical monuments in a temporary period.
This research was able to provide a model for managing cultural heritage in times of crisis. This model emphasizes the flexible relationship between vulnerability and resilience. Increasing resilience in a society will reduce vulnerability in all parts of society. According to this model, a society that is resilient is consciously and purposefully take risks and crises and applying knowledge to reduce their consequences. This society has defined goals for its long-term recovery in all its sectors and always treats risk as an opportunity.