Parseh Journal of Archaeological Studies

The Description, Classification and Typology of Late Neolithic And Transitional Chalcolithic Periods (Cheshmeh Ali) Pottery at Tepe Pahlavan, Northeastern of The Iranian Plateau

Afshin Akbari Zarrin Qabaei

Abstract
The northeastern region of Iran, characterized by a diverse and expansive landscape, has been a significant area for cultural and commercial exchanges throughout history. The geographical features, including parallel mountain ranges, natural valleys, and basins, have facilitated interactions between the peripheral desert plains, the eastern Alborz Mountain, and the Iranian Plateau with Central Asian regions. The Tepe Pahlavan, located in the northern-southern valley of Jajarm in North Khorasan Province, serves as a valuable example for studying inter-regional cultural trends during the Late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The present research used a descriptive-analytical methodology to investigate the pottery assemblage retrieved from Tepe Pahlavan in Northeastern Iran during the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The study aims to classify and analyze the pottery within both the local and regional contexts to comprehend the pottery traditions prevalent during the aforementioned periods. The pottery assemblage of the site indicates its association with the Eastern Sange Chakhmaq and other Neolithic sites from the Shahrud Plain. Furthermore, the presence of the cultural tradition of Cheshmeh-Ali in the settlement sequence of sites during the Transitional Chalcolithic period demonstrates regional and inter-regional cultural interactions. The pottery of this period at Tepe Pahlavan shares common technical features with the pottery assemblages of the Central Iranian Plateau and exhibits less diversity in form and decoration. In summary, the Pahlavan site reflects regional cultural interactions during the Neolithic period and inter-regional interactions during the early phase of the Transitional Chalcolithic period in northeastern Iran with the Central Plateau and the northern regions of the Kopet Dag.
Keywords: Northeast Iran, Tepe Pahlavan, Chakhmaq/Jeytun Culture, Cheshmeh-Ali Culture, Typology, Pottery Classification.

Introduction
The northeastern region of Iran boasts a diverse range of ecosystems, from desert and semi-desert mountains to foothill plains and the Caspian Sea coastline. The Jajarm Plain is a strategically located natural corridor, serving as a vital passageway between the Aladagh Mountains, the Atrek Valley, and the northern edge of the Dasht-e Kavir. Geographically, it is divided into two distinct regions - mountainous and desert - and experiences semi-arid conditions with a dry climate. Tepe Pahlavan is a multi-period archaeological site with deposits from the Neolithic, Transitional Chalcolithic, and Islamic Middle Ages. Although previous surveys and documentation by Spooner, Masuda, and Vahdati had been conducted, our 2017 excavation marked the first excavation of the site. Pottery, as a human-made artifact, offers valuable insights into cultural interactions, socio-economic changes, and cultural changes in ancient human societies. Taking a descriptive-analytical approach, our goal is to classify, typologize, and compare the pottery assemblage from Tepe Pahlavan. This study will provide us with a better understanding of the typological and stylistic characteristics of the pottery assemblage, as well as its cultural significance in the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods in northeastern Iran.
Refined Research Questions and Hypotheses: 1. What cultural influences have shaped the pottery tradition of Tepe Pahlavan? 2. How does the pottery collection of this site fit into the regional archaeological framework? 3. In what ways has the pottery tradition of Tepe Pahlavan changed over time in response to regional and supra-regional trends?
After examining the ceramic evidence from Tepe Pahlavan during the Neolithic period, it appears that the pottery tradition might have been influenced by the pottery traditions of the Jeitun-chakhmaq and silk I cultures. Additionally, pottery fragments discovered at sites like Cheshmeh Ali, Silk II, Ghaf Khāneh, and Anu similar characteristics to those found at Tepe Pahlavan, suggesting that they could belong to the Transitional Chalcolithic period.

Discussion
During the Tepe Pahlavan excavation, over 2000 pottery sherds were unearthed and meticulously recorded. These fragments can be broadly classified into two distinct chronological groups: late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic, comprising roughly 45% and 55% of the entire assemblage, respectively. These pottery sherds exhibit a range of sizes and unique features.
The archaeological analysis of the pottery discovered at Tepe Pahlavan during the late Neolithic period has revealed significant technical and visual similarities with the late Neolithic pottery of the Shahrud region. These similarities are observed in the forms, paste color, clay quality, surface coating, baking, and motifs. However, there are some minor differences in some of these aspects. One of the notable differences is the tempering agents used in the two regions. The Tepe Pahlavan group mostly used very small pieces of sand and plant inclusions as temper, while in the Shahrud plain, finely crushed plant materials were primarily used. This difference in tempering agents may have been associated with differences in the availability of raw materials or the preferences of the potters. This characteristic makes the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan more similar to the late Jeitun pottery. The surfaces of the pottery at Tepe Pahlavan have been well-executed, but unlike the pottery of the eastern Tepe Chakhmaq and Deh-Kheir, they do not exhibit glossy or burnished surfaces.
The pottery of the Cheshmeh-Ali culture in the central plateau and the northeast region corresponds with the pottery of the Kopet-Dagh region in terms of forms and motifs. The multiplicity and intricacy of motifs in the pottery of the Cheshmeh-Ali horizons in the central plateau are more significant than those in the northeast region. In the northeast region, such as Tepe Pahlavan, Qaleh-Khan, and Aq-Tepe, unlike the central plateau of Iran, examples of pedestal vessels, basket-shaped vessels, and very large jars are absent. Although the motifs in this type mostly consist of geometric, floral, animal, and a few human motifs like central plateau pottery, these are much simpler and less numerous than those found in the central plateau pottery. The motifs in the early Transitional Chalcolithic horizons of Kopet-Dagh are limited to a few geometric designs, such as oblique ladder-like rows, wide bands below the rim, ray-like bands to the vessel base, vertical frames of zigzag bands, and hatched shapes.
The discovery of diverse pottery at Tepe Pahlavan provides valuable information about pottery making in this region during the late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods. The observed similarities and differences in the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan with other regions contribute to a better understanding of the cultural relationships and developments during this period.

Conclusion
The pottery assemblage at Tepe Pahlavan is characterized by two distinct chronological periods. Specifically, the assemblage comprises artifacts from the Late Neolithic period, encompassing Eastern Sang-e Chakhmaq, as well as the Cheshmeh Ali culture which represents the Transitional Chalcolithic period. The findings from this excavation provide invaluable insights into the cultural evolution of the region during these periods. The pottery discovered from the Late Neolithic era within this area exhibits a resemblance to the pottery tradition of the Jeitun/Chakhmaq culture, as well as settlements from the latter part of this culture in the Shahroud and Bastam regions. In addition to the similarities, there are minor differences in certain aspects of pottery-making, such as temper and surface treatment, which indicate local characteristics in the pottery-making tradition of the Late Neolithic at Tepe Pahlavan. These local and regional similarities and distinctions continue into the Transitional Chalcolithic period. Despite the strong resemblance between the pottery of this period and the pottery-making tradition of the Cheshmeh Ali culture in the Central Plateau, there are noticeable local characteristics, such as a reduction in the diversity of patterns and vessel forms.
The available dating samples from Tepe Pahlavan provide evidence of multiple settlements within the time frame of 5800-4800 BCE in the surrounding area. The cultural materials and settlement sequence of this area correspond with the Late Neolithic in northeastern Iran, specifically in Strata 3 to 1 of Eastern Sang-e Chakhmaq within the time frame of 5800-5300 BCE, and the early phase of the Transitional Chalcolithic within the time range of 5200-4800 BCE. This serves as strong evidence of regional similarities between the pottery of Tepe Pahlavan and the surrounding areas and sites of the Central Plateau. There is strong evidence of a correlation between the pottery tradition of this site and the Shahrud region. The cultural materials found at Tepe Pahlavan, along with absolute dating, reveal the emergence and replacement of the Cheshmeh Ali horizon following the Jeitun/Chakhmaq horizon. While Tepe Pahlavan samples have been primarily dated to the 6th and early 5th millennium BCE, there remains uncertainty regarding the replacement of the Cheshmeh Ali culture by the cultural practices of the Transitional Chalcolithic period at a local and regional level. This is largely due to the scarcity of well-preserved layers from the Late Neolithic and early Transitional Chalcolithic periods in the cultural stratigraphy of the area.

Study on Essence of Anthropomorphic Stele Culture in Northwest Iran and Neighboring Regions

Hamid Khanali

Abstract
The anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been manifested in various forms in archeological findings and written sources in the Eslamic eras. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. The anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility The current research tries to answer these questions that what are the most important factors of temporal and spatial expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture of anthropomorphic monoliths? And what are the concepts used in the anthropomorphic monoliths, culture in the prehistoric and Eslamic eras? The present study, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates the meaning of the erection of the anthropomorphic monoliths This type of research is of a cultural-historical analytical type, the information of which is collected based on documentary and library studies The results of the present research show that the most important factors in the temporal expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture were due to their relationship with traditions and religious rituals, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. Also, over time, the anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility, which in many cases have been manifested in the form of the deceased person in connection with his burial. The results of the present research show that although there is no chronological and archaeological connection between the pre-historical and AD samples, all the samples are related to the ritual burial of religious rituals and represent a person who probably has a high social rank. This issue has been reflected in the archaeological texts.
Keywords: Anthropomorphic Monoliths, Northwest of Iran, Cultural Communication, Caucasus, Anatolia.

Introduction
A stele refers to raised anthropomorphic monoliths or stones that are erected vertically in the ground and have a memorial status and are related to burial ceremonies (Darvil, 2008). Stone steles in the shape of humans or with human motifs have been reported in a wide geographical area from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain (Tryjarski, 1971: 127). Russian and Azerbaijani archaeologists have carried out preliminary research activities in the direction of identifying anthropomorphic monoliths in the Caucasus in the meantime, some sources have studied the culture anthropomorphic monoliths in different regions in a monograph form (Schachner, 2001, 115, 142; Sevin, 2005; Ngrahamn-Summer, 1979: 68, 70; Burney, 1979: 155-156). Shahryeri site as one of the most important sites for the development of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture was explored by Alireza Hojabri-Nobari during three seasons (Hojabri-Nobari et al., 1379). The anthropomorphic monoliths of the Tabriz Museum were probably obtained from Qara Dagh region in the northwest of Iran. These anthropomorphic monoliths were first visited by the German researcher Gert Grupp (Torabi Tabatabai 490: 1355). The anthropomorphic monoliths of the Tabriz Museum were recently introduced and reviewed by Adel Yilmaz in 2012 (Yilmaz 2012). Therefore, the latest research has been carried out in Iran regarding the anthropomorphic monoliths in the Shahryeri area and the cultural relations between northwest Iran and the Caucasus (Khanali, 1379). So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is, although it is not far from the mind that these memorial stones were erected in different human societies with religious, promotional and social purposes. (Sevin, 2005: 89). It is necessary to explain that this culture has been exhibited in many graves in different societies from prehistoric times (Agasioglo, 2013) to recent centuries (Yilmaz, 2003: 44). Although the relationship between the anthropomorphic monoliths in the Shahryeri area and the burial graves was previously denied (In: Graham & Summers, 1979), the author’s recent research shows that this culture has a direct connection with the burial graves in this area. The anthropomorphic monoliths culture is one of the cultures that can be seen in the northwest of Iran due to the cultural connection between Iran and the Caucasus. The present research, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates what and why based on the anthropomorphic monoliths Undoubtedly, traditions and burial rituals in human societies do not undergo changes easily, so it seems that the most important reason for the spread of this culture from the third millennium to the end of the first millennium BC in a time span of more than 2000 years in the vast geographical area of Anatolia is probably the Caucasus. It has been related to commercial exchanges and cultural exchanges as a result.

Investigating the concepts and scope of the temporal and spatial expansion of the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths
At the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, the anthropomorphic monoliths culture appears in connection with Nomads tribes in different regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan (Fig. 1) (Schachner, 2001: 132). The anthropomorphic monoliths of Dobandi village in the north of Baku was found in connection with Gori cultural materials belonging to the late Maykop culture period (Ibid: 123). The second example from this period was found around Astara city in Azerbaijan in the second millennium BC in Syria and Anatolia, anthropomorphic monoliths a special respect, so that they were often placed in front of the gates and protected the place from the entry of evil spirits. At Tell Chana in Antioch and at Tell Rimah, anthropomorphic monoliths slab similar to examples from the Caucasus region and northwestern Iran have been found (Carter, 1970: 22).
Since the end of the second millennium, 13 stelae have been obtained from the carving site of Turkey (Ozfirat, 2002: 299). In the first millennium BC, we see the number of anthropomorphic monoliths in the region This importance is undoubtedly directly related to the increase in the skill level of using metals, especially the use of iron metal (Khanali, 2017: 461). The samples belonging to this period were obtained in Shahryeri area and Qara Dagh region of East Azerbaijan Considering the sanctity of the Shahryeri area, it seems that different people have prepared memorial stones for themselves or their deceased relatives to have a memorial in this sacred area. An example of burials without corpses in the geographical scope of the Balkhi-Marvi culture (Tughluq, Ganor) (Sarianidi, 2007: 51) in the city of Sokhteh in the southeast of Iran in the period (2500-3000 BC) (Seyd Sajjadi, 2005: 31) (Hojabri-Nubari, 2009: 112-125) has been reported in other words, it seems that the Shahryeri complex is a type of cenotaph, or “empty tomb”, “empty tomb”, “tomb of the unknown soldier”. As mentioned in detail in the previous section, in the centuries of AD, anthropomorphic monoliths with different characteristics such as monuments of warriors, heroes and symbols of fertility have emerged in connection with the burial of people. Human statues are mentioned in the texts according to different situations in AD periods with titles such as Dash Baba, Bal Bal and Badiz (Yilmaz, 2003: 45-40). It can be said that Balbal is the stone of the captured soul of the enemy and it is not in good shape, but the deceased himself or his relatives put it on his grave as a memorial stone. In recent centuries, in a wide area in the Near East, stones in the shape of a ram (image 10), a horse (Fig. 11), a turtle (Fig. 12), and in some areas, male (Fig. 13) and female genitals (Fig. 14) were placed on graves as Grave markers are used, which in general seem to be related to fertility symbols Investigations show that in the millennia discussed in this research, no findings have been found on worshiping the dead and making allegories of people and animals with the aim of praying to them. It seems that these anthropomorphic monoliths were generally built to commemorate prominent people and symbols of fertility, and their association with burial sites indicates that this culture was associated with the belief in the world after death. So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is, although it is not far from the mind that these memorial stones were erected in different human societies with religious, promotional and social purposes (Svin, 2005: 89).
But what can be understood from the study of the development of the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths is their relationship with traditions and rituals that are manifested in the form of the embodiment of the deceased person in relation to his burial. It is necessary to explain that this culture has been exhibited in many graves in different societies from the prehistoric period (Agasioglu, 2013) to the recent centuries (Yilmaz, 2003: 44) in the form of different symbols, and in general, their evolution can be seen. From memorial stones to fertility symbols Among the other concepts that are shown on the anthropomorphic monoliths is the ritual of sacrifice. This ritual is shown in the form of animals on the anthropomorphic monoliths of Hakkari and Astara. It seems that the example of humans with smaller dimensions who are unbalanced and fallen on the ground on the edge of the central person to whom the stele belongs are carved on the stele. be an example of human sacrifice.

Conclusion
The main topic of this research is to investigate what and why the anthropomorphic monoliths are erected In this regard, at first, the area of temporal and spatial expansion of this culture was explained In the prehistoric period, this culture generally spread in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, and among the most important traditions related to burial during the 3rd, 2nd and 1st millennia BC in the geographical area of northwestern Iran, the Caucasus, and eastern Anatolia has been In recent times, this culture has spread from the western borders of China to Europe In centuries AD, the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths has been mentioned in the texts of poems and archeological findings with different names such as Balbal, Badiz, Dash Baba, etc., which shows many characteristics in the traditions of their beliefs and other In terms of historical and geographical sequence, there is no connection between the culture of anthropomorphic monoliths before history and the beginning of history and AD, or at least it is not known so far. However, the written sources about Balbal and Badiz are among the most important semantic data of this culture. anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been reflected in archeological findings and written sources in the periods after AD. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen over time in human and animal forms and fertility symbols This culture in the mentioned areas, although there are visual differences in some details, but in many cases, they have common features. The level of visual and technical similarities is such that it emphasizes the connection of this culture during the time under investigation in a wide geographical area. So far, there have been many theories about what this culture is in this regard, religious, promotional and social goals were mentioned, but the investigation of the development of anthropomorphic monoliths culture in the context of time and space shows that this culture is related to the burial of traditions and religious rituals. This issue has also appeared in archaeological texts and findings.

The Influence of Paleoclimatic Variability on the Rise and Fall of Iranian Dynasties and Ancient Cultures in Southeastern Iran from the 2nd Millennium BCE to the Sassanid Period

Alireza Vaezi

Abstract
The potential vulnerability of primitive societies to natural disasters, such as droughts, floods, and famines caused by climate change, is an important issue that requires careful study. The main aim of this research is to investigate the possible effects of ancient environmental and climatic changes on Bronze Age settlements in southeastern Iran, as well as the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on archaeological and historical evidence of territorial boundaries, economic and political prosperity. Adaptation of climatic and cultural changes in the southeast of Iran can provide valuable information for researchers. In this regard, this article aims to answer the question of whether climate change has affected the ancient societies of Jiroft, and to what extent climate change has affected the economic prosperity and political influence of the ruling dynasties that have affected Iran. In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine paleoclimatic changes of the southeastern plateau of Iran during the past 4000 years. Significant agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 years ago in the southeast of Iran during moderate climatic conditions. Dry conditions with increased dust prevailed over the region from 3300 to 2900 years ago. Wet conditions from about 2900 to 2300 years ago facilitated extensive agriculture and coincided with the flourishing of regional governments such as the Medes, Urartos, and Mannas in the western Iran, and after that the Achaemenid Empire throughout Greater Iran. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft for nearly 200 years. Southeast Iran experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 years ago, which coincided with the economic prosperity of the middle to late Sassanid Empire.
Keywords: Climate change, Sassanid, Bronze Age, Sediment core, Achaemenids.

Introduction
This study aims to reconstruct the paleoclimate history in southeastern Iran by tracing the landscape changes and climate ﬂuctuations since the Late Bronze Age and their impacts on human societies based on palaeo-environmental analysis of a wetland system. It will further evaluate the possible impacts of climate change on major ruling dynasties of Iran since the Late Bronze Age. An example of the latter would be following the territorial extent of major ruling dynasties from historical records, which would have been quintessential to society’s prosperity and growth coeval to favorable climatic conditions for agriculture and trade, and the development of city-states. The study involves a multi-proxy palaeo-environmental reconstruction using geochemical, and paleoecological proxies in a 250-cm long peat sequence near the archaeological complex at Konar Sandal near Jiroft, covering the last 4000 cal yr BP. The different proxies suggest changes in elemental concentrations, stable isotopes, and pollen records.

Materials and methods
Palynological analysis were done in Thirty-five subsamples at intervals of 1-10 cm at the Institut Méditerranéen de Biodiversité et d’Ecologie, Aix-en-Provence, France by procedure described by Gurjazkaite et al. (2018).

Geographical setting
Konar Sandal (25 km south of Jiroft in southeast Iran) is the main excavation site in the Jiroft Valley. Several high mountain chains surround it, some of them rising to 3700 m asl (Fig. 1). The Halil Rud stretches from north to southeast for almost 400 km through fertile agricultural land before draining into the Jazmurian playa south of Konar Sandal. The water level in the river fluctuates throughout the year.

Results
The sediment core was divided into six major units based on the sedimentological, geochemical, and palynological characteristics (Fig 2 and Fig. 3). The elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al) had relatively low values in Unit 1 (U 1; 250-189 cm; 4011-3548 cal yr BP). The first significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen occurred in this unit extending from 3880-3700 cal yr BP (230-207 cm). The δ13COM showed a distinct increase in Unit 2 (U 2; 189-164 cm; 3548-3293 cal yr BP). Unit 3 (U 3; 164-134 cm; 3293-2897 cal yr BP) was characterized by high elemental ratios (Si/Al, Ti/Al, and Fe/Al). The K/Ti ratio had the highest values in the entire core in Unit 4 (U 4; 134-106 cm; 2897-2302 cal yr BP). δ13COM values were more negative in Unit 5 (U 5; 106-61 cm; 2302-1540 cal yr BP). Unit 6 (U 6; 61-10 cm; 1540-854 cal yr BP) was characterized by moderate values of different elemental ratios.

Discussion
Around 3950 cal yr BP a wet period prevailed based on elemental ratios, stable C isotope, and pollen (Fig. 3). Between 3900 and 3300 cal yr BP, mild climate conditions developed. significant appearance of Cerealia-type pollen and agricultural activities existed between 3900 and 3700 cal yr BP. Dry and windy conditions followed from ca. 3300-2900 cal yr BP with the driest conditions around 3200 cal yr BP coinciding with the regional Late Bronze Age cultural collapse. The driest conditions in this dry period occurred around 3200 cal yr BP, coinciding with the decline of the Jiraft Bronze Age civilization at the end of the Bronze Age. The long wet period extending from 2900 to 2300 cal yr BP with a high presence of Sparganium-type and intensive agricultural practices. Wet conditions in the Jiroft valley from about during this period, simultaneously with the flourishing of the powerful Medes and Achaemenid empires, facilitated extensive agriculture. The decline of the Achaemenid Empire coincided with the beginning of a dry period that made agriculture less prosperous in Jiroft Valley for nearly 200 years. The highest Ti/Al values coeval with the lowest δ13COM values suggest an increase in Aeolian activity and dry conditions between 2100 and 1650 cal yr BP. The Jiroft Valley once again experienced humid conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which coincides with the economic prosperity of the mid to late Sassanid Empire (Fig. 4).

Conclusion
In the present study, using a combination of geochemical and pollinological indicators, we examine the paleo-environmental changes of the ancient Jiroft valley in the southeast of Iran during the past 4000 years and their possible effects on the settlements of the Bronze Age and the main dynasties that ruled Iran based on records.
The Jiroft Valley experienced wet conditions between 1550 and 1300 cal yr BP, which overlapped with one of the most extensive territorial boundaries in Iran’s imperial history (the Sassanid Empire in the early 7th century C.E.). Although mild conditions prevailed between 1315 and 854 cal yr BP, agricultural activities declined, probably due to weak succession and political instability. We evaluate the archeology and history of territorial borders, economic and political prosperity. Paleo-environmental reconstruction shows that the wet periods and increased agriculture in the Jiroft Valley coincided with the peak of political influence and economic wealth of the Achaemenid and Sassanid empires. Therefore, more detailed paleoclimatic records would be helpful for investigating the interplay of political and climatic factors in the development and decline of ancient settlements and imperial powers in Eurasian history.

A Direction Other than North: An Analysis on Deviation from North in Fire-Related Monuments of the Sassanid Era

Kamal-Aldin Niknami

Abstract
A study on religious buildings related to fire such as fire temples and Chahar Taqis in the Sassanid era shows that different factors have been considered in constructing these monuments as an important place for religious and ritualistic ceremonies. One of these factors is deviation from north. In Avesta and other Pahlavi texts such as Vendidad, Khorde Avesta, Gozidaha-ye Zadesparm, Bundahish, Arda Viraf Nameh, Shayest Nashayest, and etc. north direction is the gateway to hell and a direction for Ahriman and the demons. According to this, and considering Avesta’s lack of clarity on temples and fire temples, the purpose of this study is to clarify how strongly religious, rituals and mythical matters have been considered in constructing fire temples. Aiming at answering the question: “Whether deviation from north and building worship places related to fire in ordinal directions, as well as placing interior elements of these worship places during the ceremonies not to face north are related to religious rituals or not?”, it has been tried to clarify the reasons of deviation from the north with a historical-analytical approach and based on archaeological evidence, compliance with Pahlavi texts and today’s Zoroastrian customs. Results of studying religious monuments in the Sassanid era show that, due to the belief of north being a direction for Ahriman and the demons in Zoroastrian rituals and Iranian myths, Mobads’ place during Zoroastrian ceremonies was of utmost importance. It had to avoid north. Also, the majority of the fire temples and palaces have been built in ordinal directions, or the main entrance to the building was built in any other direction except the north. Therefore, it can be assumed that some religious and ritualistic reasons are the reasons why the Sassanians paid extra attention to deviating from the north in building their religious monuments.
Keywords: Fire Temple, North Direction, Apakhtar, Chahar Taqi, Sassanid Era.

Introduction
The archaeological evidence indicates that many factors, including the construction of ordinal directions, were taken into account when constructing the fire-related monuments in the Sassanid era. Now, the main question is why should a fire temple or Chahar Taqi be built on ordinal directions? And basically, why it has been taken into account in all fire temples? To find the answer to this question, the religious and ritual texts of the Sassanid era and some of the Zoroastrian written sources can be helpful; thus, relying merely on archaeological evidence cannot answer all questions about religious monuments of the Sassanid era. Thus, achieving a comprehensive perspective in this regard necessitates finding a logical relationship between the archaeological evidence and the Zoroastrian written texts. The religious texts have pointed to the fact that the position of Ahriman and winter is the north direction or Apakhtar. Since Iranians assumed the north direction as the position of winter and had no enemy bigger than winter or north and also considered the coldness as the worst disaster, they likely tended to construct their major buildings in a direction that deviated from the north because this is an important point that had been taken into consideration in religious and ritual ceremonies in Zoroastrianism. By reviewing all of the groupings and classifications presented by researchers on the location and placement of the fire-related monuments across Iran, we can figure out that most of these monuments, either having a circumambulation or without it, either being isolated or being located at the villages or city centers, and either belonging to the early, mid, or late Sassanid era, have been built on ordinal directions, and the deviation-from-north pattern is observable in most of them. In the present work, the Authors attempt to investigate the reasons for the placement of the fire temples and Chahar Taqis on ordinal directions by using a descriptive-analytical method. For this purpose, initially, the religious texts such as Avesta, Vendidad, and other Zoroastrian texts are investigated through the documentary method. Then, relying on the archaeological evidence, the instances of deviation from the north in the fire temples are identified and introduced. On this basis, the fire temples and Chahar Taqis of the Sassanid era across Iran are investigated. Yet, the main analysis in this work is based on some newly found fire temples in the west of Iran, which have provided considerable evidence in this regard.

Discussion
Consider the Adur Gushnasp fire temple in Takht-e Suleiman as the criterion for the identification of the Sassanid fire temples architecture style, said that the influence of this type of building plan (especially deviation from the north) can be observed in other fire temples of this era. According to the explorations of the Sassanid fire temples in the west of Iran, most of them have some features in common, one of which is the deviation from north and construction on ordinal directions. For instance, among the three Shiyan, Mil-e Milegeh, and Palang Gerd fire temples, there are similarities in terms of the plan, material, firebases, T-shape platform, and deviation from the north. In Mil-e Milegeh and Palang Gerd, the T-shape platforms are placed between the northern piers while in the Shiyan fire temple; the T-shape platform is placed at the western gate. Despite various theories regarding the function of these platforms, the T-shape platforms have been placed in such a manner as to avoid facing the north while performing or watching the ceremonies. Considering the religious, political, and social changes occurring during the 3 several hundred years of the Sassanid dynasty, it is inferable that the plans of the religious buildings of the early, mid, and late Sassanid era exhibit some changes. However, the construction of religious buildings in ordinal directions is a factor that has been taken into consideration during the whole Sassanid dynasty without being changed. Based on the archaeological evidence we can observe the deviation from the north in the placement of the building of the temples, direction of the building’s entrance, and finally, the placement of the platforms in the interior space of the temples. Some of the reasons for considering the deviation from the north include the consideration of the ritual and mythical issues, the lethality of coldness in Iranian’s culture, confliction between the position of the Iranian and Indian Yazatas and demons, and a significant relationship between the direction and intensity of sunlight and its impact on the formation of spatial patterns of the constructions.

Conclusion
Although there is not sufficient information available regarding how the location for fire temples was selected, an investigation and comparison of the Avesta and Zoroastrian written sources with archaeological evidence indicates that some ritual aspects such as considering a deviation from the north have been probably an essential factor when constructing these monuments. The most obvious evidence for the consideration of the deviation from the north can be seen in Adur Gushnasp fire temple, the plan of which has been repeated in most of the fire temples of the Sassanid era, especially in fire temples of the west of Iran such as Shiyan, Mil-e Milegeh, and Palang Gerd. Since the direction to which the Mobads, individuals, and fire were facing has been very important in ritual ceremonies and other purification-related ceremonies, the construction of these monuments in a direction that deviated from the north might be attributed to the religious and mythical instructions. The comparison of the archaeological evidence with written Pahlavi sources and current Zoroastrian ceremonies indicates that the deviation from the north had been taken into consideration while selecting the temple locations, determining the building entrance directions, and the platform placement in the interior spaces of these locations.

A Survey of the Motif of Women on Sassanid Seals (With the Introduction of a Seal from Bu-Ali Sina Museum in Hamadan)

Azadeh Heidarpour

Abstract
Sassanian seals and sealings were used in all levels of society and administrative organizations during historical periods, including the Sassanid era. They have played a significant role in our understanding of various historical aspects of this period. Among the motifs carved on Sasanian seals that reveal the beliefs of their owners, the image of women as an important population of Sassanian society is also engraved on the seals. Seals inscribed with female motifs are considered important sources for analyzing the position of women in this period and reflect society’s attitude towards this group. This article aims to investigate the motif of women on Sassanian seals by introducing a seal from the Bu-Ali-Sina Museum in Hamadan. Through library studies and direct observation of the seal, the Authors discuss the symbolic aspects and interpretation of the inscription on this seal, describing the female motifs present. The question raised is the relationship between the character on the seal and the owner. To what extent does the inscription reflect feminine concepts? Seals engraved with the motif of women were likely owned by women, indicating their individual independence and social status during that period. While women in the Sassanian period were less involved in business and politics than men, the presence of seals with female motifs demonstrates their acceptance and legal position in the administrative and economic affairs of the time.
Keywords: Seal, Sasanian, woman, inscription, Bu-Ali Sina Museum.

Introduction
Seals are considered one of the most significant discoveries in archaeological excavations, shedding light on the mysteries of the past. Seal motifs provide insight into the cultural and civilizational evolution of different historical periods. On pre-Islamic seals, motifs depicting women engaged in daily activities, as well as symbols related to mythology and religion that reflect the social status of women, hold great importance. Alongside these depictions of women, images of animals like dogs or scorpions are sometimes carved, suggesting the religious and mythological significance of women. Women in pre-Islamic times were often associated with the queen or goddess of water, Anahita. The main objective of this article is to explore the significance of the motif of women on Sassanid seals, using a seal from the collection of the Bu-Ali-Sina Museum in Hamadan as an example. By analyzing the motif and inscription on this seal, the article aims to address the connection between the motif and the seal’s owner, as well as how feminine concepts are reflected in the inscription. However, due to the unknown origin of the seal, establishing its exact chronology poses a challenge.

The Motif of women on Sasanian seals
The image of a woman in Sasanian seals is a symbol of the queen or goddess Anahita. Her role in these seals is in the form of a profile, half-length, standing in awe of a woman with a long and fringed dress as a symbol of the waves of the boundless waters, similar to Anahita’s tunic while raising her hand and holding a lotus branch in her hand. In some seals, the image of the queen is engraved next to a man, either the king or the wife of the woman. The queen and the king face each other in profile and look at each other. Sometimes a tree can be seen among them, which is a symbol of the tree of life. (Brunner, 1979: 47). In the motifs left on Sasanian seals, a woman is depicted as giving thanks and to show her marital status, she is either holding a flower that is a symbol of offering to the gods or she is holding a ring that shows her marriage contract. Sometimes the female figure is shown as a person holding a royal crown in the air and dancing (Brunner, 1978: 61). The role of a woman on Sasanian seals is sometimes seen next to a child in sitting or standing positions or while holding the child in her arms. It has been said that these kinds of seals belonged to the Christians of different parts of Iran, in which the role of the woman was the symbol of Mary and the child was the symbol of Christ (Mesbah Ardakani and Dadvar, 2008: 179; Brunner, 1979: 42; Harper, 1978: 145). In most of the Sassanid seals depicted with a female figure, the name of the owner of the seal appears in the inscription around the female figure. (Mohammadifar & Malekan, 2013: 5).
A Sasanian seal with a female motif at the Bu-Ali-Sina Museum in Hamadan
The seal, with registration number 4635, is made of Soleimani agate and measures 18 mm long and 8 mm wide, weighing 3.3 grams. There is a crack in the right margin of the seal. The image on the seal depicts a standing woman, possibly wearing a cloak, looking to the right. She has long hair and is holding either a flower or a bird in her hand. Below her hand, a ribbon hangs, potentially a belt around her waist. Her dress appears to be shaped like a tank at the bottom, tight on the leg, and flowing to the ground like boundless waters. The motifs of the moon, star, and flower or bird are significant on this seal, along with the motif of women. The seal under study bears an inscription on the margin indicating the owner’s name (Hu-rōy) and family relationship (son of Hu-dēn), suggesting that the seal likely belonged to a woman. Symbols like the star, flower, and dove, associated with the goddess Anahita in Iranian mythology, further support the idea that this seal was owned by a woman in Sassanid society.
Interpreting the seal inscription for research purposes, the text on the right side of the main seal reads from 1 o’clock to about 6 o’clock. The inscription includes the words “Ho Roy” and “Ho Din,” which may be a title or name. The suffix “ān” at the end of the second word indicates a relative connection. Based on the Middle Persian script and seal morphology, scholars suggest that this seal likely dates back to the late Sassanid period.

Conclusion
Seals are crucial sources for understanding the history and culture of ancient Iran. The variety of carved patterns on seals from the Sassanid period provides valuable insights into the religious beliefs of that era. The motif of women on these seals, whether alone or paired with other symbols, highlights their significant social status in Sassanid society. Women, particularly court women, who owned seals were actively involved in commercial and official matters. The presence of feminine motifs on seals challenges the perception of women’s limited roles in business and politics during that time. The motif of a woman alongside a child emphasizes family values in Sassanid society. Additionally, attributing certain female motifs on Sasanian seals to the goddess Anahita underscores her importance in religious themes of that period.

Research on the Symbolic Culture of Sassanid Bullae of the National Museum of Iran

Seyed Mehdi Mousavi Kouhpar

Abstract
Sassanid bullae are indicative of the administrative structure, commerce and other cultural concepts, which usually differ from each other in the sealed figures, size and the number of times they have been stamped. In many cases, these samples are accompanied by symbolic arrays like other cultural data of this period. In order to study of their importance and description and to answer questions about the symbolism mixed with the worldview of Mazdaznan religion and other concepts such as the knowledge of that time, we selected undocumented bullae in the archives of the National Museum. In this regard, semantics, the most frequent arrays, compatibility between these symbols with other symbols this period, relative chronology and their possible origins were investigated. Most of the images stamped on the bullae of this collection include human, animal, and geometric arrays (monograms). Some of the fifty studied bullae studied have lost their value in due to wear and corrosion or breakage. Also, there is no information about how they were discovered. These bullae are assigned to the Sassanid period only based on the writings and arrays. Our research is based on library studies and documentation of bullae of the National Museum archive and conventional methods such as photography and design of flower seals.
Keywords: Bullae, Sassanid, Symbol, Iconography, Mazdaznan.

Introduction
Our purpose of writing this article is the iconography of bullae attributed to the Sassanid period from the archives of the National Museum. By studying these bullae, their administrative, commercial and ritual use can be understood. In order to better understand these features, symbols and writings (here symbols) have been studied. The Iconography of the archeological data of this period (especially seals and bullae) reveals points such as cultural interaction in the Sassanid Empire, similar to the concepts of the Mazdaist religion or other religions, Animal symbols in the seals of the Moghadam Museum with signs of the Mitra ritual (Dehpahlevan and Ghanavati, 2014, 47-67); or examples with Christian and Jewish symbols from Sassanid empire rituals (Lerner, 1976, 183-187 and Lerner 2009, 653-664). All in all, the symbolic nature (or not) of the arrays on the bullae can be interpreted as follows; Signs (monograms) are single or multi-purpose, human portraits are demonstrative or commanding and sometimes mythological, some of them like hearth are divine and other are mythological representations of quadrupeds or birds (Brunner, 1978, 11). However, each of which has a variety in form and details but it can be safely said that monograms are the most special type among them because it combines other symbols together (figure 1). Bullae in the archives of the National Museum are classified into human, plant, animal, astronomical and geometric types in a symbolic or natural framework. Meanwhile, their animal species is probably from the northern half of Iran in the 6th century AD. The purpose of this research is to deal with the symbolic and ritual concepts of the bullae of the National Museum and their use, classification and relative chronology of them. Their relative chronology is due to their similarity to the most well-known finds of this period, such as the documented flower seals of Takht Sulaiman and Abu Nasr Palace. The questions and assumptions of our research include What are the meanings of the Sasanian bullae symbols? What are the most repeated arrays in this collection and what are their similarities? What is the relationship between our research collection and other archaeological and documented findings? It is believed that the iconography on the seals, despite their mainly commercial or administrative use, shows the prominence of symbols and rituals in all aspects of Sasanian culture. Also, the iconography and inscriptions of some of the seals of the National Museum archive confirm their ownership to administrative and ritual positions. In this regard, we have a historical and analytical approach according to the documentation methods, typology and the review of archaeological reports.

Discussion and Analysis
Symbolism is an integral part of Iranian culture. Undoubtedly, since bullae were representative of the administrative and commercial system throughout the Sassanid Empire. the reflection of well-known and ancient symbols on bullae is also an effort to culturalization and reminding with them. According to the Authors, the common message of the symbols of each category clearly expresses systematic beliefs that are evident in all cultural and political aspects of this era. Just like the deification of all creations, which has been mentioned many times in Sasanian literature and art especially in the fourth century at the same time as Khosrow II Sassanid (Yarshater, 2016, 176-190). Iconography was of interest throughout this period and only the appearance and quantity of some of them, such as the animal examples of the time of Kartir and Bahram II or the symbols of the goddess Anahita during the time of Mobad-e-Mobadan Atorpat Mehraspandan (beginning of the 4th century AD) caused that some researchers consider them as new symbols. Sometimes iconography is a way to know the origin of bullae such as the arrays of camels and winged horses that are the symbol of the fire temple of Azargoshnasp that can show that part of this collection was made there or in the workshops of the northern half of Iran. In this regard the mineralogy of flower beads will also be our answer in belonging to the specific place of preparation of materials, the production and baking of flower beads. In addition, the names of Mad, Pars, Bishapur and Farah (Khora) of Ardashir (Firouzabad) are also mentioned on these seals. However, some names such as Azargashnesab were also used to name places and people (Yamauchi, 1993: 7-46). It is also possible that the flower seals and their iconography are more visible throughout this period, especially during political and social upheavals such as the period of Qabad I (488-496 AD) or Khosrow Anushirvan (531-579 AD). In this regard, the archives of Takht Suleiman’s bullae and the reflection of the well-known early patterns of this period, such as the depiction of the king riding a horse on the bullae, clearly indicate their use and symbols for a long time, especially in the second half of this period.

Conclusion
The celestial and religious or scientific attitude to phenomena can be seen in Sassanid art and culture and before them in Iran. From a conceptual point of view, showing tangible species such as goats and rams, boars, etc. is also a good way to better believe the detailed definitions in a symbolic format. For example, in Iranian mythology, the gods had an iconic form of human, animal, etc., such as Anahita, the goddess of flowing waters, seal (Mitra) of the sun’s ray. All of them are represented in symbols, signs and inscriptions that are rooted in ancient beliefs.
The symbolism of bullae of the National Museum Archive helps us to understand ancient symbols and concepts such as animism and godliness and ideas mixed with the knowledge of the times. The role of symbols on the bullae for which administrative and commercial uses is presumed clearly indicates the value of product or message, the position of the seal holders and sometimes a sign of administrative and ritual base. Therefore, the symbol of the Sasanian seal and bullae, which was used as a medium to keep ancient ideas alive based on the materials and strategies of its time, can be a useful for the sociology of the Sasanian period. Seals and bullae have been most available to the elites in the judiciary, property, shrines, etc., and diverse human profile and different names on the archive of seals is a confirmation of this statement. Other points that can be seen from the symbolism of the bullae in addition to the recreation of symbols with concepts in the style of the millennia BC, the unreasonable interaction of cultures (symbols), especially based on the trade and shrewd attitude and policy of the Sassanid empire in coexistence with neighboring lands. Fleshy artistic style of arrays (especially human and animal species) is also a rare phenomenon in the history of Iranian art, although the geometric style of the Sassanid seals of Devin and Ajmiadzin of Armenia, or Qasrabun Nasr in the museum The New York Metropolitan, can be the result of the influence of individuals, the mass production of seals, the artistic style of seals and sometimes their inseparability from Parthian or pre-Party specimens.

The Study of the Status of Medicine Schools in Ancient Iran (Based on Sina Medical School of Iran: Hegmatane / Ekbatan School)

Azar Sarmadijou

Abstract
Medicine is a science by which one can gain knowledge about the qualities of the human body. The exact equivalent of the word Medicine is physic, but in order to be understood at the global level, the equivalent of Medicine is used for it. Three groups of therapists are mentioned in the Avesta Zoroastrian Bible, surgeon, herbalist and psychotherapist. In the Avesta, θarita of the Sam family is the first physician, and Ahura Mazda gives him a jeweled knife to perform surgery. There is information about the medical condition during the Achaemenid and Parthian eras through the writings of Greeks historians, and these is good information left from Sassanid era medicine. In the research, an important part of contribution of ancient Iranians in the expansion and improvement of medical knowledge and treatment methods in ancient Iran is discussed. The questions of this essay are, where did the origin of medicine in Iran come from? Has medicine in ancient Iran been affected by religious teachings? And what was the relationship between culture and medicine in ancient Iran? The hypotheses of the article are as follows: medicine in ancient Iran was influenced by ancient civilizations such as Greece. Medicine in this period was influenced by Zoroastrian religion and in later periods by Islam. This research was done with descriptive and analytical method. Until the new discoveries of archaeologists in Mesopotamia and Nile and Indus valleys and the Iranian plateau, they were mostly of the opinion that scientific ideas originated from Greek scholars and philosophers, but historical evidence shows that with the emergence of Zoroaster, Iranians started a new era of scientific creativity and the most obvious sample of that is the establishment of the Hegmatane school or Ekbatan.
Keywords: Medicine, Ancient Iran, Treatment, Hygiene, Greece.

Introduction
The word “medicine “comes from Middle Persian. (Bizišk Nyberg, 1997), The assumed form of this word was in ancient Iran, which later became a physic. As for when Iranian medicine began, historians and orientalists believe that in ancient Iranian stories, the beginning and introduction of medicine was attributed to Jamshid, a mythical king, and He was the first person who taught people how to use medicine. Jamshid wanted to create a land for the people where no one would be hungry, thirsty, old or sick and to avoid death. After the Aryan tribes entered the land of Iran, they inherited the advanced medicine of Egypt and Babylon, which had entered Iran through the Assyrians, and with this experience, they became the owners of a special school called “Moghan”. In the Avesta, the Zoroastrian Bible, three types of doctors are recognized; the one who heals with a knife (surgeon), the other one who treats with healing herbs (the herbalist) and the third one who heals with the divine word (Mobad). The most obvious aspect of the Avesta tradition in medicine is in the field of environmental health and disease prevention. Most of these customs and teachings included the principles that are the basis of today’s disinfection and prevention methods. Body, clothes, house and environment, water, wind, fire and soil and what is available to should be away from any pollution.

Iranian medicine in different historical periods
The medical history of Iran is limited to three periods due to the lack of written sources.
- The first period: from the Avesta and pre-Avesta era to the golden age of the Medes and Achaemenids and until the rise of the Sassanids. Unfortunately, apart from short references in the Avesta and its continuation in some Pahlavi books and limited references in Greek sources, there are no other references from this long period; The most important scientific events of this era are the establishment of universities during the Median and Achaemenid kingdoms, which unfortunately, apart from scattered writings, there is no documented scientific evidence of scientific specializations and how to teach in these universities.
The second period: It is the Sassanid era, fortunately, the works left from this period are not complete, but they sufficiently represent the medical knowledge of Iranians. The establishment of Jundishapur Hospital is one of the important events in the medical history of Iran, and especially the “Anoushirvan” period, which historian’s call this period “Scientific and Literary Revolution of Ancient Iran”, many authors and researchers have praised in their books show the genius of Iranians in this period.
Jundishapur played an important role in the history of Iranian medicine; It is said that the initial establishment of this city dates back to the time before the arrival of the Aryans and was later rebuilt by Shapur. His primary goal of this renovation was to create a place to settle Roman and Greek captives and use their expertise.
The third period: It is the Islamic period when many scientists emerged from Iran, and without a doubt, the Iran of the Islamic period cannot be compared to any other period. In this period, with the disappearance of class differences and the possibility of education for different strata of society, as well as the developments that appeared in calligraphy, Iranians surpassed the whole world in various scientific fields. During this period, great Iranian scientists such as Ibn Sina and Razi created a great revolution in medical knowledge with their genius, which has aroused the wonder and admiration of the world to this day, and the human society has been influenced and borrowed from Iranian knowledge.

Hegmatane Medical School / Ekbatan
The first cultural institution that was established in the Mede era in the Hegmetane throne was Maghan Madhe Seminary, or as it is called today, the Iranian Academy of Sciences in ancient times. It was one of the great Maghans of ancient Iran in the Mede era, “Sina” was one of the most prominent Zoroasters. ; ``Sina’’, the son of Ahom Setut, came from Khwarazm or Sogd along with a number of Zoroastrian converts in the direction of Hegmatana in the early 6th century BC during the time of Ho and Kashtra to spread the religion to the kings of the Medes. Sinai is considered one of the ancient Iranian spiritual magnates and the head of Iran’s medical lineage. The Greek school of Hippocratic medicine has greatly benefited from the Sinai School of medicine in Iran. The members of Hamadan Sinai Academy were hundreds of Sinai graduates who were always engaged in studying and researching there. The Greeks called it the school of the Ekbatan century. “Plutarch mentioned Akbatan as the spiritual center of ancient Iran and the residence of Mughan. He entered the school and personally observed It has been said that fields such as wisdom, astronomy, medicine and geography were taught there.

Conclusion
Until the dark curtains of ancient history were removed and the new discoveries of archaeologists in the ancient Mesopotamian plain, the Nile-Sand valleys and the Iranian plateau, most of them believed that scientific ideas originated from Greek sages and philosophers. Historical evidence shows that with the emergence of Zoroaster, Iranians displayed a new round of their scientific creativity, and in this regard, the most specific example is the establishment of the Hegmatane school or Akbatan; The university that housed a collection of scientists of that time is called Hegmatan, which means the center of scientists, and there was an association with the membership of 100 scientists. The indisputable value of a university with that size at the end of the 8th century BC is a clear sign of scientific progress and the influence of Iranians on the knowledge of mankind. In the Avesta, as the root of all diseases is from the devil, Ahura Mazda is introduced as a god who is the source of all It is knowledge and it transmits its knowledge to the faithful and chosen people with grace. There is no doubt that the prophets played an essential role in the development of human societies with their divine knowledge. Medical knowledge is one of the characteristics of most prophets, Zoroaster is also one of these prophets. Zoroastrian teachings, unlike the ancient religions that consider the heart as the organ of thinking, recognizes the mind as the organ of thinking, the poems of the Gathas above all reveal the wisdom of Zoroaster in guiding the society to knowledge and truth and achieving spiritual perfection in the Gathas to acquire knowledge. And knowledge and its dissemination are emphasized and in general, man is called to rationalism.
The above material shows that the ancient Iranians were the source and origin of the greatest service to human sciences and knowledge with their belief in human ethics and virtues and with good thinking, uprightness of speech and uprightness of action. Although the occurrence of wars and the invasion of foreign nations to this land, including the extinction of the Achaemenid dynasty by Alexander the Great and then the Seleucid dynasty by the Greeks in Iran, destroyed the cultural prosperity of Iran compared to the past era, and educational places were destroyed and books and scientific documents were destroyed. It was lost and destroyed and created many shortcomings, but in the end it has not been able to prevent the message of genius and knowledge of ancient Iranians from reaching the future generations. Also, the inseparable connection between medicine and religious teachings during the Sassanid era caused the commitment of doctors of that period to ethics and spirituality, and made them a worthy model for other sections of the society, as the religion of men. The progress of Sasanian medical science was such that patients from other nations were brought to Sasanian medical centers and were treated; so the hypothesis of the relationship between religion and medicine in ancient Iran is confirmed.

Supplying Water to the Sasanian-Islamic City of Gundishapur from the River Qanat of Dezful City; Design a Hypothesis

Mohammad Esmaeil Esmaili-Jelodar

Abstract
Agriculture played a significant role in the economic prosperity and development during the Sassanid era. The Sassanid facilitated economic, social, and political growth by constructing water structures tailored to the environmental landscape of the region and establishing laws for water utilization. The presence of perennial rivers like the Dez and Karkheh in Khuzestan created conditions not only to supply the water needs of local settlements but also to address the shortage of drinking, industrial, and agricultural water in other areas distant from rivers that had fertile soil. This was achieved through the construction of structures such as weirs, canals, Qanats, and other water facilities. Specifically, the water supply for the city and agricultural lands of Gondishapur, located 15 kilometers from the Dez River, was accomplished through various water bodies; among these, river Qanats played a fundamental role in transferring reliable water from the Dez River to the city and its farmlands. Archaeological field studies conducted by the authors have led to the identification of new water structures, including weirs, Qanats, and related canals, which had previously been recognized only in part. A considerable portion of these structures is located on the eastern side of the Dez River, and some extend near Gondishapur, suggesting the hypothesis that river Qanats were the main source of water supply for this city-a notion traceable in historical writings. The primary question of this research is how the permanent water required by the city of Gondishapur was supplied, what role the river Qanats played, and what the physical relationship between the Qanats and the city was. The methodology of this research is historical-analytical, and the information gathering is based on field data and historical sources. Satellite imagery analysis indicates the prominent role of Qanats utilization in transferring water to Gondishapur from the Dez River during the Sassanid period, although some of the Dezful Qanats can be attributed to a later period, even the Safavid era.
Keywords: Aqueduct - Canal, Sater Structure, Dez River, Gondishapur, Dezful, Sasanian.

Introduction
Water, as a vital element, has played a central role in the development of civilizations. In Iran, a country with water limitations, this issue has gained double significance, and water engineering has been recognized as one of the most prominent aspects of Iranian technology and skill from ancient times to the present. The Qanats, one of the most astonishing achievements of water engineering in Iran, is regarded not only as a solution for managing scarce water resources but also as a valuable cultural symbol. These irrigation systems, some of which extend over a hundred kilometers, are renowned not only in Iran but also worldwide.
In this text, the author examines the engineering system and exploitation of underground waters in Dezful and its connection with the water supply of the city of Gondishapur and its surrounding lands. It is emphasized that a more accurate understanding of these systems can contribute to a better comprehension of the subsistence economy and economic development during the Sassanid and Islamic periods. Furthermore, analytical-comparative studies can demonstrate the level of creativity and the impact of these systems on the life of the city of Gondishapur.
The author has used descriptive-analytical methods and tools such as remote sensing, aerial and satellite imagery, maps, and digital elevation models to analyze the data. This research seeks to answer questions about the role of river Qanats in providing drinking, agricultural, and industrial water for the city of Gondishapur and how the technology and construction methods of these Qanats were.
The research hypotheses state that the water needed for the city of Gondishapur was supplied through the construction of weirs, Qanats chains, and open canals from the Dez River. Tangible evidence such as the Dezful weir, river Qanats, open canals, the siphon bridge of the Siyah-Mansur River, and the city’s piping with ceramic pipes are presented as examples of this technology.
This research not only assesses the historical and archaeological aspects of these systems but also pays attention to their importance in sustainable development and the preservation of cultural heritage. Ultimately, this study can serve as an important resource for researchers interested in the history and technology of water in Iran.

Discussion
The central question of the current research is how the perennial water supply needed by the city of Gondishapur was secured, what role the River Qanats played in this, and what the physical relationship between the Qanats and the city was like. The methodology of this research is historical-analytical, and the information gathering is based on field data and historical sources. Therefore, the forthcoming article examines and analyzes the engineering system and exploitation of underground waters in Dezful and how it relates to the water supply of the city of Gondishapur and its surrounding lands. It specifically seeks to answer the following questions: Based on historical and archaeological documents, how are the River Qanats evaluated in terms of providing drinking, agricultural, and industrial water for the city of Gondishapur? And what was the technology and construction method of the River Qanats of Dezful and their various components? Following these questions, the hypotheses of this research have been organized as follows: The water needed by the city of Gondishapur was supplied through the construction of weirs, Qanats chains, and open canals from the Dez River as a permanent water source. This action has been evidenced by the construction of the Dezful weir, river Qanats, open canals, the siphon bridge of the Siyah-Mansur River, and the city’s piping with ceramic pipes as tangible proofs of water transfer to the city of Gondishapur.

Conclusion
Field research and analysis of Corona aerial imagery have revealed numerous water structures in the northern, western, eastern, and southern areas surrounding Dezful. Among these, the Qanats located on the eastern bank of the Dez River hold particular significance due to their direct relevance to this study. For instance, no traces of Qanats are identifiable in the Yaqub-e Leyth region in the 1968 Corona images, yet two Qanats shafts were discovered during field investigations. A primary deficiency in the initial plan was the failure to identify the Qanats chains in the Benuarshami area. Following the discovery of ancient Qanats and canals, research began on their history, indicating that some Dezful Qanats, such as Qamish-e Momenun, might date back to the Safavid era. It appears that parts of these Qanats, ancient canals, and water structures supplying the city of Gondishapur were constructed at least in the latter half of the Sassanid period, or it cannot be said that all Dezful Qanats branches belong to a specific era.
It seems that in the first half of the Sassanid period, open earthen canals were responsible for supplying water to Gondishapur, and in the latter half, the introduction of new crops such as rice and sugarcane increased water demand, rendering the canals connected to the Dez River insufficient. This situation partly justifies the creation of Qanats. After the abandonment of the city in the 7th or 8th century AH, it is likely that the water supply structures of Gondishapur became ineffective. Consequently, the Qanats, whose water discharge was recorded until 1966 AD, transferred water to the western lands of Gondishapur or directed it downstream via the Siyah Mansur River.

Re-Interpretation Illustrated Polychrome Decoration Under Transparent Glaze Attributed to Neishabur (Based on Ethnoarcheaology)

Ahmad Salehi Kakhki

Abstract
In the study of slipware colorful pottery, it has always been the focus of various researchers due to its unique motifs. During the past few decades, researchers have studied the patterns of the above pottery with different approaches. Despite the researches that have been carried out in the direction of rereading and interpreting the motifs, there are still ambiguities and challenges. One of the challenges in the interpretation of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery patterns is the illustrated illustration on a plate that is kept in the Nelson Atkins Museum of Art. In their research, according to historical texts, researchers have presented different opinions regarding the role of the above plate, and it is believed that their interpretations have fundamental problems. It seems that the study of historical texts alone is not a solution to the interpretation of the above illustration, and interdisciplinary science studies should be used to investigate the illustration of this container in a separate research using ethno-archaeological studies. Study and review. In this research, the Authors are of the opinion that by following the archetypes in the geographical context of the production of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery, the study scope of which includes the Khorasan region; to study the illustration of the plate, in order to achieve this goal, the Authors have used ethnographic studies and historical documents to interpret it. The research method of the upcoming research is a library with a comparative historical-analytical approach. In line with the above goal, questions such as what is the concept of the illustration of the colorful goblet plate? It has been proposed to what extent ethno-archaeological studies can be applied in the interpretation of the illustrated illustration on this dish. The result of the comparative research of ethno-archaeological studies and historical documents is that the theme of the illustration engraved on the plate is the ritual ceremony of asking for rain and water from the goddess Anahita and Tishtar, which is held today in the Khorasan region with changes in the way the ceremony is performed.
Keywords: Pottery, Neishabur, Polychrome Decoration Under Transparent Glaze, Ethnoarcheaology, Asking for Rain.

Introduction
Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery was produced in the 3rd and 4th centuries AH and parallel to the Samanian rule in northeastern Iran, which are very prolific and diverse in terms of motifs. A samples of these pottery is kept in the Nelson Atkins Museum of Art. By analyzing historical texts, researchers have proposed interpretations for the illustration engraved on this plate. Despite the studies conducted with different approaches by different researchers, there are still uncertainties about the identity of human motifs. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate and analyze the identity of the human motifs depicted on the plate in a separate research using ethno-archaeological studies along with reviewing historical texts. Therefore, the aim of the Authors in this research is to study the illustration of plate by examining historical texts and archetypes in the geography of the production of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery, the scope of which includes the Khorasan region.
In the background of the plate, there are nested circles in black with oval motifs and blue-green with circular motifs. The central motifs are three human body performing a special ceremony. The two human body have two two-branched wings on their shoulders, which are hanging down, and according to the clothes they are wearing, their gender can be distinguished as male and female. On the left side of the central body, the role of a small human body with a strange face of incomplete creation is depicted. Between the central man and the body on the left, the motif of a bird with its head turned back and a multi- petaled flower, possibly a lotus, can be seen.

The Role of a High-Ranking Lady
One of the motifs of the plate shows the role of a high-ranking lady sitting on a chair. The high-ranking lady is probably a symbol of the gods believed by the people of the third and fourth centuries due to the presence of two pointed two-branched wings on her shoulders. It seems that the goddess with the rhyton in her hand is probably one of the gods associated with water.

A High-Ranking Man
The motif of a high-ranking man depicted on a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate attributed to Neyshabur, like the motif of the goddess, is probably a symbol of the gods believed by the people of the third and fourth centuries due to the presence of two pointed two-branched wings on the shoulders. The male god is probably related to the water gods because he is next to the water goddess Anahita.

Plant Motifs
The lotus flower is called Abzad flower or the flower of life and creation in Farsi. Since this flower is related to water and in ancient traditions, the lotus flower was considered to be sacred and related to Anahita. Illustrated plant motifs on a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate attributed to Nishapur, the plant pattern of the seat of the female deity, as well as the plant motifs around the body of the male deity and the ten-petaled flower between the male deity and a small human body by comparing the actual sample of the bud and the lotus flower and the obvious similarity with It is probably a symbol of the lotus flower.

Bird
On a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate, the motif of a bird is drawn above the head of the male deity and the motif of a small human with his head turned back. The bird is probably a rooster symbol due to the abstract tail, several feathers on the body and also the crown on the head.

A Small Human Body
A small human body with a strange, imperfectly formed face, with eyes stretched vertically downwards, with open hands around him and a mouth on his cheek. to inspire a symbolic concept of him to the viewer. The small human role cannot be interpreted with the myth of Tishtar and Anahita; because there is no mention of its identity in opposition to the above gods in historical texts. Inevitably, in order to identify the identity of the small human role that can be referred to as the missing link and in the archetypes of the water myth, it was investigated in the geographical context of the production of Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze pottery attributed to Nishapur in the Khorasan region.

Conclusion
The result of the analyzes that were carried out in line with the proposed questions was that the scene of the celebration depicted on the plate was probably the narrator of the ritual ceremony related to water and rain among the people of the 3rd and 4th centuries in Nishapur. This result was obtained by identifying the patterns of the components of the plate with historical evidence and ethno-archaeological studies. Which could be identified with the identification of two human roles using historical texts with two wings and symbols such as lotus flower, rhyton, and cow horn hat. They were the gods Tishtar and Anahita. For the identification of the small human body with an ugly face, which gave the viewer a superhuman personality, the results of ethno-archaeological studies were also used by following its archetype in myths; Because she was assumed to be an ugly doll and also because she was placed next to the beautiful gods Anahita and Tishtar, she was matched with the ugly Qazak Chuli doll or the Opush demon in the Khorasan region with the ritual ceremony of asking for rain. The rooster is also depicted in opposition to the gods Anahita and Tishtar, and the doll symbolizing the demon Opush, a symbol of Sorush, which destroys the demonic forces of Opush. Therefore, according to the identification of motifs and their symbolic interpretation, the theme of the illustrated illustration on a Polychrome decoration under transparent glaze plate is related to the ritual ceremony of asking for rain in the 3rd and 4th centuries during a celebration that was accompanied by music and joy. The living manifestation of this archetype is the ritual ceremony of Choli Qazak among the people of Khorasan region in search of rain. The people of Khorasan in the seasons of drought and lack of rain make dolls that have been passed down from their fathers to them during ritual ceremonies with instruments and drums. And they ask for rain from the water gods with joy and enthusiasm.

Analyzing the Architectural Features of the Fortresses on the Western and Southern Boundary of Kerman’s Lut Desert

Alireza Anisi

Abstract
Lut desert is located in southeastern Iran. The area, despite having many historical monuments, including numerous castles, has not received enough attention from architectural historians. This study aims to clarify the architectural features and the purpose for the multiplicity of these fortresses in this region, it has been tried to study and investigate them with descriptive, analytical, and logical cognitive methods. The research was carried out by library and field studies of 140 castles, as case studies, in the region. The study’s results show that the climate and security factors are the main reasons for erecting the castles. Abundant water and location on the trade routes made the region rich, and on the other hand, point water sources and their limitations caused dispersion and distance between the structures and increased insecurity. According to historical sources, desert outlaws have also had a large presence in the region. Besides, the techniques to deal with violent sandstorms had caused them to build cities and villages in the middle of high barriers, or to build a castle inside or around it for use in times of need, which caused the number of castles in the investigated area. This has also caused the majority of castles in the region to have residential functions and be built inside or around cities and villages, and other functions and establishments are less frequent. The architecture of the castles and defense fortifications of the region also follows the common architecture of the central plateau castles, excluding incomparable cases. So, most of the castles follow the square and rectangular geometry, and in some cases, the irregular, trapezoidal, and parallelogram geometry is derived from the climatic and contextual conditions. The materials used were canvas and due to the ease of construction, speed of mass production, lower cost and camouflage, mud and mud brick in plain fortresses, and stone in mountain ones. Most of the towers are built in the corners and the middle of the sides with observational, defensive, and structural functions, and in some cases, towers are seen in the middle of the castle with only observational functions. The fortresses’ defense structure mainly is based on the barrier and tower, and as the wealth and population of residential castles increased, more defense boundaries were added.
Keywords: Fortress, Defensive Fortifications, Lot Desert, Kerman.

Introduction
Castles were military or civilian fortifications that were built using natural geographical features to maintain security (Sultani Mohammadi and Bulouri Bunab, 2015: 75). There are many variations in their use and they have a form of residence and social structure, different from the structure of the village and city (Parsi, 1383: 136; Nurbakhsh, 1366: 147).
In Iran, the formation of enclosed group buildings with various methods has a history of three thousand years (Kleiss, 1383: 160). The early forts in Iran can be seen as a relic of the agricultural civilization, when humans started to settle down and needed to maintain their security (Kiani, 1374: 78). In the past, next to many settlements and cities of Iran, there were one or more fortresses, which became people’s shelters during unrest and insecurity (Pirnia and Me‘marian, 2007: 82). Their functions were different, and the smallest of them was a military base or post, and the largest of them were guarded shelters for caravans and military and defensive forts (Siro, 1357: 54). Also, some of them were the central core of the ancient cities of Iran, and the main life of the people was often formed inside the fortresses and old forts (Zarei and Heydari Baba Kamal, 2016: 202). Some scholars believe that castles were built first and then towns were formed around them (Zuka, 1374; Na‘imi, 1389). These defense structures were usually built by the governments to protect the strategic and border cities against the enemy’s invasion and the encroachments of nomadic desert rovers (Wiley, 2016: 26).
Owing to political, economic, and geographical requirements, in both pre-Islamic and Islamic eras, numerous fortresses, and defensive buildings were built. The southern and western edge of the Lut desert in Kerman province is one of them, due to its special geographical location, has many historical castles that have not been studied and investigated in detail, and the studies conducted are limited to archaeological investigations and identifications and monographs. It is related to buildings. This area consists of important cities such as Ravar, Shahdad, Bam, Fahraj, Regan and Narmashir. Each of these cities had political, social and economic prestige at some point in history from the third and fourth millennium BC to the middle Islamic centuries (Qazvini, 1373: 243; Muqadsi, 1361: 680 and 684; Istakhari, 1373: 246; Yaqut, 1383: 269 and 296; Zarei and Heydari Kamal, 1393: 196, Hakimi, 1385: 28; Hakeimi, 1351: 78; Kabuli, 1369: 213). Considering the importance of this type of building in understanding the historical architecture of Iran, as well as the process of their destruction due to natural and human erosion, it is necessary to examine them with a closer look and in more detail. The upcoming research has investigated the castles of this area with such an approach and tried to answer two main questions: 1- What are the architectural characteristics of the fortress in the geographical area of the southern and western border of the Lut desert? 2- What is the main reason for the appearance, formation, and number of fortresses in this region?

Discussion
The structure used in the barrier of all the load-bearing wall castles and the materials used in the fence of all the plain castles the mud and mud brick and mountain areas, stone and baked brick are used for strengthening the base of the barriers. Stone has been the main material in the few mountain castles in the region. Although various decorations are used in the castles, due to functional reasons, they are seen in a limited number.
In terms of shape, the majority of castles in the region are square and rectangular, that is, the dominant form of such buildings in the central plateau of Iran. However, there are several castles with special trapezoidal, parallelogram, and irregular geometries, which were built in this way due to the specific topography of the environment and climatic conditions, such as facing sandstorms.
The dominant form of the towers is also cylindrical. In some cases, rectangular cube forms and square bases have been used, all of which have led to more structural resistance of the towers. The semi-cylindrical form has also led to the optimal use of space. Only one case of a triangular tower foundation has been seen in the castles, which is considered an exception. In terms of the location of the towers, the majority are placed in the corners and middle of the sides, which is by the usual architecture of castles. However, the construction of towers in the middle of the castle is surprising in many cases.
The defense structure of the castles of the region is based on two types, fenced and unfenced. Most of them consist of walls and towers, and several fences and ditches have been added. In some cases, the position of the bed in the mountain castles has been used and, on some sides, the fence has been removed. Most of the castles are located inside or outside of villages and cities for security and climatic reasons. The forts on the road and near the rivers were also built for security reasons.
To determine the exact function of fortresses is unclear, however, based on the previous data, the purpose can be recognized to some extent. Therefore, the castles that were built at the critical points between the road and the water divide had military use in strategic locations. The fortresses that were built in the center and around the villages were the lords’ fortifications that had either a residential position or an economic function. In the case of expansion and adding spaces such as the guard’s room, posts, and spaces similar to the military function, they become residential and if they are located in a prosperous city and court spaces are located inside them, they have a ruler’s seat. Fortresses that are located next to villages and cities have a shelter function.

Conclusion
the research studied the architectural features of the fortifications and defensive structures of the western and southern border of the Lut desert from 5 aspects: construction method, defensive structure, form, location, and function. The results of this study show that the fence structure of all the castles under investigation of the load-bearing wall is mainly made of mud and mud bricks, and in some cases, stone and brick have been used in combination with them for more strength. The richness of mud and mud bricks, cheapness and lower construction expenses, riches of mass production, faster production, matching the color with the environment, and helping to better camouflage compared to bricks and non-woven materials. Also, few mountain castles are built with stone materials due to their availability and the possibility of camouflage. The defense structure of most castles is based on fences and towers, and the number of towers and fences has been reduced and increased according to demand, and moats have been used. In general, as the wealth and population of castles, one of whose functions was residential, increased, rulers and residents increased the number of defense layers. There is also a type without fence, which is built due to climate and derived from the form of nuclear villages. In this way, the height of the external walls was increased to prevent the entry of sand into the central structure, no doors and windows were opened to the outside, and the passage was made only through the gate. This is not only to deal with climatic problems but also increases the security of the castle. The dominant form in the castles of the region is square and rectangular, but due to climatic and contextual reasons, many rhombus-shaped, trapezoidal, and irregular castles have also been built. The castles built based on the plan, follow the traditional square and rectangular geometry of the castles of the central plateau of Iran. The castles that have expanded over time and the castles that have been designed using the characteristics of the bed and the background (such as mountain and riverside castles) have irregular geometry. Most of the towers are built in the middle of the sides and corners however, in some cases, the construction of towers is in the middle and outside of the fortress. The towers in the middle of the castle had only an observation role, but the towers located in the corners and the middle of the sides had a defensive and structural role. Also, due to structural and spatial reasons, some castles are made of rectangular cube towers, cube bases, and semi-cylindrical towers.
The number of castles in the region is affected by the forces of security and climate. The inhabitant areas of the western and southern border of Lut have been very rich due to plentiful water and are located on commercial roads. On the other hand, the limitation of point water sources such as wells, aqueducts, and springs had caused the creation of irregular and scattered villages in the middle of the desert with a distance from each other and increased insecurity. According to historical sources, desert outlaws have also had a large presence in the region. All these factors, in addition to the techniques to deal with violent sand storms, had caused cities and villages to be built in the middle of the fence, or to build a castle inside or around it for use in times of need, which has caused the number of castles in the investigated area. This has caused the majority of fortresses in the region to have residential functions and to be built around and inside villages and cities, and other functions and settlements are less frequent.

Chronology of Shams Tabrizi Khoy Site based on Pottery Obtained from Archaeological Excavations

Afrasiab Garavand

Abstract
Khoy county, as one of the archeological fields of Iran, has been one of the most important centers for the presence of human societies, and the process of formation of ancient societies from prehistoric to historical and Islamic eras is quite obvious and can be explored. One of the landmarks of this city is Shams Tabrizi, which is located in the northwest of Khoy county between Rabat neighborhood and Imamzadeh neighborhood, and on its southern front, there is a monument called Shams Tabrizi minaret. This area was excavated in 2007, in 2018, with the aim of studying the layers and archaeological deposits and being aware of the existence of cultural periods, by creating 3 boreholes in the northern and eastern parts. This research is the result of studying the pottery data of the mentioned area. Accordingly, the main question of this research is posed as follows; Given the diversity of pottery species and their adaptation to other sites, what cultural periods does the site chronology include? Findings of this study; The pottery of this area is classified into two main groups of glazed pottery (monochrome pottery, multicolor painting on glaze and painting under glaze and Esgrafiato) and unglazed (molded and ordinary pottery) based on the typology of pottery. And their adaptation to other areas should be said; Shams Tabrizi Khoy area is a settlement belonging to the Middle Ages to the late Islamic period. The peak of prosperity of this area was related to the Middle Islamic centuries and it should also be noted that the pottery index species show close similarities with other centers in the northwest and west. It indicates the existence of an extensive communication and cultural network in the region, and historical texts and travelogues reinforce this conclusion.
Keywords: Khoy County, Shams Tabrizi Area, Pottery, Chronology.

Introduction
The city of Khoy has been an important gateway and a crossroads for trade in distant and nearby lands. This area, due to its location in communication centers, connects to the Urmia Lake basin on one side, the southern Caucasus region on the other side, and the eastern Anatolia, making it strategically important for prehistoric societies and significant in studies related to the formation of societies. The region’s archaeological explorations indicate that the oldest settlements in the area date back to the late Neolithic period (sixth millennium BCE). The environmental and biological components of the region have created favorable conditions for permanent and temporary settlements in various cultural periods, playing a very important role throughout history. Despite its great importance in Iranian archaeology, this region has received less attention. However, archaeological findings and historical documents attest to the significance of this region in cultural periods. In the field of archaeology, ceramic findings in the stratigraphy of sites and the study of cultural changes are of great importance. Systematic research on the types of ceramics in the Shams Tabrizi Khoy area is no exception to this rule. Given the lack of attention to this site in Iranian archaeology studies, it is necessary to investigate and study these data, as archaeological findings and historical documents indicate the importance of this region in cultural periods. The study of ceramic typology in this region is essential for understanding the prosperity and decline of the city, as well as cultural and trade relations with neighboring regions. Therefore, the main objective of this research is to study the Islamic period ceramics of this site, their typology, and relative stratigraphy. In the study of ceramics resulting from excavation and considering the type of data, the following questions are raised: 1) Which areas have similarities with the incised ceramics in this site? 2) Which regions have similarities with the turquoise-black ink ceramics of this site? 3) Based on the comparative study of ceramic types, what are the fundamental steps in understanding the prosperity and decline of the city and its cultural and trade relations with neighboring regions?

The Text of the Article
The Shams Tabrizi complex is located in the northwest of the city of Khoy, situated between the Rabat and Imamzadeh neighborhoods. Three trenches were created in the north and east fronts of the complex for identifying layers and accessing cultural deposits. Regarding the typology of ceramics in the Shams Tabrizi complex and their similarities with other complexes, it can be said that similar ceramics have been found in regions such as Rey, Sultaniyeh, Saveh, Sultanabad, Kashan, Hamadan, Bojnourd, Aqkand, Yazkand, Sultaniyeh, Sheikh Tappeh in Urmia, and others. Khoy was part of the Seljuk territories, especially under the Seljuk Rum branch, due to its strategic location on the trade route between the East and West. During the reign of Sultan Sanjar Seljuki, he appointed Khoy as a peer to Rey and considered Khoy and Rey as part of his special territories. The similarity of ceramic types with Rey is evidence of this statement. After flourishing during the Seljuk era and suffering damage during the Mongol invasions, especially in 628 AH, Khoy gradually regained its prosperity during the Ilkhanid period. Ceramics from the Ilkhanid period have been found in this complex, comparable to complexes of that time. In the Safavid era, Khoy gained attention from Shah Ismail I, who chose it as his winter capital. Historical sources indicate that Islamic historians attribute Khoy’s prosperity and fame to the middle centuries, particularly the 5th to 8th centuries AH. Ceramics from this period show undeniable similarities with complexes in eastern, western, and central Iran, likely due to cultural, economic, and trade exchanges between Khoy and those centers. Key ceramic types in this complex include multicolored underglaze, simple turquoise glazed ceramics, red and beige ceramics with black, blue, and purple patterns under and over turquoise and white glazes, orange and reddish ceramics with black patterns under yellow, turquoise, white, and aubergine glazes, orange ceramics with black and crackled (sgraffito) patterns under turquoise glazes, and unglazed ceramics.

Conclusion
Based on the archaeological studies and historical texts such as Ibn Hawqal, Masudi, Hamawi, and Emad al-Din Zakariya, Khoy has been a prosperous city during the Islamic period, especially from the 5th to the 8th centuries AD, due to its location on the East-West trade route. The pottery collection unearthed from the archaeological excavations of the Shams Tabrizi area also indicates that this region had cultural, commercial, and economic interactions with other centers during that time, reaching its peak during the Seljuk and Safavid periods. However, due to political and historical events, especially during the Ilkhanid and Safavid periods, all its cultural achievements were destroyed by invaders such as the Mongols and Ottomans (during the reign of Suleiman, Murad III, and Murad IV). Nevertheless, it has managed to regain its dynamism and greatness.
In this regard, the Shams Tabrizi area in Khoy is one of the prominent Islamic settlements in the region, possessing valuable cultural data, including diverse pottery artifacts. These pottery artifacts, classified based on comparative typology, belong to the Middle to Late Islamic periods and are divided into two main groups: glazed and unglazed pottery. The unglazed pottery consists of molded pottery and ordinary pottery, while the glazed pottery includes single-colored glaze, multi-colored glaze, overglaze painting, underglaze painting, and sgraffito. Due to the diversity of pottery types in terms of form, they mostly consist of various pottery bowls, and in terms of technique and decoration, they include distinctive types such as sgraffito, molded pottery, underglaze painting, and overglaze painting. Therefore, it can be said that pottery known as sgraffito in other regions such as Aqkand, Yazkand, Sultaniyeh, Sheikh Tappeh in Urmia, Hamadan, Kangavar, Taq-e Bostan, and Takht-e Soleiman, has been obtained, and in terms of style and technique, there are similarities between the turquoise pottery of this area and other regions in some cases. Similar turquoise pottery from this area has been obtained in Sultanabad, Kashan, Sultaniyeh, Hamadan, Bojnourd, and other regions, and can be compared to them in this respect. The results of the study of different types of pottery in the Shams Tabrizi area indicate that the pottery of this area mainly belongs to the Middle Islamic periods.

The Influence of Safavid Painting on the Illustrations of Hamzanameh in India (With Yuri Lutman’s Semiotic Approach)

Fataneh Mahmoudi

Abstract
Relations between the two civilizations of Iran and India have been reciprocated since ancient times. The sharing and exchange of cultural traditions between Iran and India culminates in the Gorkani era. The main area of objectivity of cultures should be searched in art and literature. This research, while examining the illustrated version of HamzaNameh, whose stories are illustrated from Hamza’s various encounters with Anoushirvan and the Sassanid court, which is at war with Hamza, and Ardeshir Babakan, who is rushing to Hamza’s aid, deals with the cultural influences of Iran/India due to the arrival of Iranian artists in the Indian Gurgaon period and the influences of Safavid painting features on this version. The problem raised in this study is: How can we read the effect of Safavid painting on Hamza Nameh’s paintings in India with a Semiosphere approach? The aim of this study was to investigate the impact of Safavid painting on the confrontation with Indian Gorkani painting. The descriptive-analytical research method is based on Lutman’s semiotic approach and using intercultural contrast (Iran/India) has pointed out the characteristics of Hamzanameh and Iran’s influence on Indian painting. And the effects of the features of Safavid painting and the personality of Iranian Hamzeh are present in the depiction of Hamzehnameh.
Keywords: Safavid painting, Hamzanameh, Indian Gorkani painting, Semiosphere.

Introduction
Cultural relations resulting from political relations between the two countries led to the formation of a new type of artistic approaches split from both cultures in the form of a valuable work entitled Hamza Letter. In this paper, in order to address the problem and the cultural relationship between Iran/India, an attempt is made to analyze some of the paintings of Hamza Nameh in Gorkani India, regarding the features they have in common with Iranian painting from an Semiosphere perspective. There have been many researches about the influence of Iranian painting on India, most of the researches have been done away from the approaches of art criticism in general. This doubles the study of the effects of Iranian painting on Indian painting based on a new research approach based on Sepehr. The necessity of the present research lies in the fact that previous researches have mostly dealt with the pictorial themes of Indian and Iranian painting with a descriptive view, and none of the previous researches have researched the illustration of Khamsa in India influenced by Iranian painting.
Question of the research: 1. What has been the impact of Iranian painting on Indian painting from the Semiosphere perspective? 2. What elements of Iranian painting have been effective in illustrating Hamzanameh in the Gurkan period of India? The hypothesis of the research is based on the principle that it is possible to analyze and read the illustrated Hamzanameh paintings in the Gorkani period with the Semiosphere approach based on the influences of Iranian painting on India.
Research method: The present research was written using the descriptive-analytical method and using the “ Semiosphere “ approach, which is a subset of the “cultural semiotics of the Tartu school “, based on the opinions of Yuri Lutman. First, the relationship between Safavid and Gurkanian art is studied. Then the paintings of Hamzanameh in the Gorkan period of India are examined. Therefore, in addition to the components of Hamzanameh paintings and their background factors, their themes are analyzed, and by considering them as a text, the ways of its influence and influence are investigated outside and inside two cultures. In the following, those images that have taken and absorbed components from foreign culture i.e. Safavid Iran as another will be introduced and specified. Also, the coexistence of the components of the culture within the text, namely the Gurkans of India, which is considered as the cultural self of the components outside the text, which is Safavid Iran, another culture, which ultimately leads to the emergence of a new and eclectic culture and text, is also explained.

Identified Traces
After examining and analyzing the paintings of Hamzanameh based on the Semiosphere approach, it can be said that Iranian immigrant artists, in the host land, try to establish a meaningful connection between their two Semiosphere and the other. Sepehr is a sign of Gorkani, which causes artists to inevitably make changes in their artistic foundations; In the new land, while trying to communicate with the signs of the host sphere, they do not have the ability and the possibility to completely reject and accept any of the elements in the influx of symbolic elements. But in the end, they still maintain their belonging to the culture and identity elements of their sphere, which interact with the identity and value-creating elements of the host, and by acquiring and absorbing elements from the host culture, they achieve the balance of their identity-creating elements. As the identity aspects of immigrant artists’ culture fade and by combining elements borrowed from the host’s symbolic sphere, the life of their culture continues in a new form in the Gorkanian symbolic sphere. Based on this, the findings after drawing the boundaries of the symbolic space of the Safavids/Gurkans, as well as reading the paintings of Hamzanameh, are presented with the approach obtained in the form of analyzing the paintings and classifying them in the mechanism of attraction and rejection. So, the examination and analysis of the paintings, the symbolic elements governing them, which express the mechanism of attraction and rejection in the paintings of Gurkani school of India, can be explained in the table below.

Conclusion
The relationship between the painting of the Indian or Indo-Iranian Mughal school, which was the same period as the Safavid rule, and is influenced by its art. The results of the study of political and cultural relationships between the Safavids and the Gurkans show the influence of the painting of the Safavid period on the formation of the Indo-Iranian Gurkan school of painting in India. But in the end, they maintain their belonging to the Iranian culture and the identity elements of their Sepehr, they interact with the symbolic and identity elements of the host, and by absorbing the symbolic elements of the host culture, they achieve the balance of their identity-making symbols. As the identity aspects of Iranian immigrant artists’ culture fade and by incorporating elements from the host’s symbolic sphere that they have borrowed, they continue the life of their culture in a new form in the symbolic sphere of the Gurkanians of India. According to these interpretations, the influence of Safavid painting can be clearly seen in Hamzanameh paintings. The reason for the introduction of Iranian cultural signs in the painting works, which were transferred to the Indian cultural and painting sphere through the migration of artists, and continue to display the identity and symbolic functions of their previous components. The results of this are that the absorption of elements and the translation of signs in most of the paintings of Hamzanameh are taken from the main character of the Iranian Hamzah story, which has caused the mechanism of Iranian culture through the story and its absorption by Iranian artists in the cultural sphere of India.

The Interaction of Iranian Art and Shia Ideas in the Tower Tombs of Kojur

Mohammad Mortezaee

Abstract
With the arrival of Islam in Iran, art came into the service of Islam and an interaction between Iranian art and Islamic thought was formed, which can be observed in the art of Islamic architecture in Iran. One of the most obvious types of cultural and religious architecture of the past, which has played an essential role in Islamic architecture from various historical, artistic, religious and social aspects, is tower-shaped tombs. These buildings have a long history in the context of Iranian culture and society, and for this reason, they have a relatively high diversity. The tombs and the blessed shrines after the mosques are the most important elements of religious architecture, in which you can see the beauty, elegance, technique and creativeness of architecture. In this research, it is tried to deal with Iranian art and Shia ideas in the architecture of religious-monumental buildings, as well as the connection between politics and religion in terms of architecture and aesthetics. The ancient region of Kojur (Old Royan) contains a considerable number of Islamic era tomb buildings that, in addition to having the general principles of Islamic architecture, also have special regional characteristics which can contribute to better understanding the native architecture and its function; furthermore, the religious and political link demonstrated in the architectural art of this region. The question raised in this research is, what was the function of the religious buildings of the tower-shaped tombs in the Islamic era? And in response, it can be said that, in addition to the funerary function, these religious elements can also have a religious-political function. The research method of this article in the context of studies was based on the purpose of the fundamental research type and based on the nature and method of the descriptive-historical research style. The way to collect information in this research is through documentary (library) method. The results of this research in the analysis and investigation of the architectural developments of the tower-shaped tombs in the Kojur region have shown the combination of Iranian, Islamic art and native architecture.
Keywords: Iranian Art, Shia Ideas, Tower Tombs, Kojur.

Introduction
The Muslim artist, realizing this meaning and value, designs the face and creates his artwork according to the aspects of Islamic (Shia) thought and wisdom. Religious architecture has also indicated and emerged meanings with the same foundations and concepts. Now considering that the greatness and sanctity of the personality of the prophet of Islam together with the orders given in the Quran and Hadith about his “relatives” and “Ahl al-Bayt” (siblings) caused Muslims to value and respect him from the very beginning and give a special place to their associates. This group, which was initially called by names such as “Al”, “Ahl”, “Zariyah”, “Atrat” and “Aqraba”, was later called “Sadat”, which at the same time they were called because of their sovereignty and glory in the sight of Muslims. Iranians, after converting to Islam, paid special attention to the children and grandchildren of the prophet. Signs of this attention can be observed in the presence of a significant number of memorial and burial monuments (tower-shaped tombs and blessed tombs) of the children and grandchildren of Shia imams in Iran, especially in Mazandaran, decorated with Iranian art and Shia thought.
In Iran during the Islamic era, tomb buildings are among the most numerous architectural works after mosques. The construction of these buildings with different names such as “dome”, “Madfan” (burial place) , “tomb”, “Rouzah”, “Meshhad” (place of becoming martyr), “Maqam” (position), “mausoleum”, “Beqaa”, “Astane”, “dome” , also called “Qasr” (palace) and “Imamzadeh” (son of Imam), became popular from the 4th century AH (Hejri Ghamari) and with the emergence of different local dynasties in the east and north of Iran, which coincided with the weakening of the Abbasid caliphate (Grabar, 1375: 16).
The local rulers in the Mazandaran region, who had Shia and Alavi tendencies since the second century of Hejri, supported Shia ideas and beliefs in the following centuries. This protection in architecture was more visible in the form of tower tombs on the graves of Shia Imams.

Identified Traces
The background of tower-shaped tombs: A tower is historically referred to as a tall and circular or polygonal building or “A tall and strong building next to a rampart with a castle or between a road for observation and guarding” (Seyd Sadr, 2001: 90). Sometimes the towers are built as a sign on the graves of the prominent and great figures which are actually considered a kind of tomb. In fact, here, in addition to the function of observation, the function of being seen by the tower itself is mentioned; tomb towers with different forms and shapes were able to demonstrate the effects of different goals and functions in their usages (Pirnia, 1383: 170).
Mausoleums (Shrines) in Kojur: Tomb buildings (shrines) in Kojur and their investigation can clarify many cases and answer most of the surrounding questions. The appearance, structure, materials used, the spaces employed, the dome and the inscriptions of the building represent the existence of a close historical-cultural relationship between the people of the region and their contemporary conditions. Tombs such as the tomb of Seyyed Mohammad Kia Sultan (Imamzadeh Debir Salehani), the tomb of two Imamzadeh Tahir and Motahar (Malek Kiyomarth bin Bistun), which are mentioned in detail as an example.
Tahir and Motahar tomb tower (King Kiyomarth bin Bistun): This building is located in the southwest of Hazar Khal village, near the Kojur-Salehan asphalt road. The cemetery of the people of Khachak and Hazar Khal villages surrounds the building due to the sanctity and respect they have for it, and some of the gravestones in the mentioned cemetery are dated between 1290-1309 AH (Hejri Ghamari).
Mausoleum of Seyyed Mohammad Kia Sultan: Geographical location of Seyed Mohammad Kia Sultan (Imamzadeh Debir Salehani) tomb (registration number 3659). The mausoleum of Seyed Mohammad Kia Sultan, known as Imamzadeh Debir Salehani, is located on the east side of Kojur district and Salehan village.

Conclusion
Regarding the interaction of Iranian art and Shia ideas in Islamic architecture (in general) and religious monuments (tower-shaped tombs) of Islamic mysticism and Sufism, various opinions have been expressed so far and each of which represents a corner of the mellifluous works of Iranian architects; that the speakers of these ideas have accompanied with it from their perspective. Since artistic understanding, like mystical perception, has a taste and personal aspect, according to the author of these lines, it can be concluded that this collection as an architectural work in its form, space and function has characteristics derived from the fundamentals of Islamic mysticism and wisdom. These characteristics and features have been influential both in the formation of the buildings’ figure and decorations and in the formation of internal and external spaces.
Considering the function, it can be said that this collection, which is basically designed for a religious-mystical function, in addition to providing this function considerably has a mystical function and the forms, spaces and architectural decorations in this collection are a kind of reflection of the mystical meanings and they are specific to Shia mysticism; such as asceticism, love, unity and guardianship. The demonstration of these concepts can be seen most of all in the decorations and the way of spatial communication of this collection.
Taking a look at the decorations used in these monuments indicates the Shia thinking of the Muslim artist in the form of motifs, decorations and inscriptions. Along with the verses and hadiths that reflect the Shia vision. Patterns of trees, birds, and so on are also a reflection of Shia thought and mind. Among the most important manifestations of this, the following can be listed: the use of geometric, plant and animal motifs with mystical symbolic concepts; in the decorations, the use of mystical symbolic colors, respecting the hierarchy of entry into the tomb of this collection in addition to showing the art and mysticism of architects and masters, it also represents the political, social and artistic beliefs of the society. These buildings as a whole, in all their components have symbols indicating the influence of mysticism, especially Shia mysticism.

Principles of Climate Responsive Architecture in Qajarid Residential Architecture in Ashtian, Iran

Saeed Amirhajloo

Abstract
Residential architecture as a living space for family members has been influenced by climatic and geographical conditions. Accordingly, some methods for designing climate-responsive architecture can be seen in historic houses of Iran, such as Ashtian. Therefore, this research aims to identify the influence of climate and geography on Qajarid residential architecture in Ashtian and to elucidate the strategies and measures employed by architects to mitigate negative effects and increase beneficial climatic and geographical influences. Questions are: What is the effect of climate and geographical features on the location and spatial distribution of Qajarid houses in the Ashtian? How did climatic and geographical factors affect the plan, form, and architectural features of Qajarid houses in Ashtian? Two hypotheses are: the topography of Ashtian, watercourses, and soil type have played a role in locating houses. Furthermore, the plan, form, and architectural features of the houses were influenced by climatic factors such as wind, angle and amount of sunlight, and temperature. ArcGIS, Google Earth, WRPLOT design software, AutoCAD, and SPSS software were used for data analysis. Based on the results, the architects were started the construction of the building by considering climatic factors such as sunlight angle, prevailing wind, temperature, and humidity. They have paid attention to the type and color of materials, size of windows and doors and courtyards, and size and location of rooms. Also, based on the models obtained from WRPLOT software, the dominant wind of the region in two directions east-west and west-east was identified and its effect on architecture was explained. The results of the analysis in SPSS also show the correlation between “type of land and social class of people”, “type of land and soil with reservoirs”, and “maximum wind speed and the number of floors”.
Keywords: Qajar Monuments, Climate-Responsive Architecture, Residential Architecture, Ashtian.

Introduction
Considering the geographical divisions of Iran, different architectural features have been formed in each geographical region (Memarian, 2012: 5). Although Qajarid architecture was influenced by modernism and non-Iranian patterns, climatic and environmental features have been among the most influential factors in Iranian architecture. It seems that architecture in Ashtian also has such characteristics. The development of the city of Ashtian during the Islamic era was due to its location in Iraq-e Ajam and the route of the pilgrimage to holy shrines of Iraq (Omidbeyki, 2015: 1). In the Qajar period, Ashtian was a place of residence for virtuous and pious people, writers, scholars, and politicians (Shirvani, 1897: 42), and various types of urban and suburban residential structures were built.
This research aims to identify the influence of climate and geography on Qajarid residential architecture in Ashtian and to elucidate the strategies and measures employed by architects to mitigate undesirable effects and increase beneficial climatic and geographical influences. The study of these residential structures, with a focus on analyzing the role of geographical factors, provides insights into the interaction between the Qajar society and the specific climatic and environmental conditions of the region.
There are two main questions in this research: What is the effect of climate and geographical features on the location and spatial distribution of Qajarid houses in the Ashtian? How did climatic and geographical factors affect the plan, body, and architectural features of Qajarid houses in Ashtian? Based on these questions, the following hypotheses have been proposed: the topography of Ashtian, watercourses, and soil type have played a role in locating houses. Furthermore, the plan, form, and architectural features of the houses were influenced by climatic factors such as wind, angle and amount of sunlight, and temperature.

Discussion
In this study, eight Qajarid residential buildings in Ashtian County – as a cold and dry region in the Markazi Province - were studied, which are: the houses of Mirza Hedayatullah, Mirza Hasan, Nuraee and Mo’tamed al-Ayalah, as well as Mustofi Al-Mamalek (Agha) castle in Ashtian city, Abdulazim Gharib house in Garekan village and two feudal castles in Ja’farabad village (Figs 2-9).
Based on the Google Earth photos, the Qajarid houses in Ashtian have been located in the middle of the southern slope of the mountain. Because the northern slopes of the mountains are in shadow and colder (Ghobadian, 2018, 101-102), While the southern slope is sunny and has better conditions for residence and other activities. Watercourses are usually threatened during floods and pose a threat to settlements (Negarsh, 2003: 137). The topographic analysis of the watercourses and hazardous slopes around the studied buildings indicates that less attention has been paid to the issue of watercourses in Ja’farabad, Garekan, and Ashtian. Furthermore, the city of Ashtian is located on QT2 soils, Ja’farabad on QT1 soils, and Garekan on MS and MQ soils (Figure 10). Based on this, the lands of Ashtian and Ja’farabad are relatively homogeneous in terms of resistance and provide relatively favorable conditions for construction. However, Garekan lands are weaker for building construction. In Addition, a very strong fault called “Talkhab” extends northwest to southeast, passes 12 kilometers southwest of Ashtian and 4 kilometers northeast of Ja’farabad (Fig 11). Historical reports also indicate destructive earthquakes in the years 855 AD, 958 AD, 1177 AD, 1316 AD, 1495 AD, and 1962 AD in this area (Ghodrati et al., 2010: 184). Therefore, the location selection of houses in the cities of Ashtian, Ja’farabad, and Garekan has been carried out without considering the earthquake hazard.
The most prominent architectural features of cold and mountainous regions include small and confined urban and rural spaces, compact structures with interconnected buildings, narrow streets with limited width. Furthermore, Attention is given to solar orientation (Ghobadian, 2018: 99). The urban spaces in Ashtian are also small and confined, with a compact urban fabric (Figure 12), as well as Garekan and Ja’farabad. The main streets and thoroughfares are also narrow and have limited width.
The study of the influence of the angle of solar radiation on the monuments of Ashtian for 11 AM at the beginning of each season showed that the difference in the angle of solar radiation between summer and winter in these regions is more than 35 degrees (Table 1). For this reason, a porch has been built in the north face of some houses, including Mo’tamed al-Ayalah, Nuraee, and Ja’farabad castles. The roof of these porches was like a canopy, and it protected the openings from the hot summer sun. But in winter, the slanting sunlight penetrated the into the interior spaces. Also, the orientation of the axis of the house plans in the east-west axis made the sunlight to be received more in the cold winter mornings in the southern facades.
In these buildings, the percentage of open space or courtyard area compared to the total building area is less than 35 percent. This is because in areas where the temperature is cold or very cold for most days of the year, most daily activities take place indoors. In the buildings of Ashtian, small openings were used to prevent heat exchange between the interior and exterior of the building. In the design of these openings, in addition to light, ventilation and the utilization of pleasant winds or prevention of unpleasant winds have also been taken into consideration. The output of modeling in WRPLOT software indicated that the prevailing wind in this city is predominantly east-west and west-east (Figure 13).

The outputs of the SPSS also showed the following
- A relationship between the type of land and the social class of the people living in the house: political people and officials have chosen areas with more suitable soil.
- A relationship between the type of land and soil with the presence of a water reservoir in the building: all Qajarid buildings in Ashtian city had water reservoirs. However the residents of Ja’farabad did not need a water reservoir. Because the underground water and the aqueducts were rich.

Conclusion
The study of Qajarid houses in the city of Ashtian has shown that some geographical and climatic factors have influenced the location, plan, structure, and architectural elements of these houses. However, architects have also overlooked some climatic and geographical variables in the location, design, and construction of these houses. In response to the first question, it should be noted that although these houses have been strategically and intelligently located in the southern foothills to easily capture sunlight and solar energy, they are all exposed to the risk of floods from the north and northeast along the watercourse. Nevertheless, the principles of urban space design and construction in mountainous and cold regions have been maximally observed in the city of Ashtian, and the analysis of the urban fabric and space in Ashtian indicates narrow streets and the integration of architectural units for better adaptation to the climate. Regarding the second question, this study has shown that the principles of design and construction of residential spaces, including plan, structure, architectural elements, and materials, have largely obeyed climatic and geographical factors such as the direction and intensity of sunlight, the prevailing wind direction, and the temperature in summer and winter. For example, the roofs of the buildings are flat, and the windows are small and proportionate to the direction of the sun and the prevailing winds of the region. The positioning of the windows facilitated the absorption of solar heat in winter and ventilation in summer. Small central courtyards and open spaces have been built in accordance with the climate of Ashtian. The number of floors in these houses corresponds to the intensity and speed of the wind, and the presence of architectural spaces with specific functions, such as water reservoirs, depends on the type of soil and the geographical characteristics of the region.

The Study of Features Cultural-Historical Properties Possession

Fariba Pahlavani

Abstract
The right of possession is not an absolute one today and the lawmaker has the power to limit the possession right according to several reasons. It is a general thought in the public regulations of the civil law that the possession is a legal absolute right. Accordingly, and due to different tools, the limitation is fulfilled by the lawmaker and this right is completely ignored. The rules of cultural heritage are of the tools to make the limitation and to devest possession. The main question of this article is that what are features cultural-historical properties possession in Iran and what are the position of intellectual and material property right of the of the historical-cultural owner of the properties? It seems that there could be limitations in some situations to some cultural heritage properties. The mentioned laws could weaken the private ownership in some cases. Additionally, the private ownership is respected in Islam and according to the first verdicts the ownership of cultural-historical properties are authentic its ignorance is assumed wrong. The today law are not upgraded and its fulfilment is ignored in order not to be against the religious and legal frameworks.
Keywords: Possession, Cultural Heritage, Cultural-Historical Properties, Movable Properties.

Introduction
Cultural heritage includes series of valuable movable and immovable properties from the past. A significant part of the properties is owned privately or is inherited or discovered by them. Now-a-days it is the aim of the government to protect these properties with cultural-historical values. As the verification of their ownership in the laws of cultural heritage are not noticeable by the lawmakers it is significant to study the different aspects and illuminate the ownership situation of these properties as the aim of the Authors in this article.

The Aim and Necessity of this Research
The lawmaking process for cultural heritage in Iran started in 1930 as the law of national properties protection by the national consulate of the parliament of Pahlavi I and under the direction of Andre Godar, the French architect and archaeologist, of the antiques center. Several paragraphs have been added or removed from the mentioned law since then. It seems that the law on cultural heritage and cultural-historical properties are not efficient as the traffic of the properties are increasing and the national treasures are looted. Therefore, it seems that the study in this field and the different aspects of the protection and conservation of cultural heritage are essential in the present situation.
The primary and secondary question and hypothesis: What are the features of cultural-historical properties in the laws and regulations of Iran? What is the position of the tangible and intangible cultural-historical properties ownership in the legal and administrative sections?

Research Method
The research method is according to the library study of the present laws and decisions in the field. Cultural-historical properties ownership in the laws and regulations
The ownership and its features are as above-mentioned. The ownership is significant in the present society as the method of personal economic relationship adjustment. Respecting one’s control over the objects gives him authority to protect his material benefits. This ownership is fair, defensible, and even sacred. The respect for it is as the blood of human and even more than Kaaba in Islam. The constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran, paragraph 22, it is mentioned as following: “The property of the persons is safe from assault unless the law approves” and in paragraph 47 it is mentioned: “The legitimate property is respected and the law designates its rules”. Some lawyers describe the respect for personal property as the fundamental respected laws and its soul (Katouzyan, 2010: 133).
In paragraph 3 about the protection of national property, approved at 1930, two sorts of properties are mentioned; the properties without personal owners and the properties with personal owners. These tangible and intangible properties could be faced according to paragraphs 3 and 4. Additionally, the personal properties are mentioned in the law of land and construction purchasing for the protection of historical and ancient properties, approved at October 1968, paragraph 1. The properties with or without owners will be discussed here (Khodadadi Larzjan, 2016: 5).
Obviously, thousands of properties with personal owners cannot be only safeguarded by law that is approved 80 years ago and is enforced unilaterally. It means if the owners of the historical properties know that they are not alone on protection their properties and this might improves their social position and their benefits they will not take those properties abroad.
In another hand the inscribing of a property in the national list destructs their property right for the personal property owners. Therefore, the destruction of the properties accelerated according to the more nationally inscribed process in 1990s. The owners destructed the buildings as they knew they will not be able to sell, be benefited or destruct their properties after inscribing them in the national list of cultural heritage. The owners whose properties were inscribed previously were shocked for some times and due to the consultation of the lawyers found out the legal solution and complained in Court of Administrative Justice.

Conclusion
The attention and support of the government of the legal cultural-historical owners’ property rights and checking property conflicts and also the separation of personal and public ownable properties (with respect to the governmental sovereign rights) could be one of the best methods to encourage people to identify and protect the mentioned properties and preventing them from being exported illegally.
According to paragraph 4 of the constitution, all the laws should be congruous with the religious rights and a rules should be religiously interpreted accordingly. As, the property is of the legal rules and respected by the sacred lawgiver in Islam, the lawmaker could not regard the property as a public benefit tool. Ignoring the property right could divest thee economic drafty and help the export of the property from the society and to harm the public and personal benefits. Regarding the properties as not being absolute and allowing the government to threating the personal property right leads to disrespecting the property right. Therefore, there is not a common method for confiscating cultural-historical properties and the discovered ones and also a right for the finder- with respect to the situation of the discovery process and the place- although very little. This could be either usurpation and forbidden by the religion or could cause more traffic and secretly keeping the properties and eventually destruction the national property. The conflict of the public and personal benefits of historical buildings and also the lack of a serious, functional and legal solution could lead to the destruction of the constructions through the years and the blame of the future.
Therefore, there is an urgent need for a religious, critical and courageous review of the law with respect to the constitution and international laws in order to conclude public and personal property limitation and identifying the features of property to respect the owners’ right and prevent the traffic of cultural-historical properties.