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<title> Parseh Journal of Archaeological Studies </title>
<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp</link>
<description>Parseh Journal of Archaeological Studies - Journal articles for year 2023, Volume 7, Number 23</description>
<generator>Yektaweb Collection - https://yektaweb.com</generator>
<language>en</language>
<pubDate>2023/5/11</pubDate>

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						<title>Ghabr-e Keykha River Basin in the Prehistoric Period, Settlements and Population Fluctuations in the Central Part of Semirom County from the Paleolithic Period to the Banesh Period</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=647&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The investigation and study of the plains and valleys between the mountains of South Zagros in Iran from a geographical and cultural point of view leads to a deeper understanding of how the archaeological cultures of those regions were formed and expanded; The southern parts of Zagros have their own geographical and cultural areas, while the northern regions include Abadeh, Eghlid, and Semirom; The Ghabr-e Keykha river basins and Semirom region are significant for the study of cultural interactions and areas of expansion of the archaeological cultures of Fars province because of their location at the intersection of the archaeological cultures of South Zagros. Therefore, we started the studies to investigate the prehistoric settlements and demographic fluctuations of the Ghabr-e Keykha river basin and to identify the oldest habitation in the central part of Semirom. The current research was based on a season of the archaeological survey with a habitat analysis approach in the central part of Semirom city (Figure: 1); After preparing the required maps, we surveyed the target area, and random sampling was done. Due to the low environmental capabilities, the sites were not in the dimensions and size of settlements in the central parts of Fars. It has been considered from sources of water and quality soil and living in the closest distance to rivers and reliable sources of water; It is interesting to note that, unlike in the central parts of Fars, there is no evidence of a sharp decrease in the number of enclosures and a change in the lifestyle from a sedentary farmer to a nomadism, and we are witnessing the size of Sites and the increase in population during the Banesh period.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Archaeological Survey, Prehistory, Semirom, North Fars, Southern Zagros.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
Introduction&lt;br&gt;
Semirom county has an area of about 5224 square kilometers and an average height of 2400 meters above sea level, and its location is in the south of Isfahan province on the slopes of the Zagros highlands. This county is in the middle of South Zagros and the eastern slope of Dena highlands. What turned Semirom County into a distinctive locale in the prehistoric and later periods was its obvious location at the interface of the three major Iranian cultural zones, namely Fars to the south, Bakhtiari to the west, and the central plateau to the north. Thus, the region represents a significant focal point for exploring the cultural interactions of the cited zones. What is evident with regard to the regional archaeological investigations is the lack of systematic surveys, local chronology, excavated sites, and knowledge of the cultural evolutions in prehistoric times. &amp;nbsp;From another geographical point of view, Semirom lay in the southernmost part of Isfahan, that is the lowermost focal point of the central plateau cultures, wherein the penetration of the Bakun culture cannot be ruled out.&lt;br&gt;
The basic question concerns the circumstances of settlements and population fluctuations at the prehistoric sites in Central District of Semirom, focusing on the factors of settlement size, water resources and arable lands, in particular during the Bronze Age, to determine whether there are comparisons with the central parts of Fars? Another question is: Given the location of the Semirom region at the convergence point of the cultures of the central Fars, are there any evidences of cultural interactions with the latter cultures? Furthermore, since at the current status of our understanding, grounded in the excavations of Tall-e Mash Karim (Sardari and Taheri 2015, 266; Taheri 2015, 233), and Gol-Afshan (Taheri 2009, 345; Taheri, 2020), the region&amp;rsquo;s earliest occupations date to the Bakun period, we were looking for information about potential earlier Paleolithic and Neolithic settlements. Judging by previous surface surveys, albeit their partial coverage of the region, and excavations, I assumed that the region was under the influence of Fars archaeological cultures, and indications for influences from the Bakhtiari region and the central Iranian plateau are absent. Thus, testing this hypothesis called for carrying out more careful intensive surveys in parts of Semirom.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
Discussion&lt;br&gt;
From the Middle Paleolithic period, we identified three open sites, two of which were created on the terraces dominating the rivers, and one site with a long distance from the permanent water resources at the exit of one of the northern valleys of the region is surveyed. Earlier, the settlement in this area was dated to the Bakun period. But it dates back to the Middle Paleolithic period, according to new surveys and evidence of human activities identified from the Paleolithic period. From the Neolithic period, we identified only one site related to the Shams Abad period, but with the beginning of the Bakun period(Chalcolithic), like Fars, we see an increase in settlements from one Neolithic site to seven sites in the Bakun period and four sites in the Lapui period. Various causes can be involved in this increase in population. First, with the warming of the region after the late Holocene, in a way that was not much different from the current climate of the area (Sadat Hosseini et al., 2015), better conditions were provided for the expansion of settlements and human habitation. We can see its appearance at the beginning of the Shams Abad period and the identification of one site. On the other hand, with the revelation of the Bakun culture in the Kur river basin, which had progressed in the economic and social contexts, more possibilities and abilities were obtained to exploit the environment, such as the expansion of irrigation canals began in the Shams Abad era and reached its peak during this period. They used more diverse animals in their food chain through hunting and animal husbandry. Although, like Fars, we see an increase of sites in the Bakun and Lapui periods. it seems that the Semirom region should be introduced as one of the peripheral regions of Fars and influenced by the archaeological cultures of this region with its cultural characteristics, in terms of dimensions and number of sites, livelihood patterns, and pottery motifs. That needs to be studied separately and consider its specific climatic and geographical conditions in the framework of the archaeological cultures of Fars.&lt;br&gt;
&amp;nbsp;In the Banesh period, the number of sites is reduced to three. It seems that this region, unlike Fars, in this period, not only has not a noticeable decrease in population compared to the Lapui period, but we can see the stability of the population and the size of the sites. Also, observing the beveled rim pottery (Figure: 7) in this region is an important issue that doubles the need for a more detailed study of the entire county in this period.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
Conclusion&lt;br&gt;
The results indicated the influence of environmental factors in the selection of sites, and factors such as distance and proximity to reliable water resources, fertile lands with easier access to water, and a suitable slope were the main factors for choosing a place of habitation. In all prehistoric times, most of the sites were very close to the main branches of the rivers (Map: 3); Most of them have settled in the middle of the plain, where the ground is less steep and has better soil. The reason that we identified no areas in the foothills of the mountains and at a greater distance from the rivers is because of the factors such as more difficult access to water resources due to the greater depth of the valleys in the initial parts, the lack of good soil, and the impossibility of exploiting water resources through canalization. There may be other factors involved which require more research to identify. In this lifestyle, the location should be chosen more carefully because the stay duration was longer, and the soil and water resources use was continuous and planned. In the end, based on the model that most archaeologists use to estimate the population and their interpretations, i.e., determining 100 to 150 people for each hectare in prehistoric periods (Alizadeh, 1392: 159), we predicted a population of over 200 people for the central part of Semirom in the Neolithic period, considering that we identified only one site with an area of 15,000 square meters. After that, during the Bakun period, the total area of seven sites was 27,500 square meters, and the estimated population was about 550 people. In the Lapui period, the total area of all the sites was 18,000 square meters, with an estimated population of about 350 people. In the Banesh period, the total area of all the sites was 50,000 square meters, which reached around 1,000 people with the increase in population. This analysis clearly shows the beginning of the increase of the sites with the beginning of the Shams Abad period. It continues to increase in the Bakun period. In the Lapui period, we are facing a 40% decrease in the number of sites. Again, in the Banesh period, the size of the sites increased a lot, and we estimated the largest population for this period.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Mohammad Hossein Taheri</author>
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						<title>Introduction and Analysis of Technology and Typology of Lithic Artifacts Discovered from the Excavations of 2020 in Touq Tepe Neka, Mazandaran</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=851&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In this article, the production systems of lithic artifacts during the Neolithic period of eastern Mazandaran has been studied based on the 2020 excavation of Touq Tepe using a descriptive-analytical approach. Examining the technology, typology, and the effect of subsistence on applying methods of technologies and studying the production methods of various artifacts were among this research project&amp;rsquo;s most important questions and aims. Touq Tepe is located in the central district of Neka, near Hotukosh mountains, one of Iran&amp;rsquo;s most important Chert sources. These artifacts were not locally made at the site and part of the production sequence took place elsewhere. Since there was no blade core in the assemblage, it seems that the blades came to the site in already-prepared form and mostly retouching and finalizing processes of the debitages were done at the site. Evidence such as a large striking platform, dual striking bulb, and dented striking bulb indicates that the technology used in the Touq Tepe lithic artifact was either direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. Some of the most important characteristics of the assemblage are the abundance of over-flake and notched-denticulated tools and the shortage of scrapers (thumbnail and geometric) and tools with sickle gloss. The lithic industry of Touq Tepe resembles the Mesolithic stone industry of Komishan Cave regarding its technological composition. The production method of the stone artifacts in the Neolithic was likely a continuum of the Caspian Mesolithic period. The subsistence economy has a direct effect on the production method of artifacts. Our study showed that due to the high environmental capacity of the studied area in providing prehistoric societies with food, there was no dramatic change in the typology and technology of lithic tools on the site despite the change of the subsistence towards food production.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Eastern Plains of Mazandaran, Touq Tepe, Neolithic, Developments in Technology and Subsistence, Lithic Artifacts.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In the process of Neolithization, and then during the Neolithic period, the hunter-gatherer subsistence transformed into domesticate-farming (Bar-Yosef &amp; Meadow, 1995; Barker, 2006; Hole, 1984; Bar-Yosef &amp; Belfer-Cohen, 1992). With those mentioned transformations came a metamorphosis in lithic tools technology. Thus, technological and subsistence developments are two fundamental issues in Neolithic research. &amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Proper archaeological research has shown western and southwestern parts of the Iranian plateau as one of the major zones of Neolithization. Thus, these regions have absorbed most of the research interests regarding the Neolithic period (Roustaei, 2014). Meanwhile, most of the reports on eastern Mazandaran are about Mesolithic sites as far as there is little known about this period even in sites with in situ Neolithic layers like Kamarband (Belt) Cave (Jayez, 2012: 284). Therefore, one of the important aims of this article is to deal with this period through new archaeological findings in Touq Tepe, a site located in Neka Plain, and study the technology and typology of its lithic artifacts.&lt;br&gt;
The current research has studied the technology and typology of stone artifacts from the Neolithic layers of Touq Tepe and the subsistence of its inhabitants, which is useful to clarify the processes of change in the technology and typology of artifacts from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic period and open the way for future studies. Given the proximity of the site to one of the largest and finest Chert sources in Iran, the artifacts were studied for their raw material so a logical relationship between raw material abundance and the diversity of lithic artifacts could be established. Naturally, larger and thicker tools were used for rougher tasks. The production methods of these artifacts were mostly direct and indirect percussion.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
In this study, newly-found lithic artifacts from Neolithic layers of Touq Tepe were first studied separately for classification, typology, sourcing, and investigation of the Neolithic subsistence economy. The findings were classified into four types: tools, debitages, cores, and natural stones. Eventually, the results were compared to published data of the nearby sites from quantity and diversity points of view to establish a foundation for general knowledge about subsistence in the Neolithic period.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Disccussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Totally, 348 stone artifacts were recovered from Neolithic layers of Toq Tepe. This assemblage has 6 cores (1.72%) including 3 flake cores, 2 microblade single-side cores, and 1 irregular mixed core. A total of 259 (74.43%) artifacts are simple debitages including 135 flakes, 43 blades, 15 microblades, 2 burin spalls, 35 chips, and 27 debris. 81 (23.28%) tools consist of retouched (31 retouched flakes, 24 retouched blades, and 10 retouched microblades), notched tools, notched-denticulate tools, backed microblades and multi-functional tools and 2 (0.57%) naturally occurred stones.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
The places of flake and microblade on cores are highly irregular and their exterior angles are less than 90 degrees. The blades and microblades have mostly irregular ridges and a profile with low curvature. The ventral surfaces are not completely flat and have waves on them. The thickness of the striking platform in blades and microblades is quite low and flakes with a thick striking platform and prominent striking bulb with dents over the bulb are also rare. In this assemblage, dented striking bulbs are more common in flakes, blades, and finally microblades, but completely absent in burins.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
The flakes were rarely made using direct percussion and in the majority of cases they were produced using direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. All the blades were made using direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion. In microblades, considering the faded striking bulb and their paralleled edges, it is probable that the pressure technique was used Although no pressure microblade core was found. All the lithic artifacts of Touq Tepe were made out of Chert with various color spectrums but mostly from light to dark brown.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The number of simple debitages is far more than debitages turned into tools and those that turned into tools have larger dimensions and irregular retouches. Based on the comparison of the average sizes of the tools made over the flake blank and the simple debitages on the flake blank and the high ratio of chips to the tools, it can be concluded that the process of making and converting simple debitages to tools was taken place in the site and according to the immediate needs thus most of the retouches are irregular. Scrapers were mostly made over flake blanks and have denticulate or notched-denticulate retouches that do not need any special pre-design.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
The lack of blade cores and the low percentage of blade&amp;rsquo;s simple debitages support this hypothesis that the blades were imported into the site in already-prepared form and then retouched at the site. In the Touq Tepe lithic industry, there was an emphasis on flake production due to the availability of raw materials. The technical evidence over the debitages of stone artifacts of Touq Tepe confirms that debitages were detached from cores using direct percussion with a soft hammer or indirect percussion.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Acknowledgments&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The financial supports for carrying out the excavation program of Touq Tepe Neka have been provided by the General Department of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Handicrafts of Mazandaran Province. We are also grateful to the Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism and the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research for issuing the excavation permit. The members of the excavation team, who were students of University of Mazandaran and experts of the mentioned General Department, cooperated and worked hard in the terrible conditions of the corona virus; these loved ones are also sincerely appreciated.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Rahmat Abbasnejad Seresti</author>
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						<title>An Investigation on the Pottery Production in the Hormangan Site, Fars Province, Iran</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=346&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
This study aims to recognize and characterize pottery production at the Hormangan site, a Neolithic settlement in the northeast of Fars province, Iran. An examination and analytical study of the potteries on this site was conducted to determine the manufacturing techniques of the Neolithic potteries, understand the raw materials and inclusions, the level of progress and knowledge of the potters from the final products, and the location of the production site. Excavating this site, ceramics and a heated structure, probably an open kiln, were found, belonging to the Mushki phase (6400-6000 BC). Thirty-six ceramic shreds were selected for thin-section petrography analysis according to their macroscopic features. After that, 18 of them were analysed using X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) and X-Ray Diffraction methods. According to the mineralogical studies and the XRD and XRF analyses, while three different clay types were used to produce these Neolithic ceramics, they were all local productions. These vessels were fired in an open and unsophisticated kiln at an uncontrolled temperature, probably not over 800 degrees. Although the combination of these archaeometrical techniques indicates that there are various sub-angular inclusions in each type of clay, most of the pots are vegetally tempered (chaff-tempered). The existence of the heated structure separately from residential construction, a variety of designs and decorations on the ceramics, and various clay sources all determine that the Neolithic community of the Hormangan site has gone beyond a primitive rural society and as semiprofessional individuals had a surplus of more than their demands.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Neolithic Period, Hormangan Site, Ceramic Production, Petrography, XRD, XRF.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Hormangan site is a Neolithic site located on the border of the Bavanat River basin, in Jeshnian village, in the northeast of Fars province, Iran. This site was excavated in 2016, revealing two phases dated back to 6373 to 6000 BCE. The earlier phase indicates no traces of architectural structures, and the later phase contributed to the settlements. Moreover, a heated structure was discovered simultaneously with the later phase, surrounded by potteries and divided spaces. Pottery vessels which were discovered from these two phases are similar to the ceramics of Tall-e Mushki, Tall-e Jari B, Kushk-e-Hazar, Tall-e Bashi, and Rahmat Abad. As these types of potteries were first discovered from the Tall-e Mushki, they are known as Mushki phase potteries. The heated structure discovered in the Hormangan site is a unique structure related to producing pottery during the Mushki phase, which was probably an open fire kiln. Since there are no similar structures have been found in the Neolithic sites in the Fars region, this study aims to understand pottery manufacturing technology with multi-analytical approaches. Moreover, considering the two phases of the Hormangan site occupied by different settlers for almost 300 years, it is attempted to differentiate potteries of these two phases from a technological point of view.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Geological Setting&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
A portion of the Bavanat plain lies in the Sanandaj-Sirejan zone, as well as the Shahreza-Abade- Hambast orogenic belt, characterised by high-quality clay deposits and Devonian sandstones (Houshmandzadeh and Soheili, 1990). Several types of rocks can be found in the Bavanat region (Emami and Yaghmai, 2008), spanning three tectonic-stratigraphic units: Late Permian and Middle Triassic rocks, Late Triassic and Cretaceous rocks, and Tertiary rocks (Ghazi and Moazzen, 2015; Ghorbani, 2011). From the mineralogical point of view, this area includes kaolinite, illite, quartz, and chlorite, and secondary minerals are goethite, paragonite, and gypsum. Also, sandstones and shales have been eroded in most cases, creating debris slides. There is a large hydrographic network density in Tutat Mountain (formed by internal and metamorphic formation). However, there is a lower density of hydrographic network in the Kitaban, Khaleisht, and Khatban Mountains. The clays in this region are therefore expected to contain high levels of lime and quartz minerals, but it is also likely to contain metamorphic minerals (Khademi and Hashemi Nasab, 2011).&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Hormangan ceramics were primarily divided into six groups based on surface treatment, colour, and decoration style. In further classification, the Hormangan potteries were categorised based on their form, size, place of motifs and ceramic fashioning techniques. After initial macroscopic studies of these ceramic vessels, 36 pottery sherds were selected for thin-section petrographic analysis. For choosing these samples, not only the former classifications were considered, but also it was attempted to select potteries from different phases and various contexts and trenches. The earlier phase includes 14 samples, the later phase 12 samples, and the heated structure 10 samples were selected for this analysis.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
For getting inside into the primary and secondary mineralisation phases, determining firing conditions and maximum temperature, and environmental burial conditions, 18 samples (from those 36 samples) have been selected for the X-Ray Diffraction analysis (XRD) in order to determine the crystalline phase constituents. This methods is necessary as a complementary method to petrography. Moreover, X-Ray Fluorescence analysis as a semi-quantitative analysis has been applied to these 18 samples to detect the chemical characterisation of their main and trace elements and to identify whether the earlier and later phases&amp;rsquo; samples become clustered into two different groups or not.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The thin-section microscopic analysis indicated a very porous matrix with angular and semi-angular inclusions, which are mainly quartz, and with traces of vegetal tempers. Moreover, the vessels were fired under the oxidation condition. The inclusions were distributed randomly in the matrix, which suggested that they were not homogeneous and consisted of quartz, limestone, calcite, plagioclase (albite and sanidine), and igneous rock fragments, including muscovite, iron oxide, granite, magnetite, hematite, apatite, and feldspars. In most sherds, secondary calcite was formed, resulting in burial in a humid condition. The XRD analysis enabled us to observe some high-temperature minerals, such as gehlenite and diopside, in some samples. These minerals are usually presented in ceramics when fired at more than 800 degrees. On the other hand, the presence of the main elements MgO+CaO, Al2O3, and SiO2, detected by the XRF analysis and diagramed by the Noll system, indicated a very similar final product in terms of raw materials and inclusions. In addition, Cl, MnO, and SrO have been identified in these samples as trace elements, indicating the environmental conditions of the vessels after abandonment.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In light of the microscopical observations and the phase and chemical analyses, it was determined that the Hormangan potteries could be divided into three main groups. The potteries of the earlier and later phases could not be distinguished from one another. These three groups are comparable to the region&amp;rsquo;s geological map, meaning all potteries are locally made. Except for four samples that were fired above 800 degrees, the others were fired at temperatures around 750 degrees. Samples from the earlier and later phases were distributed randomly among these clusters, comprising the Calcareous, Iron-rich, and Calcium-rich matrixes. The clay minerals were all extracted in the vicinity of the site, despite the fact that there were three different types of clay materials. Therefore, the potter(s) at the Hormangan site have chosen diverse clay sources but employed different techniques each time to produce similar results. It has also been noted that samples obtained from the heated structure have very similar characteristics to the ceramics produced in the later phase. According to the absolute dating results, the heated structure and the later phase are contemporaneous. However, in terms of potters&amp;rsquo; technological behaviours, this could point to some standardization of ceramic production during this time.&lt;br&gt;
Another question we have attempted to answer is whether the potter(s) added any aplastic materials, such as quartz, to their clay in order to increase its workability. Based upon an ethnoarchaeological study of the current pottery production in ShahReza (Pinc&amp;eacute; et al., 2019), approximately 230 kilometers away from the Hormangan site, it has been found that additional tempering does not need to be applied to the clay for the production of ceramics, owing to the rich clay sources in the ShahReza-Abade-Hambast orogenic belt (located in the Sanandaj-Sirjan zone). There is a possibility that the richness of clay sources in this region allowed potters to avoid tempering their raw materials during different periods, which will be investigated in more detail in future studies. &amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Acknowledgements&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Dr Morteza Khanipour has generously allowed access to the Hormangan site&amp;rsquo;s ceramics for this study, and the authors are very grateful for his generosity.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Mohamadamin Emami</author>
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						<title>Cultural Landscape of the Persian Gulf in the Third Millennium BCE: Some Remarks on the Tarut Island</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=777&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Persian Gulf, as a main trade route, has played an important role in the third millennium BCE cultural sphere of Southwest Asia. According to archaeological evidence, at least from the 5th millennium BCE, this waterway appeared to function as a channel for social interaction and exchange of material culture in the region. It seems that the Jiroft region as the hinterland of the Persian Gulf has been interacted with the contemporaneous civilizations from Indus to Babylonia via the maritime routes. The chlorite vessels produced in Jiroft have been obtained over a wide geographical range from the Indus valley to the north of Mesopotamia. The existence of the production workshops at Tepe Yahya, Hajjiabad- Varamin and Konar Sandal, and thousands of complete objects from the looted cemeteries of Jiroft, as well as their mines in Jiroft have made Halilrud region the center of production of these objects in the third millennium BCE. Tarut Island in Saudi Arabia is known as one of the ancient ports in the Persian Gulf trade sphere. More than several hundreds of fragments and complete chlorite vessels have been discovered in Tarut Island mostly from destroyed graves. Due to the large number of chlorite vessels as well as semi-finished objects, researchers of the Persian Gulf Archaeology refer to this island as a center for the production of chlorite vessels. In terms of iconography and raw material, chlorite vessels of Tarut are comparable with those recovered from the Halilrud Basin, Kerman province, Iran. In this paper, we will examine the hypothesis that Tarut was the production center of the chlorite vessels. In addition, we will discuss the relation of the Tarut and the Southeastern Iran, in particular the Jiroft region.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Persian Gulf, Jiroft Civilization, Tarut Island, Chlorite Vessels, Marhashi.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
This study aims to investigate the interactions between Tarut Island in Saudi Arabia and the Jiroft region in southeastern Iran through the chlorite objects in the Bronze Age. This island was a very important commercial port on the southern coast of the Persian Gulf during the third millennium BCE, when the newly known Jiroft Civilization prospered in southeastern Iran. Most scholars, notably Piotr Steinkeller, believe that the Halil Rud/ Jiroft region was probably known as the land of Marha&amp;scaron;i (in Sumerian) or Parah&amp;scaron;um (in Akkadian), the most important political counterpart of ancient Mesopotamia in the 3rd millennium BCE.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&amp;nbsp;One of the most significant cultural characteristics of the Jiroft civilization is notoriously the production and distribution, sometimes on long distances, of carved soft stone vessels with a quite distinct iconography, previously labeled &amp;ldquo;intercultural style&amp;rdquo;. These often beautiful and intriguing objects have been widely discussed. These artefacts actually appeared, although sometimes in limited amounts, in a very large corridor from Mesopotamia in Iraq via the Iranian plateau into the Indus valley. Mineralogical analyses on some of the ancient vessels as well as on the mines in the Jiroft highlands have confirmed their production in the southern Kerman. &amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
The chlorite vessels&amp;rsquo; inventory can be subdivided in two different productions, namely a &amp;ldquo;s&amp;eacute;rie ancienne&amp;rdquo; datable to pre-early Akkadian times (with elaborate figurative patterns), and a later &amp;ldquo;s&amp;eacute;rie recente&amp;rdquo;. Holly Pittman (2018) believes that the earlier group would be made exclusively with Iranian chloritic rocks, while the later one would have been made in the Arabian Peninsula from Omani rocks.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods &amp;nbsp;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The materials of this study are mainly Bronze Age chlorite objects from both Tarut island in Saudi Arabia and the Jiroft region in SE Iran. In this study, chlorite assemblages of both regions were compared in terms of iconography and object forms to explore the cultural connections of this island with the Kerman region as the main center of production and consumption of the chlorite in the third millennium BCE. In addition, an attempt was made to explain the existence of Halil Rud/ Jiroft stone objects in Tarut island. Discovery of such a quantity of the Jiroft material in the small island of Tarut raises these important questions: Movement of people from the Jiroft region of the Tarut island happened as a colonizing group to take control of the Persian Gulf trade network in the mid third millennium BCE? Or a group of Marhashian/Jiroftian were settled in the Island as trade diasporas?&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&amp;nbsp;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
There is still ongoing discussion regarding the chronology of the cultural artifacts discovered on Tarut Island. The artifacts discovered on Tarut Island suggest that, in the early part of the third millennium BC, the island harbor was consistently used as an important hub in the Persian Gulf region. Judging from the Babylonian pottery of Early Dynastic I and II date found on Tarut, this strategically located island must have already at this time assumed a position of some significance in the exchange networks. However, even if inscribed, sculpted chlorite vessels compatible to types found on Tarut are known to date from the Early Dynastic II period onward, it appears more likely that the sculpted chlorite traded into Tarut date to the Early Dynastic III and Sargonic periods (Laursen and Steinkeller 2017:10). Various artifacts found on Tarut Island provide evidence of trade with Babylonia. Among these artifacts, the limestone statue depicting a standing nude male with clasped hands in a traditional Sumerian devotional posture is particularly noteworthy. Experts have suggested different dates for this statue, ranging from the Jemdat Nasr period (around 3000 BC) to a more plausible dating in the Early Dynastic period. Other Babylonian-made artifacts found on Tarut Island with a broad Early Dynastic I-III date include a marble macehead and a copper bull&amp;rsquo;s head that is similar to the examples found on lyres from the Royal Tombs of Ur (For more, see Laursen and Steinkeller 2017). From southeastern Iran perspective, the most noteworthy discoveries from Tarut Island are the sculpted vessels and fragments made of chlorite. These were discovered by chance by local gardeners, likely from disturbed burials. Interestingly, there is a striking difference between the amount of sculpted chlorite vessels found on Tarut Island and the small quantities that have been discovered on the Oman peninsula. Apart from the chlorite vessels, another imported finds from southeastern Iran are painted ceramics, so-called Bampur black on grey ware. They have been found in limited quantities on Tarut Island as well as in mainland Saudi Arabia. It is noteworthy that the imports from southeastern Iran ceased to appear on Tarut Island by the end of the third millennium BCE, which coincides with the decline of the Marhashi Kingdom. The available evidence from Tarut Island indicates that this harbor played a significant role in linking the neighboring civilized regions within the Persian Gulf area during the Early Bronze Age. In other words, Tarut Island served as a meeting point in the commercial networks that facilitated trade in the Persian Gulf region.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&amp;nbsp;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The presence of many chlorite objects in the small island of Tarut in the southern part of the Persian Gulf shows that population groups of Jiroft civilization settled in this island for some time (at least one to two centuries) in the mid-late third millennium BCE. According to the fact that the mentioned chlorite objects were obtained from the destroyed cemetery of Tarut, it is clear that these objects were placed inside the grave as the burial goods and were not brought there to be displayed and sold in the Tarut market.&lt;br&gt;
Despite the fact that most of the chlorite objects obtained from Tarut are exactly the same as the samples obtained in the Halil Rud Basin, there are a number of objects with motifs that are rooted in Mesopotamian mythology, among which the image of Anzu is the most obvious. This shows that Jiroft chlorite vessels were also produced on Tarot Island, or at least on the undecorated samples of Jiroft vessels, engraving with Mesopotamian themes was done on this island.&lt;br&gt;
The main issue is the reason for the presence of Jiroft civilization people in Tarut Island in the Persian Gulf. Considering that in the middle to late 3rd millennium BCE, a wide maritime trade network was formed in the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea, it seems logical to imagine that a group of inhabitants of Jiroft / Marhashi civilization in the mid-late 3rd millennium BCE, as trade diasporas, have settled in this island to have control over sea trade and the movement of goods in the strategic waterway of the Persian Gulf. It is worth mentioning that in the first half of the third millennium BCE, this role was played by the Mesopotamians in Tarut Island. The provenance of Tarut artefacts has been a source of debate among archaeologists. Some scholars suggested their provenance in the southern part of the Persian Gulf even based on the chemical analyses. While the Jiroftian motifs on the vessels tell another story which makes this hypothesis questionable. More physical and chemical analyses are needed to investigate the provenance of Tarut materials.&lt;br&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Nasir Eskandari</author>
						<category></category>
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					<item>
						<title>Typology and Proposing a Model for the Spatial Distribution and Temporal Dimension of Megalithic Graves in Kermanshah Province (Case Study: Gilan-e Gharb and Sarpol-e Zahab Towns)</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=736&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The Kermanshah Province is one of the significant regions studied by archaeologists, where numerous studies have been conducted so far. This research focuses on the examination of megalithic graves in the towns of Gilan-e Gharb and Sarpol-e Zahab in Kermanshah Province. Megalithic graves are among the burials that possess unique structures and architecture, which have been less explored and researched in Iran, particularly in the studied region. By studying these graves, it is possible to gain some limited knowledge about the culture, beliefs, and way of life of the people who owned these graves. The most important questions of this research are: What have been the architectural features of these graves&amp;rsquo; structures? How has the distribution of these graves been and what pattern can be defined for this distribution? The research method is considered to be applied-historical in terms of its objective. The categorization of the form and structure of graves has been carried out descriptively. In this regard, while conducting field research in the area, an initial comparison of the typological data and relative chronology of graves was performed. Subsequently, using GIS software, an analysis and identification of the burial distribution pattern in the region were carried out considering various geographical factors. Based on these, variables such as elevation, slope, and rivers were analyzed. In general, the identified graves in this study are divided into two main groups: Cist graves and Cromlech ones, the latter encompassing various subtypes. Finally, studies and excavations have been conducted on these graves in the Caucasus, Anatolia, and northwestern Iran, which demonstrate the migratory lifestyle of the tomb owners. In this article, a portion of the cultural materials collected from the 2015 archaeological survey in the western towns of Gilan-e-Gharb and Sarpol-e Zahab in Kermanshah province is presented.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Megalithic, Cist Graves, Cromlech Graves, Distribution Pattern, Typology, GIS.چ&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The word &amp;lsquo;megalithic&amp;rsquo; refers to large stones, derived from the Greek word &amp;lsquo;Mega&amp;rsquo; meaning &amp;lsquo;large&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;lithos&amp;rsquo; meaning &amp;lsquo;stone&amp;rsquo; (Midgely, 2008: 23). In Persian and Iranian archaeology, it is referred to as a &amp;lsquo;large stone&amp;rsquo;. Megalithic graves are large, uncut stones that are sometimes formed with wood, soil, and other small stones (Shaw, 1999: 390). Studying the structure of Megalithic graves can play an important role in identifying the tribes that constructed them and is effective in dating these tombs, given the scarcity of ancient evidence and data. By conducting typological studies of these graves, their structural patterns can be reconstructed, and by comparing the surrounding areas, it is possible to date these tombs. Extensive studies have been conducted on megalithic graves in the north and northwest of Iran, but independent and specialized research on these tombs has not been carried out in Kermanshah province. Since the tombs in this area have not been methodically excavated yet, it is difficult to present a precise structural design of the tomb architecture. In this study, the typology will be based on the surface structure, and the dating of the tombs will be conducted through comparative studies. Research questions include the following: What are the types of megalithic graves? What are the characteristics of the architectural structure of these tombs? What is the distribution area for these species, and what pattern can be identified in this distribution?&lt;br&gt;
In order to achieve the desired goals in this study, a set of field activities was performed, including sketching, photography, documenting and recording findings, and design. The research method used for classifying the shape and structure of graves is descriptive and also relies on comparative and library studies. This includes the collection of maps, reports, articles, and all useful information available in the region. The preparation and collection of the locations where the graves are situated are recorded using a GPS device. In the analysis of the distribution pattern of registered graves, a geographic information system (GIS) has been employed. In the study of the factors influencing the distribution of graves, various factors such as topography, water resources, elevation, and slope have been examined.&lt;br&gt;
By identifying these factors, analyzing the data distribution pattern, and ultimately visualizing them on a map, it is possible to gain a partial understanding of why and how the areas are distributed and concentrated in the region.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Research on the structure of cemeteries and graves can be conducted using two different approaches: Firstly, typological studies are conducted based on the shape, dimensions, and materials of the graves. Secondly, factors such as the orientation of the graves, their proximity to one another, and their relationship to water sources, roads, and expanses in the cemetery are examined (Orlet, 1392: 93). The important point to note is that the structure of graves exhibits a distinct relationship with the geographical environment. In mountainous areas, for instance, there is often an abundance of large stones and slates that can be utilized in constructing graves. Consequently, there are variations in the shape and material of these graves, primarily due to the differing types of stones found in each region (Ibid, 1392: 107). The graves identified in this study are categorized into two groups: Cist graves and Cromlech graves.&lt;br&gt;
&amp;nbsp;In the construction of cist graves, a pit was excavated approximately one meter deep from the ground, and its walls were lined with layers of large and small stones. Subsequently, after interring the deceased, the grave was sealed by placing large and extremely heavy boulders on top (Yukmen, 2003).&lt;br&gt;
Cromlech graves are classified into following types based on the shape of the stone rings:&lt;br&gt;
Mounded Cromlech refers to a type of grave that consists of one or more stone rings encircling a large stone tomb (Smith, Badalyan, Avetisyan, 2009: 106).&lt;br&gt;
Paved Cromlech is characterized by its very low height from the ground, and its distinguishing feature is the scattering of small rocks on its surface (Ibid, 2009: 107).&lt;br&gt;
Stepped Cromlech is defined by stone rings that encompass the central structure, exhibiting a vertical upward movement (Ibid, 2009: 108).&lt;br&gt;
The elevation study of Gilan Gharb and Sarpol-e Zahab towns indicates that Sarpol-e Zahab has the lowest elevation at 540 meters, while Gilan-e Gharb reaches the highest altitude of 1340 meters that suggests a higher prevalence of graves in colder areas.&lt;br&gt;
Through the examination of the influence of rivers on the distribution of graves and by referencing the water network map, it becomes evident that the graves tend to be situated in proximity to water sources. This distribution pattern signifies the significance of close access to water and further highlights the correlation between the location and distribution of graves within the river basin. Considering that the megalithic graves belong to the nomadic tribes, this proximity may be indicative of the convenience of accessing water for the needs of them and their livestock.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The typology of graves and their classifications in the study area of Sarpol-e-Zahab and Gilan-e-Gharb in Kermanshah province is based on comparative and comparative studies with megalithic graves in the north and northwest regions of the country. These graves are categorized into Cist and Cromlech graves.&lt;br&gt;
The Cromlech species exhibit various structural forms within each range. Commenting on the shape of the landscape of megalithic graves is a complex subject that requires specialized studies and extensive investigations covering a wide area. When considering the geographic distribution of these graves, it is important to take into account factors such as the natural environment, topography, and the number of areas containing this type of graves. Furthermore, it is crucial to acknowledge the limited availability of extensive and specialized studies on these graves. Based on general findings from studies conducted on the distribution of graves, it is possible to identify certain areas that are centrally occupied with burials, while other areas remain devoid of any kind of burial. For instance, in certain areas of Sarpol-e Zahab, the absence of megalithic graves can be attributed to the scarcity of stones. Certainly, this can be justified by one reason: landscape manipulations in later periods carried out by farmers to level the land for cultivation. This is prominently observed throughout Sarpol-e Zahab due to its geographical structure and favorable conditions for agriculture. In relation to the correlation between water resources and the distribution of megalithic graves in this area, it is worth noting that the information obtained from GIS maps concerning the water bodies in the region demonstrates the close proximity of these graves to water sources. This proximity can be attributed to the practical utilization of fresh water sources by the nomadic communities, particularly for the purpose of sustaining their livestock. Hence, the architectural structure of large stone graves exhibits a distinct relationship with the geographical environment. In mountainous areas, the abundance of large stones contributes to a higher concentration of these graves in such regions. Based on comparative studies and the analysis of architectural features and structures of these large stone tombs, in conjunction with similar tombs found in the northwestern and northern regions of Iran, as well as in Anatolia, Caucasus, Russia, and Georgia, the period ranging from the ancient Bronze Age to Iron Age III can be attributed to megalithic graves. This classification is further supported by the presence of metal and pottery artifacts discovered within these graves.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Farshid Iravani Ghadim</author>
						<category></category>
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					<item>
						<title>The Iron Age Sites on the Western Hillsides of Savalan Mountain Bases on the Study of the Migration Routes of the Shahsevan Tribes</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=498&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
From the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age, the eastern regions of northwestern Iran were involved in a series of large-scale ethnic migrations, the scope of which had previously extended to the Caucasus. Crossings in the Caucasus Mountains led these migrations to the Meshginshahr and Ardabil plains and the high and green areas of Savalan Mountain. Undoubtedly, nomadic immigrants, during several centuries of migration along the routes, had found a series of low-risk and easy-to-reach routes in which they traveled constantly. The constant traffic along this route has left countless cemeteries along with it. Today, the Shahsevan tribes of Ardabil province inherit some of these ancient routes and use them regularly. The adaptation of the routes of the Shahsevan tribes to the linear distribution of the Iron age sites on them, proves such a hypothesis. In the present study, which has been carried out by field studies with an ethnographic approach in the western parts of Meshginshahr plain and the western and northwestern slopes of Savalan Mountain, why and how to conformity of the ancient routes of the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age with the Shasevan tribe routes have been discussed. Extent of Iron Age sites located in the route of Shahsevan tribes, how the sites are distributed in the summer places of the western slopes of Savalan and determining the most important and main ancient migration routes based on the distribution of the sites and their extent is another issue that has been addressed in this research. The results of reviewing and analyzing the available data show the complete compliance of the Iron Age sites with the longitudinal line of the migration routes of Shahsevan nomadic tribes. Most of the identified sites along the routes are of the cemetery type, which are much larger in summer areas than other places.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; The Western Basin of Meshginshahr, Iron Age, Ethniarchaeology, Iron Age Migration Routes, Shahvevan Tribes.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
According to the studies in the northeastern half of northwestern Iran, ethnic migration to the plains of Meshginshahr and Ardabil intensified from about the beginning to the second half of the second millennium B.C, shortly before the beginning of the Iron Age; The existence of large central castles and small satellites, as well as the numerous cemeteries that exist in this area, most of which are unrelated to the settlements, is a reason for this. It is not clear what the reasons for these sudden and mass migrations and the human factors or geographical conditions involved were, but what is clear from archaeological evidence is the existence of a north-south migration line from the Caucasus towards the southern parts of Moghan plain, Meshginshahr plain and the northern parts of Ardabil plain. In the Meshginshahr plain, the areas around the foothills of Savalan have received so much attention that many of these nomadic tribes migrated to these areas and many others for whom sufficient resources were not available went to the Sarab, Mehraban areas. And the eastern regions of East Azerbaijan province, as well as the northern regions, have moved rapidly. In addition to archaeological studies, one of the best methods for identifying and studying the routes used by the Iron Age migratory tribes in the Meshginshahr plain is study the routes that use present or in a few centuries. In this plain of Shahsevan tribes, a clear example today is the same immigrant tribes that passed through this area several thousand years ago; Some of them have chosen temporary accommodation and others have been forced to migrate to better places. The Shahsevan are one of the most important nomadic tribes in Iran who have preserved many of their ancient traditions. These nomadic tribes are a living example of a dead tissue, tribes that in today&amp;rsquo;s machine world, like their ancestors, have maintained their nomadic way of life; In the cold season, they descend from the green slopes of Savalan and live in local winters or in their villages, and again in the summer season, they start moving towards the summer. The adaptation of the modern routes of these tribes to the distribution of Iron Age sites is an important point; That is, the Shahsevan use the same ancient tribes in most cases. Of course, there may be small changes in the path, which may be due to inevitable geographical and human factors.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&amp;nbsp;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
So far, there has been no research on the origin of the ancient roads of Savalan Mountain or their distribution. The present study was carried out by conducting an extensive field study in the western basin of Meshginshahr plain, northwestern, western and northward slopes of Savalan Mountain. The area in which the field survey was conducted covers an area of 980 square kilometers. According to the studies conducted in the present study and field visits to all modern settlements that have been studied in the area, there were 5 main roads for the migration of Shahsevan nomads in this area. Although these routes are no longer used and transportation is done by vehicles, the traces of all these routes and even their old titles have been preserved. According to indigenous peoples, herds of cows, goats, and sheep passed through and around the villages, along with camels carrying the necessities of life. The first route starts from the border area between Meshginshahr and Ahar and the confluence of Qarasu with Ahar Chay, and the other routes located differently in the eastern regions, respectively. Among these routes, the longest route is way No. 4. It should be noted that in all these roads, the nomads, after entering the wide bed of Qarasu river, migrated there and after resting and watering the cattle, they moved to the foothills of Savalan; These routes are selected in such a way that they cross several important rivers and in some of them they rested temporarily, such as Qarasu, Khiavchai, Meshginchai, Habashichay and Aharchay. The nomads crossed at least two or three of these rivers in each of these five routes. In general, 207 ancient sites were recorded along these 5 main roads that lead the Shahsevan nomads to the slopes of Savalan, which indicates that these routes were also used by the nomadic tribes of the Iron Age. The number of 181 sites (87%) are the cemetery types, which, are unrelated to the settlement sites and clearly belong to the Iron Age nomadic tribes. Almost half of the cemeteries are located in the slopes of Savalan, in the present summer tents of the Shahsevan tribes. Other registered sites are the central and satellite castles and settlement sites, all of which without exception were in the plains and along the route, and no traces of this type of sites were seen on the slopes. About 31% of the sites have an extent between 1 and 2 hectares. 25% of them have an extent in about 0.5 to 1 hectare and about 21% of the sites have an extent in about 2 to 4 hectares.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Undoubtedly, the establishment of a route as an easy access route for migration has taken place over several centuries and millennia. The routes that were constantly traveled and based on experience, their quality have been tested for a long time and the most appropriate ones have been selected in terms of life and financial security. Looking at the general map of all the routes and the distribution of the Iron Age sites, the location of these sites on the route of these roads is quite evident. As you advance from the paths to the sides, the number of the sites decreases. This way of distribution of the sites shows that the sites are in a longitudinal line, and this longitudinal line is the route of modern and ancient roads. Examining the roads of this field contains other points. In all the routes, as much as possible, moving inside the valleys and next to the cliffs and slopes has been avoided. Only in the cases where they had to enter the river bed to rest and water the cattle, longitudinal movement along the path and inside the river bed was avoided, and entering the river bed only vertically have taken place to pass through. In all the routes, until reaching the low and steep slopes of Savalan, continuous movement has been made on the level of the plain and areas that have a full view of the surrounding environment. It seems that this was done to ward off possible natural, animal and human dangers. In general, the following can be obtained from the present study: Today&amp;rsquo;s routes are in line with the distribution of Iron Age sites; Most of the Iron Age sites located in the path and summer places of Savalan slopes are of the cemetery type; The located in the summer area and between them are more extensive; Many routes are interconnected and it was possible to change the route in all of them easily; Towards higher slopes, the number of ancient sites has been significantly reduced; Both along the route and in the summer places, the density of areas near and where water sources are much higher; In summer places, concentrated cemeteries or the accumulation of large graves in a small area, is rarely seen and many cemeteries, despite their large area, have low grave densities. The graves are scattered at a distance from the summers and their distance.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Reza Rezalou</author>
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						<title>Studying the Economic Subsistence of Iron Age in Taghiabad Site based on Animal Findings</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=530&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In the summer of 2018, the archaeological excavation of Taghiabad Tepe land 2 was carried out in Varamin city. &amp;nbsp;The areas are located in the north of Taghiabad village and in the south of Ajorbast village of Javadabad Varamin. The excavation findings include the Bronze Age and Iron Age cultural periods. Among the valuable findings of this site were animal remains, which are very important to understand the subsistence system of this site. The most important goal of this article is knowing the subsistence economic system among the society living in the Iron Age based on zooarchaeological studies in Tagh. The main question that is raised in this research is, how can the animal species be identified in this area and how can the bone remain of animals be used in the reconstruction of the livelihood of the studied period? On the bone findings of the Iron Age area of Taghiabad (1&amp;2) the traces of burns and cuts can be seen on some bones, which may have been caused by butchering. The basis of this research is based on studies on animal finds that were obtained in the archaeological excavations of Taghiabad Tepe 1 and 2. The findings of the research show the use of sheep, goat, cattle, gazelle, deer, susscrofa, urial, canine and birds&amp;rsquo; species in Taghiabad Tepe 2. The study showed that animal husbandry played an important role in the livelihood of the people of that area.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Iron Age, Subsistence Economy, Varamin Plain, Zooarchaeological.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Depiction of subsistence, environmental and other living conditions of ancient societies is one of the most important approaches in archaeology and anthropology which is considered a multidisciplinary approach that requires archaeologists, biologists and ecologist cooperation.&lt;br&gt;
By using zooarchaeology theories and based on analysis on animal remaining, archaeologists try to understand the different aspects animal&amp;rsquo;s livings and depict the interaction between the man and animal.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Historically, zoologists only presented the recognizable species but recent studies on the remaining provide a more through insight. (Davis, 1987: 23)&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Identifying the species their prevalence and sex could be of immense value in the strategy of selecting the animal for herding and use of their flash.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
The main question in this study (Which is based on findings of Taghiabad site under supervision of Dr. Morteza Hessari in 2018 to identify the diet of residents in Taghiabad in Varamin Plain) is to scientifically identify the animal species and their role in meat provision. Moreover, if the residents were using domestic animals&amp;rsquo; flesh or hunted animal and their ratio, if they were animal herders or farmers as well.&lt;br&gt;
The most important goal of studying these remains is to reconstruct the animal-human behavior towards animals and his environment.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Based on these introductions, identifying the species and being whether domestic or wild is one of the goals of this study.&lt;br&gt;
With this approach the prevalence and ratio of species in an area is another goal.&lt;br&gt;
The first review revealed the animal species which helped to identify the subsistence strategies such as animal herding and hunting were identified.&lt;br&gt;
Understanding the human-environment relationship, ecologic, specifications of studied society and other conditions such as environmental changes could be achieved by bone analysis. (O&amp;rsquo;Conner, 2018).&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
By studying the domestic animal bones, we could understand the herding methods and their goals of animal herding.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Taghiabad Site&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
This site is located in agriculture zone of Adjorbast village in Pishva town of Varamin district. This site is named as Taghiabad1 and Taghiabad2.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Animal Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In this study the animal remaining which were recovered through the first season of excavation in 2018, have been analyzed, which dates back to Iron Age (1&amp;2). First of all, the bones have been prepared by numbering and locus allocation. Then the species and the organs were recognized by using animal bones manual and bank of animal bones.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Number of identified Specimens (NISP) Iron Age of Taghiabad 1&lt;br&gt;
326 pieces of bones had been retrieved from Taghiabad1 related to Iron Age, 225 pieces related to Iron Age1 and 101 pieces related to Iron Age2 and 386 pieces belongs to Taghiabad2 (379 pieces related to Iron Age1 and 7 pieces from Iron Age2).&lt;br&gt;
Species recognized in Taghiabad1 contains: sheep 114 &amp;nbsp;pieces (71 pieces from Iron Age 1 and 43 pieces Iron Age2), goat 9 (6 Iron Age1 and 3 Iron Age2), gazelle 26 (19 pieces Iron Age1 and 7 Iron Age2), cattle 32 ( 19 pieces Iron Age1 and 13 Iron Age2), fox 1 piece related to Iron Age2, 8 pieces of canine from Iron Age1, small carnivorous 2 pieces from Iron Age2, equid 2 pieces from Iron Age2, equus 8 pieces (6 Iron Age1 and 2 pieces Iron Age2), sus scrofa 2pieces from Iron Age1, deer 1 piece from Iron Age1, 3 pieces of avian (1 from Iron Age1 and 2 Iron Age2), 1 piece of urial (Iron Age1) and 118 broken and non-recognizable pieces.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Number of identified Specimens (NISP) Iron Age of Taghiabad 2&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
63 pieces of sheep bones had been retrieved from Taghiabad2 related to Iron Age, 62 pieces related to Iron Age1 and 1 piece Iron Age2, goat 5 pieces (Iron Age1), gazelle 10 pieces (9 Iron Age1 and 1 Iron Age2), cattle 23 pieces (Iron Age1), canine 10 pieces (9 Iron Age1 and 1 Iron Age2), 1 piece of small carnivorous from Iron Age1, 2 pieces of equid from Iron Age1, 1 piece of equus from Iron Age2, 1 piece of equus asinus from Iron Age1, 11 pieces of sus scrofa from Iron Age1, &amp;nbsp;I piece of deer from Iron Age1, 1 piece of avian from Iron Age1 and 257 broken and non-recognizable.&lt;br&gt;
34%were sheep and 2% goat bones in Taghiabad1, while in Taghiabad2 16% were sheep and 1% were goat bones. The found items were jaw, teeth, scapula, pelvis, ribs and vertebra bones.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
On some of the bones cut marks and burns were obvious. Cut marks are probably secondary to peeling and butchery process by a knife-like instrument. Abnormalities and bone reactions were seen on some items, most of them were adult to death.&lt;br&gt;
Injuries which could be found on the bones are mostly manmade such as breaking the bones to have access to bone marrow, marks related to peeling process or cutting meat off the bones, burning marks secondary to cooking process and bite marks (Merritt, Sr 2016).&lt;br&gt;
And the other injuries such as bite marks or signs of alimentation which caused by other animals.&lt;br&gt;
17 pieces (11.8%) out of 144 goat and sheep bones and 3 (23%) out of 13 cattle bones were non adult I Iron Age1.&lt;br&gt;
Most of the sheep and goats were adult at death which means they were exploited not only for primary product (meat) but also secondary products (milk, wool, breeding&amp;hellip;). One of the advantages of goats is their reproductivity which makes their milk accessible. Cattles were being exploited not only for primary and secondary products but also for daily labor as transportation and plowing but duo to scarcity of their bones it could not be a precise finding.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
By identifying the species from finding of Taghiabad, we could understand the strategies of subsistence such as herding and hunting and interactions among human- animals environment, which shows the important role of herding. The main sources of meat supply in Taghiabad site during Iron Age were sheep, goat and cattle (46.8%), sheep was the most found one then cattle and goat respectively. The reason for prevalence of cattle is its role in secondary products supply and its role in labor and transportation which is reflected in deformities on their bones. Equid, like cattle, were being used for labor and riding as well, most of them were adult at death which amplifies their role as secondary product supply source.&lt;br&gt;
The most hunted animal were gazelles and sus scrofa (8.2% in Taghiabad1 and 5.59% in Taghiabad2). Comparison of findings from other sites of central Iran shows the equal importance of sheep and cattle herding among all of them in all Ages. Sheep was always more than goats. Study of the sus scrofa&amp;rsquo;s bones showed that except one sample, all the others were wild animals. Finally, we must emphasis that more precise results, require as more precise studies.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Morteza Hesari</author>
						<category></category>
					</item>
					
					<item>
						<title>A Review of the Chronology and Usage of Troglodytic Architecture Space of Abazar Nair Collection in Ardabil Province</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=638&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Due to the climatic conditions and cutable stones, the cultural landscape of Sablan Mountain is one of the main foci of the formation of Troglodytic Architecture spaces in the northwest region of Iran. In this region, various Troglodytic Architecture spaces have been carved in different cultural periods, one of the most well-known of which is the Troglodytic Architecture collection of Abazar Nair. This collection, in the previous studies of some researchers, generally belongs to the Parthian era with the use of &amp;ldquo;mehrabah&amp;rdquo;; or the Islamic era with the use of &amp;ldquo;Buddhist temples-tombs&amp;rdquo;. However, the cultural data in this collection rejects the Mehri and Buddhist monastery hypothesis with sufficient and archaeological evidence. This research is fundamental in terms of qualitative objective and it was conducted with descriptive-analytical method, comparative studies and data collection with the help of field studies and documents-library resources and seeks to answer the following two basic questions: 1- Based on the remaining surface data. Mande, the chronology of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar space belongs to which cultural period(s)? 2- What were the functions of Troglodytic Architecture spaces (number 7) of Abazar Nair collection? The results show that the Troglodytic Architecture space in question, like other spaces in this area, had a livelihood function in the Islamic era. Other results of the research determined that the set of enclosed spaces of Abazar is generally influenced by the climatic conditions of the region and is comparable to other cut rock villages in the Sablan and Sahand mountains. The recent archaeological activity of this collection can be useful and open the way in understanding the functional nature and chronology of other cut rock spaces on the slopes of Sablan Mountain.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Sablan Mountain, Troglodytic Architecture, Abazar Nir, chronology, Function.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Abazar area of Nair city is the first Troglodytic Architecture area in Ardabil province that has been noticed by researchers. However, the remaining cultural materials in this area have received less attention from researchers and the most focus has been on the rocky texture of the spaces (Mohammadi-Far and Hemti-Azandariani, 2015; Azad, 2015 and 2016). This factor has caused the chronology and function of this area not to be determined precisely, and one of the empty spaces of this complex (space no. 7), regardless of the architectural elements and cultural materials left in it, is known as Mehri temple belonging to the Parthian era (Shekari). niri, 2019) and Mughal-Temple (Moradi &amp; Omrani, 2020) of the Islamic era. This is while the main differences between the usage and chronology presented for this collection in general and the space of Troglodytic Architecture No. 7 in particular are seen, on the basis of the need to review the chronology and usage presented for this Troglodytic Architecture collection. There is especially space number 7). By examining the surface of the site and studying its cultural findings, while reviewing its chronology and function, referring to the data of the site, the authors are looking for answers to the following questions: 1- Based on the remaining surface findings, what cultural period(s) does the chronology of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar spaces belong to? 2- Handy spaces (number 7). What functions did the Abazar collection have? Carrying out this research will be an important step in the architectural studies of Troglodytic Architecture in the Sablan Mountain range, so that in future studies, along with the careful examination of the sites and the study of the remaining cultural materials, the chronology and explanation of the function of the Troglodytic Architecture spaces of this area can be achieved.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Based on the study of the authors, it was found that the Abazar area consisted of several subsurface manmade spaces (10 units) and surface manmade spaces. These spaces were closely related to each other and all of them formed the fabric of Abazar village. Over time, the man-made spaces on the surface were completely destroyed, and today the remains of the foundations and debris of these structures remain on the surface of the area. The texture of the villages in the mountainous areas of North-West Iran has a similar architectural structure. So that in the analysis of this area, what was obtained is that Abazar area in terms of location pattern (access to water sources, location on the mountainside, proximity to pastures), structure and architectural elements and plan of spaces are similar to many others. It is one of the villages on the slopes of Sablan and Sahand mountains. &amp;nbsp;These villages were formed in a hand-made way near the water sources and the slopes of the hills. Due to the cold seasons of the year, one of the common patterns in the villages of the Sardsir districts of Azerbaijan region is to have small underground spaces where the families lived next to their cattle during certain days of the year. Such a pattern of settlement has been in place until recent years in the village of Kandavan (Razani et al., 2015), Khatb Maragheh (Starnjad et al., 2016), Ganzeq Sarein (Khanali, 2017), Yai Shahri of Maragheh, Sur Bonab. In these villages, the living spaces are located under the surface man-made spaces. Due to their living use, the subsurface spaces generally lacked complex and special architectural and artistic elements common in ritual-memorial spaces (elements such as inscriptions, altars, artistic motifs). And it only has a long manger, niche and spaces for providing light. Such elements can also be seen in the spaces of Troglodytic Architecture Abazar, therefore Troglodytic Architecture No. 7 cannot be considered separate from other spaces from the point of view of architecture and even the nature of the function. The generality of this space is exactly the same as the other spaces of this collection.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
What was discussed in the text of the article, the environment of Abazar, like the fabric of the villages in the mountainous regions of Azerbaijan, Iran, consists of hand-made spaces. Handicapped spaces are carved under the man-made spaces, and in terms of architectural structure, plan and practical elements, many similarities between these villages can be observed. The accuracy of the cultural materials and architectural elements remaining in the hand-built spaces of this collection showed that the spaces have many relative similarities to each other and have followed a single pattern. Based on this, a touch space (space number 7) cannot be considered as a space that is excluded from other spaces. All the architectural elements such as the manger, niche, skylight, porch and the way to access the spaces show that these spaces in general and the architectural space number 7 in particular are designed and carved according to human living, based on that. Due to the lack of decorative and practical elements specific to ritual-memorial spaces (such as inscriptions, artistic motifs, columns, luxurious carving style of spaces, etc.), this complex (space number 7) cannot be considered as a space related to He considered the shrine (mehrabah). On the other hand, the nature of the prayer spaces and Buddhist tombs was also very different from this complex, therefore this complex does not have the characteristics of Mehri and Buddhist temples. The chronology of the site was based on the cultural findings left on the surface of the site. Based on these data, evidences from the historical period (especially Parthian) were not identified. These data show the most important settlement period of the site, which coincides with the Middle Ages of Islam. During this period, a cemetery with prominent tombstones was formed in the vicinity of the village. In general, the comparative study of the texture of this complex with the similar areas of Sablan and Sahand mountain slopes shows many similarities between them. Due to the cold climate of the region and to protect their lives and property, the villages of these areas used to create residential spaces in two ways: hand-made - hand-made.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Acknowlegment&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
All authors reviewed the results and approved the final version of the manuscript.&lt;br&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Behrouz Afkhami</author>
						<category></category>
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						<title>A Survey and Typological Analysis of Pottery in the Qoroq Site of the Hamadan - Bahar Plain from the Fifth to the Eighth Century AH</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=641&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
One of the main aspects in understanding past cultures is the study and analysis of pottery works in ancient sites. The passage of communication routes such as the Khorasan highway during the historical period, especially in the Islamic period, has caused the emergence of many pottery cultures in this part of the country. Considering the influence of Hamedan pottery cultures and consequently the Qoroq site from large pottery areas of the Islamic period, in this research, an attempt is made to answer these questions. In terms of construction style and decoration, the effects of which areas can be seen in the pottery of Qoroq site? What are the most important types of pottery in this area from the 5th to 8th century AH? And which type of pottery has native characteristics? The main purpose of this writing is to identify the types of pottery indicators of the study site, which is done through the study of archaeological data obtained from modern surveys. In the present research, the descriptive-analytical research method and information gathering has been done in the form of library studies and field comparison of the findings of this area with other areas. The results show that the pottery art of this area can be seen in terms of construction and decoration techniques influenced by the art of neighboring areas such as Zolfabad, Aveh, Soltanieh, Takht-e Soleiman, Kangavar and Boroujerd. Also more than 10 types of pottery from the fifth to the eighth century AH have been identified, which include different types of unglazed and glazed pottery, each of which is divided into simple, patterned and multi-colored subsets under the glaze. In the meantime, specimens such as Dishes with multicolored decoration on white glaze probably have local characteristics.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Qoroq Site, Hamedan, Typology, Pottery, 5th to 8th Century AH.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Qoroq site is located 9 km north of Hamedan city, in the east of Bahar city. In terms of topography and geological features, this area is located in the alluvial, eastern and northern parts of the Alvand mountain valley habitat and in the middle of the vast and fertile plain of Hamedan (Fig 1 &amp; 2). According to historical texts and archaeological evidence, Qoroq site is one of the leading cultural centers of the Islamic period, the peak of its prosperity is related to the seventh and eighth centuries AH (Fig 3). Surface studies on the pottery of the Islamic period of Qoroq site show that in this region, various known pottery styles have been prevalent in different regions of Iran. The Survey and analysis of various types of pottery index during the fifth to eighth centuries AH, The relationship of this area with neighboring areas and also the identification of local samples is one of the objectives of this Research. The most important research questions are: 1- In terms of construction style and decoration, the effects of which areas can be seen in the pottery of Qoroq site? 2- What are the most important types of pottery in this area? And 3- which type of pottery has native characteristics? According to the results of the research, underglaze and overglaze varieties with monochromatic and multicolor motifs are among the most important pottery works of this area. It is probably the multi-colored type on a white glaze background from the local pottery of the western regions of Iran in the 7th and 8th centuries AH. (Table 7 b). In the present article, the data are collected by documentary and field methods and the research approach is &amp;ldquo;descriptive-analytical&amp;rdquo;. The pottery pieces were studied by &amp;ldquo;sampling&amp;rdquo; method as &amp;ldquo;simple random&amp;rdquo; and based on &amp;ldquo;qualitative characteristics&amp;rdquo;.&lt;br&gt;
Archaeological studies by faculty members of Bu - Ali Sina University in the region during the years 2006 to 2012 have referred to the pottery data of the Islamic period of this region and its flagship hills, including Qoroq site (Mohammadifar and Motarjem, 2006; Motarjem and Belmaki, 2009; Nazari Arshad, 2012). &amp;ldquo;Survey and analysis of the typology of pottery from the beginning of the Islamic period to the end of the Safavid period in Hamadan&amp;rdquo;; (Zarei and Shabani, 2019) is another research that has studied the totality of Islamic pottery in Hamedan province, including the Qoroq site, which has been obtained through excavations and studies.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Data&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In this research, the pottery fragments of Qoroq Islamic site are divided into two groups of unglazed and glazed pottery. According to the type of decoration, unglazed pottery can be seen in three groups with molded decoration, incised pattern and added pattern. Glazed parts can be classified into two groups, monochromatic and multicolor. Also, according to the type of motifs and patterning method, it is divided into monochromatic motifs (carved, molded, embossed) and underglaze and overglaze motifs. Glazed pottery is divided into Sultanabad style, esgraffiato, black pen under turquoise glaze, silhouette, blue and white, Azure with gold decorations and several colors on white glaze (Table 1-7).&lt;br&gt;
In the Islamic period, especially from the 3rd to the 8th century AH, historians and geographers have made important references to the routes between Hamadan and the neighboring regions, which can be known to some extent about the main and most important roads of this region and the neighboring regions. These routes are: 1- Hamadan-Holwan route (Istakhri, 1961: 163-162; Ibn Hoqal, 1987: 103-102; Ibn Khordadbeh, 1992: 24; Ibn Rosteh, 1892: 168-167; Maghdasi, 1982: 599-600; Mostofi Qazvini, 1957: 164) which passed through the western regions of the country, including the cities of Asadabad, Kangavar, Bisotun. 2- Hamedan-Qazvin route (Istakhri, 1961: 163), which passed through the cities of Razan and Avaj. 3- The southern road of Hamedan (Demeh road, Raman/Jarfadghan/Isfahan/Khuzestan) which was flowing from the cities of Jokar, Nahavand and Borujerd towards the southern and central regions of the country (Istakhri, ibid.: 163; Natanzi, 2013: 254). 4- The route from Hamedan to Saveh and Ray (Ibn Khordadbeh, 1992: 25; Ibn Rosteh, 1892: 168-167; Hamavi 2001, Vol. 1: 651; Katebe Baghdadi, 1991: 38-37) which passed through the eastern parts of Hamedan, including the villages of Gorgaz and Bozenjerd. 5- Hamadan-Soltanieh route (Mostofi Qazvini, 1957: 164; Hamedani, 2007: 126), the northern road that passed through the cities of Kabudarahang and Shirinsu.&lt;br&gt;
Here, many similarities can be seen between the pottery of the Qoroq Islamic site and the examples found in the significant cultural centers within the region (Bashqortaran, Dargzin and Babakhanjar sites in the north, Arzanfoud and Troglodytic Samen sites in the south, and Qale juq site in the northeast). Also, the ability to compare some of the samples found with pottery from outside the region such as Qorveh, Kangavar, Bisotun, Garos, Aghkand, Soltanieh, Zalfabad, Tahigh, Aveh, Ray, and Borujerd has shown the connections of this site with its western, eastern, northern, and southern neighbors. Among these routes, which had a significant impact on the political, economic and cultural life of the region, is the Great Khorasan road that entered the Hamadan basin from the eastern parts of the plain.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
According to the study of pottery left over from this area and the abundance obtained from them - as one of the cultural centers with valuable archaeological data - its peak of brilliance belongs to the Seljuk and Ilkhanid periods. Among the pottery fragments of the area, all kinds of single-color pottery (plain and patterned), underglaze and overglaze patterns typical of the western regions of Iran have been obtained. Among the types of glazed vessels, esgraffiato vessels with linear and simple geometric motifs repeated in the middle of the frame (spiral, zigzag, rhombus and triangular circle motifs) on a light green and cream background, and multi-colored decorated vessels on white glaze with mixed geometric motifs. (horizontal parallel lines, continuous crossed lines) and a simple plant (flowers with several leaves, mesbek and pichan) in the inner part is considered one of the most important types of local pottery of this place. Similar to the samples studied based on the construction technique, decoration method, color and shape in other pottery centers inside and outside the region, especially in the neighboring prominent areas which are on the most important communication routes from Hamedan to Kangavar, Bisotun, Qorveh, Soltanieh, Aghkand, Garos, Zolfabad, Tahigh, Aveh, Ray and Borujerd were placed, it has been popular. The designs used on the pottery have shown the extensive cultural relations of the population centers in the middle Islamic centuries. According to historical and archeological evidence, the main factor influencing the pottery art of this region from neighboring regions in the Islamic period was the trade and pilgrimage routes that entered the Hamedan plain from the east, central plateau, west and northwest. As can be seen, during this period, all exchanges from the most important city of Jebal, i.e. Ray, to the western regions of the country, including the Hamedan Plain, were carried out through the Khorasan road. Therefore, Hamedan is located in the center of one of the four important communication routes between north and south and east and west of Iran, and the similarity of the cultural materials of this region with other regions is due to its location in the chain of political, cultural and commercial communication in the west of the country.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Maryam Mohammadi</author>
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						<title>The Process of Changes in the Appearance and Structural Elements of Bulbous Domes During the Timurid and Safavid Period in Central Asia and Iran</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=597&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Bulbous domes are among discontinuous double-shell domes and were built in Iran in the early nineth century A.H. Previous domes were shaped pointed and there was no bulge coming out beyond their base diameters. But in the Timurid period, dome profile was changed so that it began a return below the base of the arch, producing thereby a slight bulge. The main question is that what are the reasons for the changes in the appearance and structural elements between two shells after the initial formation of these domes in Central Asia and then their evolution in Iran. This research is written with the aim of finding the hidden aspects in the development of bulbous domes based on both historical documents, and architectural remains, and also examines the reasons of the changes created in these kinds of domes during four centuries in the context of cultural Iran. This study has a descriptive-analytical approach for exploring case studies, which are selected based on primary and secondary sources and also field research. The appearance changes of bulbous domes include removing flutes from the outer shell, adjusting the height of the drum and creating more bulge at the place where the outer shell joins the drum. In this article, the structural changes to improve the strength of the domes, the change in the number and proportions of the stiffeners to prevent the damage of the dome, as well as the shape and arrangement of the wooden struts to increase domes flexibility against seismic shocks, have been examined.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Bulbous dome, narrow ribs, stiffeners, wooden struts, Timurid-Safavid architecture.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Since the most obvious feature of Timurid architecture is its splendor, the architects of this period paid special attention to the dome than other architectural elements. In this era, domes were raised on high drums, and in order to achieve desired height on the exterior, architects usually built another shell on the top of the internal one. In such a way the dome profile is changed, so that it began a return below the base of the arch, producing thereby a slight bulge. Therefore, the bulbous dome is one of the innovations of the Central Asian architects during the Timurid period. The first cases of the bulbous domes in Central Asia have flutes on the outer shell; in addition, they have an oval-shaped structure. Construction of this domes continued with a few changes during the reign of Timur&amp;rsquo;s successors in Great Khorasan and within the current borders of Iran. To put it more clearly, after the Timurid period and during the rule of Safavids in Iran, construction of these domes continued with few changes. This study is dedicated to the analysis of the process of changes and also reasons for these changes in the appearance and structural elements of the bulbous domes according to the case studied in Central Asia and Iran during the Timurid and Safavid eras. The main question is, what changes have occurred in the appearance as well as structural elements, and as a result, the stability of these domes in the Timurid and Safavid periods in Central Asia and Iran, and what were the reasons for them.&lt;br&gt;
Theoretical method of this research is based on the cultural history approach. Therefore, each case is viewed as a culture. Concerning this, three domes were selected from different regions of Central Asia (Turkestan, Samarkand, and Herat) and seven cases from Iran (Khorasan and Isfahan). Three main criteria for selecting the case studies can be listed: 1. Geographical and historical context; 2. Similarities of the cases during the Timurid period in Central Asia and the Safavid period in Iran, and; 3. Authenticity of the domes. &amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
All the studied domes in Central Asia have a lofty cylindrical drum. The height of the drums was adjusted in Iran during the Timurid era, in Khorasan and also in the central regions of Iran. It is worth to mention that, construction of high drums in Central Asia, during the reign of Timur, and in Iran, during the reign of Shah Abbas I, can be seen as an expression of the visual effects of architecture as a manifestation of the power and reflection of the perfectionist personality of those Kings.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
The most important exterior characteristic of the studied domes is in the external shell (Avgon), where the drum and the external shell connected to each other. Therefore, in the bulbous domes, part of the weight load of the outer shell at the junction of the dome and drum is directed inward and less pressure is applied to the base of the monument.&lt;br&gt;
Flutes move from their common place at the top of the external shell to the bottom, and transfer forces and lateral loads to the inside, and enhance the resistance of the dome against the thrust forces.&lt;br&gt;
In Central Asia&amp;rsquo;s domes, we couldn&amp;rsquo;t find narrow ribs on the surface of internal shell. This is despite the fact that in most of the studied cases from the Safavid period, narrow ribs were used to transfer the weight of the stiffeners to the lower parts and base of the monument. It seems that, utilize of the narrow ribs in the Safavid domes was the invention of the Iranian elite architects to give cohesion to the double-shell domes, especially bulbous ones.&lt;br&gt;
From the earliest bulbous domes, we can see stiffeners between two shells. These elements have different shapes. Establishing stiffeners, especially in the Avgon part, greatly reduce the destruction of the dome during earthquakes and shows the architects&amp;rsquo; awareness of stiffener&amp;rsquo;s structural role and function.&lt;br&gt;
The wooden struts are arranged somewhat circularly to help connect the stiffeners to increase flexibility against earthquake shocks.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&amp;nbsp;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Changing process of bulbous domes in Iran includes removing the flutes from the external shell, adjusting the height of the drum and creating an avgon with more bulge at the junction of the external shell and drum. Domes with flutes in the Central Asia were a main characteristic of monuments. It seems that use of flutes, in addition to structural reasons, also had an aesthetic aspect; because, vertical and parallel concave and convex lines on the external shell make the domes look higher and add to the glory of the whole monument. Moreover, flutes help in transferring the thrust forces entered into the building and have a function like an avgon at the place of joining the dome&amp;rsquo;s drum. It seems that removing the flutes from domes in Iranian architecture of Timurid period should be considered as a result of the lack of a single political power in different regions of the country. Among other fundamental changes, we can notice domes with more bulge. During the Safavid period, architects learned and experienced the basic stages of bulbous domes and gained sufficient skill with regard to the morphological elements of dome and its strength. In this way, for aesthetic purposes, structural solutions such as creating narrow ribs on the internal shell of the dome and deepening the stiffeners in the avgon part have been used to maintain the integrity of the external shell. One of the reasons for the construction of narrow ribs is to transfer the compressive force of the stiffeners to the lower parts and bases of the dome and to strengthen their stability. In some cases, ribs were not used to connect stiffeners to the internal shell due to small diameter of the dome span. The changes made in the stiffeners from the Timurid period to the end of the Safavid period should be considered more related to their number, shape and proportions, which can be attributed not only to the creativity of local architects, but also to the architects&amp;rsquo; complete awareness of the role and function of the stiffeners. These structural elements prevent the destruction of domes due to thrust forces (wind and earthquake). Wooden struts also make it possible to create a better connection between the stiffeners and external shell, as well as the connection between the components of the dome.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Javad Neyestani</author>
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						<title>A Technological Study of the Turquoise Glazed Potteries Identified From the Excavation of the Historical House of Moravvej-e Ardabili</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=584&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Glaze is a prepared mixture of materials ready for application to ceramic wares by dipping or spraying. In Islamic period, decoration using the glaze was widespread. Different methods of glazing have played a major role in the beauty of glazed potteries during this period. Turquoise glazed potteries are one the significant groups of Islamic period. In this article, five turquoise glazed pottery sherds have been studied in order to identify their elements, composition and technology. The mentioned sherds dated back to 14 - 18 A.D (late Ilkhanate, Timurid and Safavid periods) , and identified from a historical house called Moravvej-e Ardabili House, in the historical part of Ardabil city. This site identified in a rescue excavation held by HassanYousefi which regarding to the cultural materials dated back to 11 - 18 A.D. The aim of this article is investigating and understanding the similarities and differences in five glazed sherds. Regarding to the mentioned point, XRD analyze applied for characterizing their phases as well as EDX analyze used for identifying the elements of glaze, and also their quantity. This research has an analytical approach and it&amp;rsquo;s method is based on analytical studies, textual evidences and comparative analyzes. According to the results obtained from analyzes, four glazes have an alkaline based and one has a lead base. Colorant oxides in glazes represent that copper used as the primary element to make the turquoise color. In general, the main elements in glazes include silica, aluminum, calcium, sodium, potassium and a negligible amount of lead. Statistical analyzes represent that the most similarities exist in sample two and sample five which belongs to the same period (late Ilkhanate and Timurid),and the most differences exist in sample four and sample five which dated back to a different periods.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Glaze, Turquoise, Moravvej-e Ardabili, XRD, EDX.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In the prehistoric era, slip used as a sort of glaze in order to proof the body of the pottery, increase the aesthetical aspect of the pottery and protect the hand of the pottery maker to steak to the clay. In the historical period, using a transparent and colored glaze became widespread, but in the Islamic period the using of the glaze with various functions expanded. There are three main period in the evolution of the pottery in the Islamic era. 1. Early Islamic potteries 2. Middle Islamic potteies 3. Late Islamic potteries. During the rescue excavation in the Moravvej Historical House in Ardabil province in 2006, a vast number of pottery sherds mostly, belong to Seljuk to Safavid periods identified. This site located in the historical part of the city nearby the Sheikh Safi Al-Din Ardabili&amp;rsquo;s monument. Turquoise glazed potteries were the remarkable amount of the identified potteries in the above mentioned excavation. The questions of this article is on the subject of the turquoise glaze potteries; the amount and the type of the constructed elements ,and also study the similarities and differences between the glaze from different period. Five pieces (three sherds from 14-15 A.D and two sherds from 16-18 A.D) selected for the analytical studies with the aim of better understanding their constructed elements, technology and composition. In order to achieve to this aim, XRD and EDX analyses provided promising results about the technological aspects of the sherds, and also a comparative study not only was highly beneficial in clarifying the similarities along with differences of the composition of glazes, but also was helpful in better understanding of the turquoise glazes &amp;nbsp;in the larger region. Since there has not been applied any analytical study on the sherd identified from this site, this research would increase our knowledge about it. The pottery sherd divided into three categories, and then two samples from each category selected for the analytical studies. In the next step, technical characteristics of the sherds documented. After that, the pieces delivered to the laboratory for the analytical studies. &amp;nbsp;XRD analyses, was done in Razi Metallurgical Research Center using the Xpert Pro MPD system Panalytical model made in Poland. EDX analyses was done in Kansaran Binaloud Center using Micro Prob Horiba 7200 model made in Japan. Also, Peason Correlation Coefficient used for better understanding the correlation between different elements.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Based on the XRD analyses, in the first sample dated back to the 14-15 AD, cristobalite, amorphous, quartz and silica were the main elements. Quartz, cristobalite and silica are the different phases of SiO2. Based on being buried, &amp;nbsp;the amount of silica decrease and the other elements increase which are shown as different picks. Quartz ingredients changed to the cristobalit as a result of increasing the temperature while baking. In the second sample dated back to the 14-15 A.D, calsite, quartz and silica phases reported. Quartz and silica represent SiO2, and calsite indicates the destruction process and release the alkaline ion from the glaze and formation on the surface of the glaze which regarding the date of the pottery and being buried, it seems reasonable. In the third sample from Safavid period , gypsum phase reported. The mentioned phase represent the destruction of the glaze as well as releasing the alkaline ion like calcium as a constructed element of the glaze. In the forth sample from Safavid period in addition to the silica and quartz, cesterite phase represnt SnO2 which functioned as a flatting element in the glaze. In the fifth sample dated back to the 14-15 A.D, in addition to silica and quartz phases, nepheline synenite was reported because of the slip.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Based on the EDX analyses, copper functioned as the primary element for making the turquoise color. The amount of the copper in the samples is respectively 3/19%, 1/15%, 3/53%, 1/39% and 1/36%. &amp;nbsp;The glazes have an alkaline base since sodium, potassium, calsium, mangesium and stroncium was reported in EDX analyses; This means that the samples of this research have an alkaline base unless the sample four. The amount of lead in the samples respectively is 13%, 0/17%, 0/27% and 12/64%; this element was not reported in sample five. Comparing to the other samples, sample four shows a great amount of lead (12/64%), and also have 7/07% amount of tin. Calsium solfate was reported in the samples; the amount of this element is respectively 4/06%, 2/35%, 2/75%, 3/72% and 2/67% which mostly is as a result of the destruction during the decades. The first sample represents the most amount of the calsium solfate comparing &amp;nbsp;to the other samples. The aluminum is respectively 4/06%, 2/25%, 2/75%, 3/72% and 2/67% which indicates the destruction during time. The most amount of destruction belongs to sample one and then sample four and is almost equal in the other samples.&lt;br&gt;
&amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In Iran, the most ancient usage of glaze has been reported from the ancient site of Susa as well as Choghazanbil located in the southwestern part of country in Khuzestan province. In the Achaemenid period application of glaze on mud-brick of royal buildings was one the common architectural decoration methods. In Islamic period, decoration using the glaze was widespread since it can be seen in buildings namely masques, schools along with potteries. In general, the Islamic potteries can be divided into two distinct groups: glazed and unglazed potteries. In this article, five turquoise glazed pottery sherds have been studied in order to identify their elements, composition and technology. The mentioned sherds dated back to 14 - 18 A.D (late Ilkhanate, Timurid and Safavid periods), and identified from a historical house called Moravvej-e Ardabili House, in the historical part of Ardabil city. EDX analyses indicated that the copper is the main element which used for creating the turquoise color. It is respectively from sample one to five, &amp;nbsp;3/19%, 1/15%, 3/53%, 1/39% and 1/63% in the samples and shows that sample three have the most amount of the copper in the glaze. In addition to this, chromium has been used as a coloring oxide in this sample. chromium in the glazes is a key factor in order to making the different shades of green color and this is why the color of this sample is much more different than the other samples. Based on the analyses, glazes have an alkaline base as a result of &amp;nbsp;high amount of the alkaline elements such as potassium, sodium and calcium in all samples. The amount of lead compare to the alkaline elements is a negligible amount unless sample four which a considerable amount of lead (12/64%) was reported; The amount of lead is respectively from sample one to four, 13%, 0/17%, 0/27% and 12/64%;This element was not reported in sample five. Also, in sample five, nepheline syenite indicates using slip on the pottery. Regarding the statistical analyses, generally there is a signnificant correlation between the samples. The high amount of the correlation is in samples two and five dated back to 14-15 A.D as well as the less correlation is between sample four dated back to the Safavid period and sample five belongs to 14-15 A.D which is seems resonnable.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Acknowledgment&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
We are thankful of MS Nasim Feizi for her technical point of view in the statistical study in this article and also, Miss Habibeh Abbasi for her beneficial comments.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Soudabeh yousefnezhad</author>
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						<title>Study of Motifs in the Governmental and Public Bathhouse Architecture During the Qajar Dynasty in Sanandaj</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=362&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Studying architectural decorations in public buildings leads to identifying the artistic features of the buildings and also representing the interests of their builders and ordinary people. Bathhouses are public buildings with special importance in Persian culture. They were also among the most important urban buildings after the Islamization of Iran. The reason for such special attention is the sanctity of water and the significance of washing ceremonies among Persians. Sanandaj city had been traditionally one of the cleanest cities in Iran and a proper resort for nobles and government officials. This study uses a descriptive-analytical method and adopts a historical and comparative approach. The data was gathered using field and library research methods. The research questions are (1) what were public and governmental bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty and who were their builders? (2) What kind of decorations were mostly used in these bathhouses? (3) What architectural motifs were used in these bathhouses? The main objective of the current study includes studying prominent public and governmental bathhouses ad their decorations during the Qajar dynasty. The results indicated that a large portion of the decorations for changerooms, washrooms, and rinse rooms are composed of ornamental elements, such as lime work, tiling, and wall paintings. The decorative motifs include pictures of animals, plants, geometrical shapes, tools, and celestial bodies. Plant and celestial motifs are composed of arabesques indicating plurality in unity and unity in plurality. Animal motifs include lions, dragons, birds, goats, eagles, peacocks, and snakes, indicating the victory of right over wrong and a sign of justice. Therefore, the symbolic meaning of these motifs is common for all bathhouses during the era.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Bathhouse, Decorations, Sanandaj, Qajar, Lime Work, Tiling.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
During the Islamic period, decorations were very common in Iran, and they developed based on the technology of each era. Architectural ornaments are an inseparable and a major part of Islamic era architecture (Maki Nejad, 2009:97). Reviewing the ornamental motifs used in architecture can lead to common meanings the builders used to form their social interactions. By meeting more than physical needs, these spaces contained a lot of meaning and represented rituals and, consequently, culture. Since these motifs originated from human interactions with the ambient environment based on collective and ritual activities, they are categorized as ritual scenes (Mansouri, 2013:5). Among these spaces, bathhouses were of special importance and regarded as one of the most ritual spaces in cities and a place for social exchange, as well as their services and public functions (Nahrfruzani, 2019:36). Traditional baths, known as bathhouses, are recognized as historical monuments with tangible cultural heritage value due to their special architectural design, stucco, and paintings with literary, mythological, and religious motifs (Omidvar &amp; Razmjooie, 2019:492). Evaluation of motifs in architecture-related ornament is a researchable feature for these bathhouses. Lime works and especially tiling created a pleasant and eye-catching environment with various plant, animal, and human motifs as well as their insulation function (Mansouri Jazabadi &amp; Hosseini, 2016:104). This paper seeks to assess Sanandaj bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty and describe their major ornaments. The author tries to outline the tiling and lime works used in the bathhouses of Sanandaj and describe their semiology. Bathhouses were important buildings due to the special attention of Iranians to cleanliness and their various social and cultural functions. Bathhouses are related to Iranian cultures in different aspects, and their historical architecture and cultural features are a part of the cultural and regional identity of those people. To this end, the current study adopts a descriptive-historical-analytical-comparative approach to describe the decorations (motifs) used in prominent governmental, private, and public bathhouses during the Qajar dynasty. The field study data were gathered by photography and sketching the pictures and how they were painted and analyzed using library references. All collected data were ultimately analyzed.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Data&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Public Bathhouses: From a structural aspect, public bathhouses usually have flexuous inlets leading to changerooms. The bathhouse reception was located at a corner in the changeroom (Zandi et al., 2017:3). Public bathhouses were naturally separated from residential buildings, and people paid a fee to use the facility. However, nobles might pay a higher fee to use the facility privately (Wills, 1989:372). Some public bathhouses of the Qajar dynasty include Khan, Salahi, Khalife Fattah, and Shoja Lashkar. Khalife Fattah and Shoja Lashkar bathhouses are located in Sanandaj currently without any decorates, and it seems unlikely that they had any decorations (lime work and/or tiling) during that era. For lime works in the Qajar era, plant, geometrical shapes, and animal motifs, especially peacocks and birds-of-paradise, were decorating the bathhouses. Unlike the previous era, tiling was not limited to mosques, tombstones, and khanqahs during the Qajar dynasty, and it was employed to decorate palaces and mansions of nobles, city gates, and government symbols. Furthermore, traditional patterns are mixed with realistic iconography and illustration (tiles with flower and leaf motifs and vase designs) in the tiling, conveying a kind of vitality and life (Farie, 1995:291).&lt;br&gt;
Private and Governmental Bathhouses: Built inside or adjacent to a residential building, private bathhouses were only used by nobles. These bathhouses were the fourth area of noble houses, in addition to the exterior, interior, and den (Roshevar, 1999:206). However, some private bathhouses were used by the public with or without paying a fee. Private and governmental bathhouses of Qajar include Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam, Asif, Moshir Diwan, and Khosrowabad.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Each architectural work can be analyzed based on different underlying reasons for creating such a work. Each reason can establish a part of the process and implication of the building. Lime works and tiling are decorative elements and an inseparable part of Iranian-Islamic architecture that was used in most buildings during the Qajar dynasty. Based on the research on public and governmental-private bathhouses in this era, the decorations can be categorized into three different themes: politics, religion, and symbols. Regarding the nature of tiles and lime works in bathhouses, the motifs manifest the features of Qajar art, and they represent Qajar identity and culture. Decorations such as tiling and lime work were very common in public bathhouses. In private bathhouses, such as Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam, Asif, Moshir Diwan, and Khosrowabad, decorations were mostly lime work, and simple turquoise and yellow tiles were only used for dadoes. The theme of each motif in bathhouses referred to ancient Persia. Mollatafullah Sheikhul Islam and Khan Bathhouses are different due to the difference between the demands and expectations of their customers. Therefore, Amanullah and others tried to showcase their power and social status in their private bathhouses, and so they put their name on the building to last forever. However, private bathhouses tried to recognize justice and righteous judgment among people. Private bathhouses tried to keep the connection between the government and the people. The raised platforms in some public bathhouses, such as Khan, and the material used to show the structural glory and majesty of the building tried to implement urban development policies in important regions, especially downtown.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The analysis of decorative motifs in the Qajar bathhouses of Sanandaj showed that these bathhouses were either private-governmental or public, and the decorations were in the form of lime work or tiling. Regarding the function of the studied bathhouses, it should be noted that what distinguishes public bathhouses from private ones is the space, dimensions, and privacy of the users. Some public bathhouses, such as Khan, are more glorious than others. The architectural principles are perfectly conformed. The builders of public bathhouses tried greatly to achieve their goals, be with people, and support them. Their efforts are manifested in different places of the bathhouse in the form of engraved decorations and symbols. Therefore, although bathhouses are structured and built under a specific dynasty, the method and vision of builders significantly affected attaching spaces and even the construction material. Most decorations and motifs referred to people&amp;rsquo;s life and aimed to induce peace of mind in people. Tiling in public bathhouses is very beautiful, with diverse motifs, including animal, geometric shapes, and plant pictures. However, the tiles in private-governmental bathhouses are simple, without any motifs, and in yellow and turquoise. In all bathhouses, the lime works are covered with geometric shapes, plants, and animals on walls. The plant motifs are composed of arabesques indicating plurality in unity and unity in plurality. Animal motifs include lions, dragons, birds, goats, eagles, peacocks, and snakes, indicating the victory of right over wrong and a sign of justice. Therefore, the symbolic meaning of these motifs is common for all bathhouses during the era.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Sara Sadeghi</author>
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						<title>Laboratory Studies on Materials and Pigments Used in Inscriptions and Mural Paintings in the Tomb of Ghadmagah in Neishabour</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=507&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In this study, the colors used in the Inscription and mural paintings of tomb of Ghadmagah in Neishabour were analyzed by instrumental analytical methods. Ghadmagah is located in the center of the Zabarkhan section, on the Neyshabur-Mashhad Road. Ghadmagah tomb-garden is located in the village of the same name 24 kilometers east of Neyshabur, Iran, and was built in the early seventeenth century. According to historical sources Ghadmagah was built in the early eleventh century AH (ca. 1600 AD), and the origin of this site dates back to Islam. Some believe that the Ghadmagah monument was designed by Sheikh Baha&amp;rsquo;i. The architectural decoration of this building is most importantly tiling, plastering and mural paintings. Given that the building was built in different periods and originally dates back to the Safavid period. The present study aimed to study the color bedding and pigments in the Inscription and mural paintings of the building to find out what period the mural paintings in the building belong to. Mural painting is one of the Iran arts that based on the signs of old paint can be pursued to pre-history. One of the most important issues in the study of historical paintings, especially mural paint, is the identification of the nature of paintings used to decorate the walls. Identification of pigments is also important not only from the perspective of archeology but also in terms of the history of art and knowledge of degradation processes and the development of monument conservation strategies is also important. In this study, instrumental methods such as scanning electron microscopy with energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDX), Fourier- transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR), polarized light microscopy (PLM), X-ray diffraction (XRD) and micro-Raman spectroscopy have been used for elemental and compound microanalysis of the samples.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Pigment, Neyshabur Ghadmagah, Inscription, Mural Painting, Analytical Methods.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The use of physical and chemical analysis methods to identify the constituents of works of art, before any intervention occurs, plays a key role; because the results of such an analysis are very useful for deciding whether to conserve or regenerate these materials. In addition, each of the different pigments can have a different regeneration process. On the other hand, the analysis of ancient paintings may provide information about the artistic techniques and visual materials used in the past and expand the knowledge of the customs and techniques of ancient societies.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
In fact, physical and chemical analysis provides useful information about the range of pigments present in an area and knowledge of dye preparation techniques and applications. In addition, the study of the originality and origin of pigments allows the discovery of connections and trade lines. On the other hand, restorers need detailed information about the chemical composition of the materials used in a work before restoration work.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Identifying the materials and pigments used in this building is one of the most important questions of this research, and then by considering the history of using pigments, we can understand the dating of the paintings in this building. Do these paintings belong to the period of construction of the building, ie the Safavid period, or were they added to the building in later historical periods? Depending on the type of painting pigments, the colors can be restored.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&amp;nbsp;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In this research, empirical and analytical methods have been used to achieve the goals. Data collection is based on information from library studies and instrumental methods. The complete information of the devices used in this research is fully described in the Materials and Methods section.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
In this study, instrumental methods such as scanning electron microscopy with energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDX), Fourier- transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR), polarized light microscopy (PLM), X-ray diffraction (XRD) and micro-Raman spectroscopy have been used for elemental and compound microanalysis of the samples.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Data&amp;nbsp;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The result of the analysis showed that the blue color was used in inscription was artificial ultramarine (Na6-10Al6Si6O24S2-4) on a gypsum layer (CaSO4.2H2O) also gold color showed presence of copper and zinc alloy in the ratio of 10:1 in gold color. The blue color used in the mural paintings was also artificial ultramarine on a red layer of ochre. The result of micro-Raman showed that green pigment was copper phthalocyanine (phthalocyanine green). The results of identification of the orange-red revealed the presence of a mixture of red lead (minium) and red ochre (iron oxide) in the sample. Also, according to the obtained results, ochre and mixture of iron and manganese oxides were used in red and brown colors.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&amp;nbsp;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The inscription at the top of the building used two colors, blue and gold, the result of the analysis showed that the blue color was artificial ultramarine (Na6-10Al6Si6O24S2-4) on a gypsum layer (CaSO4.2H2O). The absence of minerals such as pyrite and calcite in the PLM images indicates that the ultramarine is synthetic. The blue color used in the mural paintings was also artificial ultramarine on a red layer of ochre. The result of micro-Raman showed that green pigment was copper phthalocyanine (phthalocyanine green). A synthetic organic material composed of chlorinated copper phthalocyanine (chlorinated Phthalocyanine blue). Phthalocyanine green was introduced as an industrial pigment in 1938. This pigment is unaffected by light, heat, and chemicals the use of this pigment showed that the mural paintings was restored in Contemporary period. The results of identification of the orange-red revealed the presence of a mixture of red lead (minium) and red ochre (iron oxide) in the sample. Also, according to the obtained results, ochre and mixture of iron and manganese oxides were used in red and brown colors. FTIR results showed the presence of organic material only in green, indicating that it was the only reconstituted pigment, but no other organic material was detected in other colors, which may be due to the instability of organic materials during the time.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Green phthalocyanine copper is a new pigment that may have been used to restore painting. This pigment was first used in 1320 AD, but it is not clear on what date this pigment was used to repair or reconstruct this paint. Due to the presence of oil in the FTIR spectrum of this color, it seems that unlike other colors, oil has been used to close this color, and the technique used in this color is different from other colors.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Identification of materials and pigments showed that the paintings are due to the presence of artificial ultramarine, were done in the Qajar period (1789-1925) and presence of phthalocyanine green in green color showed that this mural painting was restored in Contemporary period.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
The result of the analysis showed that the blue color was used in inscription was artificial ultramarine (Na6-10Al6Si6O24S2-4) on a gypsum layer (CaSO4.2H2O). The absence of minerals such as pyrite and calcite in the PLM images indicates that the ultramarine is synthetic. The results of identification of gold color showed presence of copper and zinc alloy in the ratio of 10:1 in gold color. The blue color used in the mural paintings was also artificial ultramarine on a red layer of ochre. The result of micro-Raman showed that green pigment was copper phthalocyanine (phthalocyanine green). A synthetic organic material composed of chlorinated copper phthalocyanine (chlorinated Phthalocyanine blue). Phthalocyanine green was introduced as an industrial pigment in 1938. This pigment is unaffected by light, heat, and chemicals the use of this pigment showed that the mural paintings was restored in Contemporary period. The results of identification of the orange-red revealed the presence of a mixture of red lead (minium) and red ochre (iron oxide) in the sample. Also, according to the obtained results, ochre and mixture of iron and manganese oxides were used in red and brown colors. Identification of materials and pigments showed that the paintings are due to the presence of artificial ultramarine, were done in the Qajar period (1789-1925) and presence of phthalocyanine green in green color showed that this mural painting was restored in Contemporary period. FTIR results showed the presence of organic material only in green, indicating that it was the only reconstituted pigment, but no other organic material was detected in other colors, which may be due to the instability of organic materials during the time.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Javad Abbasi</author>
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						<title>A New Perspective on Tehran School Painting: Khayyam and His Influence on the Formation of Works</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=671&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
This research, by examining some paintings of the Tehran school in the contemporary period on the one hand, and reading the thoughts and philosophical views of the poet and mathematician Khayam Neishabouri of the 5th and 6th centuries A.H. on the other hand, aims to understand why and how To examine and research the placement of this poet&amp;rsquo;s poems and quatrains for the first time by painters of the Tehran school in the contemporary period. The hypothesis of the research in this article is that the artists of the Tehran school adhered to the traditional values and painting of Iran&amp;rsquo;s past during the modernism era in order to preserve their Iranian and Aryan roots as much as possible by linking to the past. The researched works include 9 paintings by contemporary painters, which belong to the Cultural Institute of Mustazafan Foundation Museums. Based on this, the method of collecting documentary and field information was done and the analysis of the data was also done based on the research, and finally, the conclusion was reached that the artists of the Tehran school, by reviving the traditional style and Iranian painting, returned to the past artistic methods. They stressed against the art of modernism, and by addressing Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s works and poems, for the first time, they sought to return to their Aryan roots and their past before the era of modernity and modernism.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Painting, Tehran School, Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s Poems, Contemporary Period, Modernism.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
During the Pahlavi era, which coincided with the rise of modernism and the spread of modernist ideas in Iran, we witness the impact of art and especially contemporary painting on modernism. This period coincides with the emergence of artists who, relying on their individuality, were able to interfere in the tradition, and in such cases, diversity and changes can be identified, especially in the thought, design or topics that were previously known and established. Another effective factor in artistic trends is the identification and application of visual rules of old art, which were not used during a period due to limitations caused by style, and were recognized and used again by the new generation of artists. On the other hand, the influence of art patrons is of particular importance, it can be said that at the beginning of the 20th century, we witnessed the emergence of two groups of art patrons who played a vital role in the development of Iranian art and the dissemination of information about this art. played the first role of the great private collectors, some of whom specialized in painting, and the second category includes the great art dealers, the best of whom were collectors at the same time, and a balance between transactions business and love of art established that in the upcoming research, these two groups played an important role in the tendency of painters to deal with works based on ancient literature and Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s poems. In the intellectual and political atmosphere of the years leading up to the constitutional revolution, the presence of such supporters and patrons on the one hand, and the rise and intensity of modern ideas on the other hand, and the formation of two poles of modernity and tradition in the thinking of the thinkers of this land, led to the marginalization of the conservative and inferior layers of society or thought became a tradition. Therefore, it can be acknowledged that along with the political and cultural developments of Iran in the field of modernism, art gradually experienced a similar process. With all these interpretations, in that period, in addition to the formation of modern art in Iran, we witness the creation of works that artists, in the traditional way and based on the paintings of the past, but with their own unique look and style, created works with subjects they depict the new both from a literary and a social point of view.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
On the one hand, the interest of patrons and patrons of works with these oriental themes was noticed in this era, this attention caused a return to the literature of the past and dealing with Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s poems in the contemporary era. On the other hand, the artists of the Tehran school, by reviving the traditional style and Iranian painting to return to their past artistic methods, emphasized against the art of modernism, and dealing with such issues is an attempt to return to the Aryan roots and the past before the era of modernism and modernism. It was in Iran.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In such a modernist atmosphere and thought, how can one connect the dual thought of modernism or contemporaneity and traditional cultural heritage. Therefore, in this research, an attempt will be made to examine and research the orientalist view of the patrons and commissions of these paintings by examining Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s thought and philosophy and 9 paintings based on Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s quatrains. The research method of this research is descriptive-analytical and using the resources available in the library and field study. Finally, it can be pointed out that Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s archaism and Aryan view and the interest of patrons and commissions of works with these oriental themes, caused a return to the literature of the past and dealing with Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s poems for the first time during Iranian painting from the beginning to it was today. In the space and modernist thought formed in the contemporary era and despite the dual thought of modernism and traditional cultural heritage and in line with the political and cultural developments in the field of modernism, the art of painting for the first time in the history of Iranian painting, new issues such as attention to He paid attention to Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s poems, which are of special importance both from a literary and social point of view. In the upcoming research, after introducing the contemporary painting of Iran briefly, especially the Tehran school and the artists who especially paid attention to these issues for the first time, and examining Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s thoughts and philosophical views, he introduced 9 paintings. And after the research about these poems and the oriental view of the patrons and those who commissioned these paintings, it was finally concluded that Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s archaic and Aryan perspective and his view of life and death were very important in the creation of these works; As it was said before, there are two negative and positive views in Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s view of the phenomena around him, which in the negative view is to destroy all illusions in the direction of disillusionment, and in this view, the world is considered like a big furnace, from the soil of the past, new forms are created. It is made in it and these molds are constantly reproduced. The visual signs of this view are such as the world, the KohnehRobat, the desert of nothingness, the urn, the urn, the rotting and scattered human corpses, and the flowerpot, which in the review of these 9 works, the details of the names were presented in 3 Table. In addition, the second point of view, the positive point of view, is trying to find the moment of your presence and show that all phenomena are transitory. In this strange point of view, the end that awaits all human beings is predictable and the pure act of consciousness through drunkenness of wine or a sharp look. Which arises from phenomena, which, of course, was explained that this type of view arose from the literature of the pub and the interpretive view that arose from it. The visual signs of this view include cups, bowls, wine, bartenders, drunk people, young women, candles, flowers, and butterflies, examples of which were presented in table number three. Also, the interest of patrons and patrons of works with these oriental themes, which were of great interest to many patrons and enthusiasts at that time, is also of great importance, and this attention causes a return to the literature of the past and dealing with Khayyam&amp;rsquo;s poems. Became in contemporary times. On the other hand, the artists of the Tehran school, by reviving the traditional style and Iranian painting, emphasized to return to their past artistic methods against the art of modernism, and dealing with such issues is an attempt to return to their Aryan roots and their past before the era. It was modernity and modernism.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Samaneh Sadeghimehri</author>
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						<title>Social and Cultural Developments in Adaptation to Changes in Qajar and European Women’s Clothing
The Years 1900-1925 AD/1279-1304 AH (Case Study of Tehran and London Women)</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=608&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In the age of modernism and women&amp;rsquo;s efforts to transfer their social position, created different characteristics in the type of women&amp;rsquo;s clothing. The adaptation of Qajar women&amp;rsquo;s clothing developments to women&amp;rsquo;s clothing developments in Europe has received less attention and, in this study, matching with British women clothing especially London has not been done. This research tries to answer the question that how much the social effect changes woman in Tehran and London in a period of time in their clothing style, and created a similar meaning of modern woman? The theory, shows the difference of the nature of social changes of two countries and the older history of modernism changes in Britain that revealed in Iran in the form of modernization. The present research is of qualitative type and descriptive method and its approach is comparative art studies. Findings show that developments in women&amp;rsquo;s clothing does not correspond to the expected social role of contemporary women in Iran. Developments in women&amp;rsquo;s clothing in Britain in pursuit of greater civil liberties made clothes easier, freer and more in a variety, but in Iran, the changes in women&amp;rsquo;s clothing were imitative and was not in proportion with social developments. In a way that most changes occurred in woman&amp;rsquo;s inner clothing that affected some factors like unregulated imports of different textiles and sometimes costs cheap, sewing machine import and etc. It changed to western style like dress, two pieces and etc. and Qajar woman&amp;rsquo;s outdoor clothing such as veil, mask, was in accordance with common social custom. In other Words, European Women changed their dress in accordance with social activities, but Qajar women were not able to change their social costume in contrast to the tradition of society.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Women&amp;rsquo;s Clothing, Qajar, The Constitutional Period, World War I.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Fereshteh Kiavash</author>
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