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<title> Parseh Journal of Archaeological Studies </title>
<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp</link>
<description>Parseh Journal of Archaeological Studies - Journal articles for year 2022, Volume 6, Number 21</description>
<generator>Yektaweb Collection - https://yektaweb.com</generator>
<language>en</language>
<pubDate>2022/12/10</pubDate>

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						<title>Mokhar Teppe in Torbat e Jam: A Dusty Gem in Eastern Iran from Prehistoric to the Parthian Era (Classification, Typology and Chronology)</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=596&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Archaeologically, the northeast region of Iran is one of the least-known regions in the Iranian Plateau. The reasons for this situation is multifold; some of these include rarity of archaeological investigations, its vastness and the associated restrictions such as desert areas and impassable mountainous areas. The present paper deals with the chronology of and investigations at one of the key sites of the eastern Iran: Tappeh Mokhar. This is site is located to the east of the town of Torbat-e Jam, by the river of Jamroud. Archaeological finds from this site include a vast spectrum of items, including chipped-stone artefacts, ceramics, stone vessels, and clay figurines, of which ceramics are the most numerous. These finds have been recovered from delimitation soundings, and archaeological reconnaissance. The main objective of this paper is to introduce this important, multi-period site through the recovered materials before it suffers from further damage which at present made it as a depot of waster of modern construction materials. In this paper, a classification and typology of the ceramic collection from the site has been provided and then, based on comparative studies, their relative dating has been suggested. This research follows a historical approach and has been fulfilled with a descriptive-comparative method. The main queries are: which periods can be inferred from the studies of the recovered materials of Tappeh Mokhar. What are the characteristics of Mokhar ceramic assemblage and which types of ceramics of which periods can be identified in this assemblage? The preliminary studies of the ceramic assemblage, however, suggest that the site was occupied during Chalcolithic period, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods, and its ceramic types are comparable with sites of the northeast region, Turkmenistan and eastern region, and then with those of north, south, southwest and west of Iran.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Tappeh Mokhar, Khorasan (Torbat-eJam), Bronze Age, Namazga 3 &amp; 4, Achaemenid, Parthian.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Archaeologically, the northeast region of Iran is one of the least-known regions in the Iranian Plateau. The reasons for this situation is multifold; some of these include rarity of archaeological investigations, its vastness and the associated restrictions such as desert areas and impassable mountainous areas. The present paper deals with the chronology of and investigations at one of the key sites of the eastern Iran: Tappeh Mokhar. This is site is located to the east of the town of Torbat-e Jam, by the river of Jamroud. Archaeological finds from this site include a vast spectrum of items, including chipped-stone artefacts, ceramics, stone vessels, and clay figurines, of which ceramics are the most numerous. These finds have been recovered from two types of archaeological programs: delimitation soundings, and archaeological reconnaissance. The main objective of this paper is to introduce this important, multi-period site through the recovered materials before it suffers from further damage which at present made it as a depot of waster of modern construction materials. In this paper, a classification and typology of the ceramic collection from the site has been provided and then, based on comparative studies, their relative dating has been suggested. This research follows a historical approach and has been fulfilled with a descriptive-comparative method. In addition to chronology, the regional relationship of the site has been inferred from the comparative studies. The main queries of this research are: which periods can be inferred from the studies of the recovered materials of Tappeh Mokhar. What are the characteristics of Mokhar ceramic assemblage and which types of ceramics of which periods can be identified in this assemblage? The preliminary studies of the ceramic assemblage, however, suggest that the site was occupied during Chalcolithic period, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods, and its ceramic types are comparable with sites within the northeast region and beyond. In fact, the ceramic studies suggest that the cultural relation of Tappeh Mokhar was mostly with the population centers of the northeast region, Turkmenistan and eastern region, and then with those of north, south, southwest and west of Iran.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Our information on the archaeology of eastern Iran and Khorasan is limited and those few research conducted few decades ago were concentrated on the sites in northern and central parts of the province. Tappeh Mokhar with its long sequence of occupation, representing at least four periods, provides a unique opportunity to study the cultural development in this part of Iran during the late prehistoric and historic eras. This research tries to provides a reliable chronology for the site based on studies of the ceramic collection recovered from both delimitation sounding and systematic surface sampling conducted at the site. Therefore, the main objective of this paper is the quantitative and qualitative studies of the recovered collection and provides their classification and typology. &amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Research Question: There are two main questions in this research: Which periods are represented by ceramic collection and cultural finds of Tappeh Mokhar; What are the main characteristics of Tappeh Mokhar ceramic collection; Which ceramic types of which periods are represented in the collection; and what they suggest about the cultural interaction of the site from an intra-regional and inter-regional perspective?&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Research Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The nature of this research is descriptive-analytical, and is based on literature review and analysis of the archaeological materials. The main bulk of the materials studied is ceramic collection, recovered from delimitation sounding and systematic surface sampling, which are analyzed on the basis on typology, technical characteristics, decorations. Finally, a relative dating is suggested for the site based on the aforementioned studies.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Research Background&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In 1975 two geologists, Ariai and Tiboult, conducted a fieldwork in north of the Torbat-e Jam County and in the Kashaf Roud basin, resulting in discovery of an important palaeolithic locale (Jam e Al &amp;ndash; Ahmadi, 1387; Ariai&amp;Thibault,1975:101-103; Khodadoust &amp; et al. 1394:109-124). In 1975 and 1987, Bernard Ekin, and in 1988 Wilber and Glombeg published their investigation on the proceedings of Sheikh Ahmad Jami (Okeane, 1979; Okeane, 1987; Wilber&amp; Golombek, 1988; Khodadoust &amp; et al. 1394:109-124). In 2003 a large scale excavation and stratigraphy sounding at the Architectural Complex of Torbat-e Jam has been conducted by Mohmoud Toghraei (Labbaf Khaniki,1399:147). He also conducted a delimitation sounding at Tappeh Ghar of Torbat-e Jam in 2008 (Labbaf Khaniki,1399:151). The latest research about the Islamic Period Torbat-e Jam complex is coming back to the works by Ali Zarei, as part of his PhD dissertation (Zarei,1394).&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
The first archaeologist who visited Tappeh Mokhar was Gunter Kerbel. He visited this site and also the Shah Abbasi Caravansarai complex in 1980 en route his trip to Afghanistan (See: Labbaf Khaniki,1391:144; Korbel,1983;18-57). After him, the area was archaeologically surveyed by Rajab Ali Labbaf Khaniki in 1985 on behalf of Iranian Center for Archaeological Research, in which many site from prehistory to Islamic period were identified (Labbaf Khaniki,1364). The latest research at Tappeh Mokhar was conducted by Hasan Nami, of Neishabour University, in 2017 with the aim of defining the limit of the site by delimitation sounding (Nami,1394).&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The study area in which Tappeh Mokhar is located is part of the Qara Qum Basin, subsuming in the Jam and Hariroud Basin; Hariroud River originates from Afghanistan and the Jam Plain is very fertile because of the river sedimentation. In addition to several other environmental potentials, this factor is one of the main reasons of foundation of Tappeh Mokhar settlement. Along with natural factors, both historical and cultural factors were responsible for establishment of settlements during different periods in what is now Khorasan. Due to limitation in conducting basic, archaeological and historical research, identification and picturing the historical occupation of the study area is confronted with difficulties. Yet, thanks to increasing research during last two decades, our understanding on the ancient communities of the area is developing. The endangered site of Tappeh Mokhar was chosen in this part of Khorasan for getting a better understanding on the prehistoric and historical human developments, which proved that the site is a significant settlement during prehistoric and historic eras.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Archaeological research at Tappeh Mokhar consisted of two approaches: a systematic surface sampling and a delimitation sounding, in which 30 small trenches were excavated around the hypothetical perimeter of the site, inferred from both topography and concentration of the surface materials. Most parts of the site have been leveled during last decades and it was used as agricultural land and also a depot for modern construction wasters. Based on our comparative studies, the site represents occupations from late Chalcolithic, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods; the latter is thought to be significantly represented. Future excavations at Tappeh Mokhar would potentially answer some important questions about the nature of prehistoric and historic settlements in this part of Khorasan.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Acknowledgments&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
My heartfelt thanks go to Dr. Kourosh Rostaei (Associate Professor of RICHT), Dr. Mohammad Esmaeil Esmaeili Jolodar (Associate Professor Depart of Archeology, University of Tehran), Reza Haidareii (M. A of Archeology, University of Tehran), Dr. Hassan Basfa, Dr. Mohsen Dana and Dr. Seyyed Javad Jafari for their insightful comments on the manuscript.&lt;br&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Hasan Nami</author>
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						<title>The Early Iron Age in Upper Atrak Basin: Connection Ring of Northern Steppes and the Interior of the Iranian Plateau</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=373&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The concentration of activities and sites Iron Age excavations carried out in Iran in the quarter-northwest Iran. It covers the west, northwest, north of the center, and the west bank of the Caspian Sea. The important point is that the chronological basis of the Iron Age in Iran is also based on the excavation of several sites in a small part of the northwest and its extension to the whole of Iran. Thus we see the Iron Age archaeological activities at the eastern part of Iran and especially North East is very unknown. Iran has long been the entry point for people without a nomadic component steppes of northeastern North Asia region is the Iranian plateau. According to written sources the oldest nations that have entered the Iranian plateau, known as the Indo-Iranian or Aryan tribes from the steppes of northern Asia to the south and in the land of the Pamir Mountains to Anatolia widely dispersed. Many scholars consider the gradual movement of these tribes to be from the second millennium. A period that is almost synonymous with the Iron Age in the region. But our knowledge of the Iron Age northeastern Iran today virtually all North Khorasan Province and the northern part of Khorasan Razavi province involved is negligible. This paper is based on the latest research picture of the Iron Age northeastern part of the country, with emphasis on the upper basin Atrak be provided. According to the study and identification carried out in this basin, the Iron Age of the upper Atrak basin is part of the Yaz 1 culture.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Northeastern Iran, Iron age, Upper Atrak basin, Yaz 1 Culture, Archaic Dehistan, Settlement Patterns.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
It has been less than a decade that steps have been taken to understand the Iron Age in Northeastern Iran through surface explorations and excavations. Based on this, it seems that some parts of northeastern Iran are in the cultural area of Archaic Dehistan and another part is in the cultural area of Yaz I (Basafa 2017, Dana &amp; Hejebri Nobari 2019, 2021, Vahdati 2016, 2018). The upper Atrak basin is an almost rectangular valley with a length of 90 km and an average width of 20 km. This region is one of the most important regions of northeastern Iran in terms of population movement because it connects the north of Kopet-Dagh to the interior regions of Iran and the center of the Iranian Plateau (Fig.2). Northeastern Iran has long been the place of entry of nomads from the northern steppes to the inner regions of the Iranian plateau. Due to the geological feature, Kopet-Dagh act as a barrier between the Karakum desert in the north and the fertile areas in the south, which cannot be crossed except through a few natural passages.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
More than 500 sites were identified in the archaeological surveys of the upper Atrak basin, among which 23 sites were dated to the Iron Age (Fig.3).&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Iron Age Sites in the Upper Atrak Basin&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The 23 Early Iron Age sites identified in the upper Atrak basin are listed in Table 1. In the surface survey of these sites, the only available data was pottery. In all Iron Age sites of this basin, the dominant pottery is Yaz 1 hand-made pottery. These pottery are poorly made, rough and in the range of buff and bright red, and the motifs are usually drawn geometrically with ocher and jujube red colors, and most of them are mixed with grog. 9 of the identified sites can generally be attributed to the Iron Age, and traces of Yaz I painted pottery were not found in the surface surveys. The pottery of these 9 sites are similar in form to the pottery of the Archaic Dehistan culture, but unlike them, they are in the buff and red spectrum.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Location based on ٍlevation Factor&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The Iron Age sites of the region are located at an altitude between 1007 and 1718 meters above sea level. The size of the smallest site is 0.01 and the largest is 10 hectares. Examining the Pearson correlation coefficient regarding the area of the enclosures with the height factor shows -/299 (Table 2), which indicates a negative but moderate correlation. This means that as the height above sea level increases, it is expected that the size of the enclosures will decrease due to the limitations of natural factors.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Water Resource Factor&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The distance of the Iron Age sites in the region from permanent water sources, including rivers and other running water sources, ranges from 0 to 6395 meters, and their average distance is 1441 meters. Pearson correlation coefficient/313. (Table 2) states that this figure shows the relationship between the direct and average level of significance between the size of the sites of the region with the factor of distance from permanent water sources.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Land Use Factor&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Pearson&amp;rsquo;s correlation coefficient between the size of the sites of the region with the soil type factor of the location of the sites shows -.054 (Table 2). This figure is weak and small. It is expected that there are large sites in the sedimentary plains and smaller sites on the edge of the plains and mountain slopes, and this is not the case in this area.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Slope Factor&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Pearson&amp;rsquo;s correlation coefficient between the sizes of the sites of the region with the slope factor of the location of the areas is 0.72. (Table 2). The figure shows a very weak relationship between the size of the sites and the degree of slope of their location.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Slope Direction Factor&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Pearson&amp;rsquo;s correlation coefficient between the size of the sites of the area with the slope direction factor of the location of the areas shows -240 (Table 2). This phenomenon shows that some of these sites have not been used for a long time or that the different slope directions were not so important for the residents of this site in different seasons.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Communication Routes Factor&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The sites of the region are located at a distance between 0 and 15355 meters from the main communication routes today. The Pearson correlation coefficient shows -114 (Table 2), this figure shows a very weak and small and inverse relationship. In other words, as we move away from the main communication routes, we should expect the size of the enclosures to decrease and become smaller.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Distribution of Iron Age sites in the Upper Atrak Basin&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In this research, in order to obtain the distribution pattern of settlements in the region and to better analyze and understand the distribution of archaeological sites in the region and to find a pattern that fits environmental variables, the statistical method of cluster analysis has been used. Based on statistical analysis and their clustering, three patterns were obtained (Table 3, Chart 1).&lt;br&gt;
Settlement distribution pattern 1: Settlement distribution pattern 1 includes 6 enclosures (Chart 1, Table 3). Due to the location of these types of sites in the landscape of the region and according to the distribution of these settlements on the level of the plain and the highlands, their small size, which is less than half a hectare, the economic method of these habitats can be assumed as temporary and seasonal settlements.&lt;br&gt;
Settlement distribution pattern 2: There are 14 enclosures in this pattern (Chart 1). Due to the location of these types of sites in the landscape of the region and according to the distribution of these settlements on the level of the plains and the highlands, their small size, which is less than two hectares, the economic method of these habitats can be assumed as agricultural and livestock settlements.&lt;br&gt;
Settlement distribution pattern 3: There is only one site in this group, and the reason for their placement in a cluster or separate pattern is its very large area compared to other sites. The size of this site is 2.2 hectares. The characteristics of this site, especially being located at a high altitude and a long distance from water sources and communication routes, and other characteristics show that it is similar to model 1, and only because of the difference in the size of this site, it is placed in a separate group.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The largest sites in the upper Atrak basin (except the IUA03 site) are located almost in a vertical line and very close to each other, Tappe Yam with 10 hectares, Tappe Ja&amp;rsquo;far Abad with 2.8 hectares and Sofalgaran-e Zadak site with 3 hectares, for a total of about 16 hectares from the total 33 hectares, half of the size of the Iron Age sites cover this basin. Today, these sites are located around the city of Faruj and almost in the middle of the plain. This area can be considered as the crossroads center of important roads in the region.&lt;br&gt;
The important point in the reconstruction of the roads is the mountainous conditions of the region, which does not allow passage anywhere. With these conditions, there is only one possible way in the south, and that is today&amp;rsquo;s Binalud-Shah Jahan road, which goes from Quchan to Sabzevar. Near this road, there is Tappe Golshan Abad, which is actually located in the entrance area of this mountain pass.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
However, it is a little difficult to determine the northern route to pass Kopet Dagh and go to its north due to the number of valleys and the connection of some valleys with each other. By carefully examining the existing routes in the area and their connection with the Iron Age sites, a route is suggested that includes the sites of Tappe Yam, Dalan Tappe Kukach, Dalan Tappe Bozorg and Unnamed Tappe of Milanlu.&lt;br&gt;
The western road along Atrak River connects the upper basin to the middle Atrak basin.&lt;br&gt;
The eastern road also continues to the Kashaf River basin and the Mashhad plain without any natural obstacles.&lt;br&gt;
Today almost all researchers agree that the people had Yaz I culture, nomads. Since Yaz I remains in a wide area of Greater Khorasan and the southern parts of Transoxiana, the route of population migration will inevitably pass-through Greater Khorasan through the north-south routes that connect the steppe regions of North Asia to its inner regions in the Iranian plateau. In this view, the upper Atrak basin is located in the area of Yaz I pottery culture, and due to its strategic location, it plays a very important role in the arrival of people with Yaz I culture to the inner parts of the Iranian plateau.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Mohsen Dana</author>
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						<title>Brick Building Qale-dagh Tapeh, Site in Iron Age III Hamedan Plain</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=576&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The northern plains of the Alvand mountain range in Hamedan are known as part of the Median land and the capital of this period. Research and study on Iron Age III settlements with the aim of identifying and drawing an accurate pattern of the sites of this period was one of the goals of the writers in this region, which was carried out in recent years. Qale-dagh Tepe is one of the areas that have been reviewed and studied in this research. Qale-dagh or Aghdash area is located at an altitude of 2009 meters above sea level in the foothills of Arjanī mountain overlooking the Hamedan plain. The height of the area is 41 meters above the level of surrounding rangelands. The site was first identified and registered in 1381 AH and in 1385 AH in the comprehensive plan of archaeological survey of Hamedan city was reviewed. Despite much destruction, the site has not yet been studied and archaeologically excavated. Qale-dagh is a single period from the Iron Age III. It consists of single and dense brick building that can be seen in parts of the main walls and its gates. There is evidence of filling in the gaps between the back and the outside of the walls at an unspecified time. The pottery obtained from the study is small and contains non-significant samples of this period. There are questions about the condition of the area and its function in the heights of the Hamedan plain that this study has addressed. The research method in this paper is based on archaeological studies and comparative studies. Preliminary results show that Qale-dagh area is located in specific geographical location, architectural style, pottery data and compared with other sites of Median period such as Nush-I-Jan Tepe, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan is a religious place overlooking the capital of Med (Hegmataneh).&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords: &lt;/strong&gt;Hamedan, Qale-dagh Tepe, Iron Age III, Median Period.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In a series of surveys conducted from 2017 to 2018 regarding the spatial association of Iron Age III settlements in the Hamedan plain (Almasi, 2020), which is mentioned in historical sources as the first seat and political and governing center of the Median period, the known relics from the past years to the present, particularly the new relics in the last decade, were studied, and a question was raised. The question was &amp;ldquo;What were the function and nature of a group of monuments with characteristics such as individuality, being located outside the scope of settlement, similar style and method in architecture, especially in components such as the type of bricks, and finally their intentional filling at some points in time?&amp;rdquo;&lt;br&gt;
One of these newly discovered monuments is a brick fortress named Qale-dagh Tepe located in the northern highlands of the Hamedan plain. The site is located in the foothills of the Arjanī Mountain with a height of 2130 meters above sea level. Aghdash Village is the closest modern village to it, which is located at a distance of 3.5 kilometers from it. The site does not have an access road from the village, so that one can only reach the site on foot by crossing some agricultural fields and barren lands.&lt;br&gt;
The Qale-dagh site with coordinates Y:3869857.31-X:290962.58 is the only brick structure that is located on a natural bed among the hills of the Arjanī Mountain. The current size of the site is 1 hectare. However, the Qale-dagh site has suffered massive destruction over time, much of which is related to human destruction. The site was discovered in 2002 (Pazuki &amp; Shadmhr, 2005) and surveyed in 2006 (Mohammadifar &amp; Motarjem, 2006), and then the authors resurveyed it in 2017.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Data&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The Qale-dagh site in appearance is divided into two sections: the northern section, which is a brick structure and remains up to a height of 3 meters, and the southern section, which is large and has a lower height (Map 3). The architecture of the northern section includes a thick wall with an approximate height of 3 meters and a diameter of 1.5 meters in the east-west direction. It appears that the wall has a buttress, since in the two sections of the wall, the remains of a brick pier with 1 meter in width and 2.5meter distance from each other can be observed. The distance between the two brick piers is filled with layers of pebbles and mud mortar (Image 2), Causing the wall to remain intact up to a height of 3 meters. On the northeastern side, several holes have been dug by unauthorized excavators, in one of which, the remains of more than 2 gates covered with a lancet arch can be observed from the outside (Image 4). From the inside of the gates, a corridor-like space with another lancet arch can be observed (Image 5). The width of the two gates is approximately 70 cm and lower than the height of 3 meters of the wall. The lancet covering of the arches is formed by laying bricks diagonally to each other. The materials used in the monument are bricks with dimensions of 42&amp;times;23&amp;times;11 cm and mud mortar with a thickness of 10 to 12 cm.&lt;br&gt;
The pieces of pottery obtained from the surface survey include a bowl with an inverted rim, a simple bowl, a bowl handle, a base of a dish, and two pieces of a dish body (Image 7).&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Analysis of Finding&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In the survey of the architectural features and pottery pieces collected from the site, the history of settlement in the site appears to be related only to the Iron III period, as it was built on virgin soil. Such a procedure was used in some significant Median sites such as Nush-I-Jan (Stronach &amp; Ruf, 2011), Moush Tepe (Mohammadifar et al., 2015: 236), ZarBolagh (Malekzadeh et al., 2014), Yalfan (Almasi et al., 2017: 70), Haji Khan (Hemmati Azandriani et al., 2019: 35) and Pishee (Almasi, 2020: 115).&lt;br&gt;
In the northern wall, the remains of two brick piers are visible (Image 2), revealing the use of buttress in the construction of the main wall of the monument. The use of buttress, which is generally used on the outer front of the main walls of the monument, can also be observed in the sites of Nush-I-Jan (Stronach &amp; Ruf, 2011: 16), Godin (Young &amp; Levine, 1974: 116-pl.37), Baba Jan (Goff, 1977: 104-Fig.1) and Ozbeki (Majidzadeh, 2009: 343).&lt;br&gt;
The gate with a lancet arch created in the Qale-dagh site is also similar to the ones in the sites of Nush-I-Jan (Stronakh &amp; Ruf, 2011: 81), Godin (Gopnik, 2016: 293), Moush Tepe (Mohammadifar et al., 2015: 235) and Gunespan (Naseri et al., 2016: 131) (Table 1). The dimensions and sizes of the bricks used in the monument of the Qale-dagh site are similar to the dimensions of the bricks used in the monuments of sites of the same period (Table 2). Another characteristic of the site is the intentional filling of the monument (Images 2 and 3), so that this method of abandonment has been reported in the excavations of the sites of Nush-I-Jan (ibid: 163), Moush Tepe (Mohammadifar et al., 2015: 235), ZarBolagh (Malekzadeh et al., 2014), and Haji Khan (Hemmati Azandriani et al., 2019: 106).&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Owing to the geographical feature of the site, which is located in the foothills of the Arjanī Mountain overlooking the Hamedan plain and the connecting route of the Hamedan plain, it is possible to imagine a military use similar to the inter-road military forts. However, in the survey and comparison of the Urartian castles of the first millennium BC in the northwest, we observe considerable cultural data indicating long-term settlement in these places (Kleiss, 1980, Burney, 1966). On the contrary, such conditions are not observed in Qale-dagh. Hence, we can place emphasis on only the apparent characteristics of the site, such as the information obtained from the architecture and the results of comparing and matching it with the Median sites, particularly Nush-I-Jan, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan. From the excavations conducted in the three Median sites of Nush-I-Jan -Main Period, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan (Map 4), few findings of human activity (garbage production) were obtained, demonstrating a non-residential use in such places and their special use for the people. All the three sites were created on virgin soil, had intentionally filling, and were cleared before filling.&lt;br&gt;
As no contemporary settlement was found near the site, a non-residential use can be considered for it. Furthermore, the height of the site above sea level and the steep slope of the site in the foothills of the Arjanī Mountain indicate that it is not easily accessible.&lt;br&gt;
The intentional filling of monuments, which is carried out with special care in layers, can also be used to protect the monuments. Ghirshman associates the fillings with the change of religious attitude in the later period (Ghirshman, 1976: 10-11).&lt;br&gt;
As supported by extensive evidence, the Qale-dagh site is extremely similar to the sites of Nush-I-Jan, Moush Tepe and Haji Khan.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Acknowledgments&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The authors appreciate and thank the Hamedan Province Cultural Heritage Organization and Mr. Mohammad Shabani for making it possible to visit the site.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Tayebeh Almasi</author>
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						<title>Considerations Regarding the Fire Temples Attributed to Mehr-Narseh in the Southwest of Fars: An Indicator to Identify Dādgāh Fire Temples</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=758&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Mehr-Narseh is known as one of the most important character of the middle Sassanid era. Based on the written historical sources, the construction of some buildings has been attributed to him, among which the most outstanding ones are five fire-temple monuments built in the southwest of Fars. Although various theories have been put forward regarding the location of the structures, by far, the nature and qualitative value of them are unknown. In this study firstly, the political-religious personality of this Sassanid minister in various ways was investigated, then besides recognizing their religious nature and value via analysis of the sources related to Mehr-Narseh fire temples, the Chahar-Taqis attributed to him was also studied, according to the current theories, &amp;nbsp;so as to reveal some features of &amp;nbsp;the religious architecture of Sassanid era. This is a fundamental or basic research, and the nature and method of which is historical and descriptive-analytical. The data is also collected from library and fieldwork. Based on the results of this study, it seems that the fire temples built by Mehr-Narseh included two separate types and four fire temples attriuted to him located in Abruwān area were related to family fire meaned &amp;ldquo;Dādgāh&amp;rdquo;. According to the field studies and similarity, the previous theories can be criticized and a new group of religious temple of Sasanian period in Farashband can be introduced that contains one or several fire temples, which are attributed to Mehr-Narseh. It seems that these kinds of fire temples have a complex plan with additional architectural and probably had a number of attendants to do the work related to the fire temple. Overall, this research can provide a correct understanding of the fire temples of &amp;ldquo;Dādgāh&amp;rdquo; Fire during the Sassanid period. This also provides a new grouping manner for such these temples and can be known as a pattern for reviewing of usage and religious value of other similar Chahar-Taqis.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Mehr-Narseh, Fire Temple, Chahar-Taqi, Sassanid Era, Dādgāh Fire, Farashband.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
One of the important points mentioned in the historical resources is the information regarding the personality of Mehr-Narseh, as one of the significant figures of the middle Sassanid period, who built several fire temples and made other services in several other fire temples, which has been attributed to him by the order of the Sassanid emperors. Discovering the fire temples constructed under the order of Mehr-Narseh has been one of the most interesting study topics related to the religious architectures of the Sassanid period during the last century. There are different theories regarding the probable location of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh, which mainly include the region between the current Kazerun, Farashband, Dehram, and Firouzabad. This article attempts to study the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh from a different perspective. In the first step, we study and explore Mehr-Narseh character to determine his political position in the middle of the Sassanid period and have an idea of his religious position in the system. The second step is to survey the nature and characters of the fire temples attributed to him from in terms of the quality value and their positions, to have a final analysis of their architectural complexities. The main question of this study is the religious quality of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh and what kind of fire was kept in the fire temples attributed to him? Also, based on the fires kept in these fire temples, what is the level of architectural complexity of the mentioned structures? The proposed hypothesis for this question is that it is possible that the four fire temples of Mehr-Narseh were containing the fire of &amp;ldquo;Dādgāh&amp;rdquo; and the fire temple of Jereh contained the fire of Ādarān. It is also assumed that the Dādgāh fore temples of Mehr-Narseh had additional spaces in the form of small architectural complexes. Based on the purpose of the study, this is basic research and from the perspective of nature and methodology, the study is conducted via the historical and descriptive-analytical method. The data collection method was library study and fieldwork. Initially, the political and religious figure of &amp;nbsp;Mehr-Narseh was analyzed and studied, with the help of the written sources related to him or the fire temples attributed to him, to reach understanding about the nature of his fire temples through a comparison between his character and the characteristics of the fire temples attributed to him. The next step was the archeological surveys in the fieldwork alongside the library researches and evaluating the archeological documents and reports about the proposed Chahar-Taqs for the location of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh, from an architectural perspective to finally reach a suitable point of view about the architectural and religious quality of the fire temples attributed to Mehr-Narseh.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
According to Pahlavi and Islamic sources, Mehr-Narseh, the minister of the Middle Sassanid period, has attained his highest religious official during the reign of Bahram V, as the honored titles of the servant of the two fire temples, since in the &amp;ldquo;Matigan-i Hazar Datistan&amp;rdquo; there is no mention of him being resented by Bahram V. During the reign of Yazdgerd II and Pirouz, he and his wife were sentenced to be the &amp;ldquo;Ādurwax&amp;scaron;īh&amp;rdquo; or tending the fire of the temple fire, due to a sin that some researchers associated with Zurvanism. The religious dedication of Mehr-Narseh resulted in the construction of several public buildings in the provinces of Ardashir-Khwarrah and Shapur &amp;ndash;Khwarrah and also four religious temples on his ancestral lands for himself and his three sons, which were run by his heirs until the first centuries of Islamic period; these fire temples were shires dedicated to the &amp;ldquo;Atash-e Dadgah&amp;rdquo;. Based on the archeological findings and the presented theories, the remains of the three Chahar-Taq of &amp;ldquo;Malik&amp;rdquo;, &amp;ldquo;Tall-i Djangi&amp;rdquo;, and &amp;ldquo;Khurma yak&amp;rdquo; can be identical with one of the four fire temples belonging to Mehr-Narseh, as well as to match the information provided in written historical sources. Meanwhile, the site of &amp;ldquo;Pir-e Jeyran&amp;rdquo; may also be considered as the fourth fire temple of Mehr-Narseh in Abruwān. Based on the comparison studies of the archaeological evidence and the written sources, it can be concluded that during the Sassanid period, the shrines associated with the fire Dādgāh, could be very magnificent according to the financial conditions and social status of its founder and have donations such as gardens and farmland, and their revenues were spent for the happiness of the soul of the founder. Such fire temples were also run by a person named &amp;ldquo;Sallar&amp;rdquo; or the guardian who was chosen by the founder of the fire temple, and this responsibility was transferable to their heirs. The existence of such a title could indicate that other people also served in these private fire temples, and therefore this category of family fire temples, like the fire temples associated with the &amp;ldquo;Behrām&amp;rdquo; and &amp;ldquo;Ādarān&amp;rdquo; fires, could have hierarchical complexities in terms of the number of servers.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Based on the results of this study, it seems that the fire temples built by Mehr-Narseh included two separate types and four fire temples attriuted to him located in Abruwān area were related to family fire meaned &amp;ldquo;Dādgāh&amp;rdquo;. According to the field studies and similarity, the previous theories can be criticized and a new group of religious temple of Sasanian period in Farashband can be introduced that contains one or several fire temples, which are attributed to Mehr-Narseh. It seems that these kinds of fire temples have a complex plan with additional architectural and probably had a number of attendants to do the work related to the fire temple. Overall, this research can provide a correct understanding of the fire temples of &amp;ldquo;Dādgāh&amp;rdquo; Fire during the Sassanid period. This also provides a new grouping manner for such these temples and can be known as a pattern for reviewing of usage and religious value of other similar Chahar-Taqis. Before this, no specific structure for the fire temples related to the fire of &amp;ldquo;Dādgāh&amp;rdquo; in the Sassanid period, had been introduced, and the only available evidence was about the findings in &amp;ldquo;Tull-i Sifidak&amp;rdquo; which has a cruciform architectural space beside the residential context, as a sacred place for the fire. Based on conducted analyses of this study, it is possible to categorize the different types of religious architectural structures dedicated to the fire of &amp;ldquo;Dādgāh&amp;rdquo; into two groups: The first type was the buildings that include a cruciferous space attached to their residential section, that might have simpler procedures and endowments. The second type was complexes including Chahar-Taq and interconnected architectural spaces, which were probably built in the endowed properties of the fire temple, including gardens and agricultural lands, and belonged to people with high social ranks in the Sassanid society, such as Mehr-Narseh fire temples.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Seyed Mehdi Mousavi Kouhpar</author>
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						<title>The Study of the Sassanid Settlements of Northern Iraq (Iraqi Kurdistan), Based on Archaeological Discoveries</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=660&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Abstract: In the last two decades, as a result of the significant increase in archaeological field activities in Iraqi Kurdistan, some important sites and artifacts from the Sassanid period have been discovered. Even though during the Sassanid period, the northern region of Mesopotamia was considered a part of the Sassanid Empire, many archaeological features of this region in the Sassanid period have remained unknown. In this research, which was carried out using a library method, we have studied 42 ancient sites or monuments in Iraqi Kurdistan belonging to the Sassanid period, which have mainly been identified in recent years. This research aims to find an answer to some questions about the location of the Sassanid settlements in the region and the geographical and environmental factors affecting their formation. The Sassanid remnants of Iraqi Kurdistan include settlements, monuments, government complexes, fortifications, water channels, cemeteries, and the local production centers of textiles and pottery. The results of this research show that Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan have mainly concentrated in three areas: 1. Shahrizur plain and the area around Dukan Lake 2. Erbil plain, 3. Garmian region. These areas, which are in the form of open plains and vast inter-mountain valleys, had importance in the Sassanid period due to having characteristics such as suitable height, abundant water sources, fertile soil, and being located on the important communication routes and therefore they were as a place for the formation of the settlements in the mentioned period.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Iraqi Kurdistan, Northern Mesopotamia, Sasanian Period, Archaeological Settlements.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The four-hundred-year Sassanid period is considered one of the important periods in the history of Iran and the Middle East. The northern region of Iraq, which is today known as the Kurdistan region, was considered one of the main parts of the Sasanian Empire. On the other hand, it was important politically and geopolitically due to its proximity to the Sassanid capital of Ctesiphon and its location between the Sassanid center and the Eastern Roman territory. Although historical sources provide a relatively clearer view of the northern region of Iraq in the Sassanid period, the archaeological evidence of the Sasanian period in Iraqi Kurdistan has not been significant until recent decades.&lt;br&gt;
In the past two decades, a large number of historical and prehistoric sites in the mentioned region have been surveyed or excavated, among which a number are related to the Sassanid period. Identification of these sites and monuments can lead to better knowledge about the economic, political and social situation of the region during the Sassanid Empire.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
One of the goals of this research is to investigate the Sassanid settlements of Iraqi Kurdistan based on the results of archaeological surveys and excavations. Some of the questions that this research seeks to answer are: 1. What are the most important settlements of the Sassanid period in Iraqi Kurdistan and how were they distributed?&lt;br&gt;
2. Which areas in northern Iraq, had the greatest importance in terms of quantity and quality of Sassanid settlements? 3. What are the most important geographical and environmental factors involved in the formation of Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan?&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Data&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Based on the distribution of Sassanid sites in Iraqi Kurdistan, this area has been divided into three parts including eastern, southern, and western parts:&lt;br&gt;
Region 1: including the eastern part of Iraqi Kurdistan, which mainly includes the present-day Sulaymaniyah province, stretches from north to the Lake of Dukan and Darband Ranieh, from east to the border of Iran and Iraq, from west to the east bank of the little Zab river, and from the south to the end of the Shahrizur plain. The Sassanid sites of this region are:&lt;br&gt;
Murad Rasu, Qalatga Darband, Usu Aska, Gerd-i Bazar, Merquly, Tell Sitak, Girdi Rostam, and the sites of Shahrizur plain including Gerd-i Kazhaw, Bestansur, SSP 4, Tell Begum, Gird-I Qalrakh, Sutik Tape, Bakr Awa&lt;br&gt;
Region 2: Southern part of Iraqi Kurdistan (Garmian). The Sassanid sites of this region are:&lt;br&gt;
Bazyan Palace, Girdi Qala, Paikuli, Sasanid palace of Paikuli, Qalai Gawri, SRP 9, SRP10, Irrigation canal of Kalar, Kani Masi/ Tell Majid, Gawr Tepe, Top Askar cemetery, Hawsh Kori&lt;br&gt;
Region 3: Western part of Iraqi Kurdistan includes Erbil and Dohuk provinces. The Sassanid sites of this region are:&lt;br&gt;
Tell Amiyan, Canal A of the village of Kawr Gosk, Erbil city, Qasr Shemamok, Tell Khazana/Khazna, site no. 31, Baqrta, Satu Qala, sites n.3, 8, 4, 22, 24, 25, 27&amp;28 in Erbil plain&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The geographical and environmental factors affecting the distribution of Sasanian sites in Iraqi Kurdistan are:&lt;br&gt;
1. Topography: The results of this research, which are reflected in Fig. 12, indicate that in total, about 76% of Sasanian sites of Iraqi Kurdistan are mainly located in the mountainous plains, and only a handful of the sites are located in the mountainous and high places outside of the plains.&lt;br&gt;
2. Height above sea level: Most of the Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan are located at an altitude of less than 600 m, and only a few sites are located at an altitude of more than 1000 m (Fig. 12). The lowest areas are located in the Garmian region, i.e. in the Sirvan river valley and the Kalar plain, which is mostly less than 300 m above sea level.&lt;br&gt;
3. Access to water sources: All the Sasanian sites in the Kurdistan region are located near permanent water sources, the most important of which are Great Zab, Little Zab, and Sirvan. In addition to that, a significant number of sites are located next to permanent springs or smaller rivers, such as Shalar River in Penjwen, Wadi Shatwan and Tanjero in Shahrizur Plain, Tavuq cay in Chamchamal Plain and Shiwazor and Chai Siwasor in Erbil Plain.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Access to Fertile Soil&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The plains of Shahrizur, Erbil, and Garmian, where the largest number of Sasanian settlements are located, also have the most fertile soil in the region for agriculture (Yasin, 2014: 240).&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Proximity to Communication Ways&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Most of the Sassanid sites in Iraqi Kurdistan are located in the plains that were on the path of important commercial and political roads between southern Mesopotamia and the Sassanid capital on one hand with the land of Azerbaijan and the Iranian plateau in the east on other hand and the land of Eastern Rome, Asia Minor and Syria in the north and northwest on another hand. The existence of the Paikuli tower and some other important sites in the Sirvan river valley indicate the importance of this communication route.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;The Extent of Sassanid Settlements&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Most of the Sassanid sites in Iraqi Kurdistan are less than five hectares in size, which are considered small settlements. Therefore, we can see a significant difference between the extent of the Sasanian sites in the north and south of Mesopotamia.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In this research, we have studied 42 sites or monuments of the Sassanid period in Iraqi Kurdistan, which were mainly discovered in the last two decades as a result of archaeological excavations or surveys. Some of the mentioned sites, such as Gerd-i Bazar, Gerd-i Kazhaw, Gird-i Qalrakh, Girdi Qala, Paikuli, Top-Askar, and Hawsh Kori, can be considered important sites of the Sasanian period in Iraqi Kurdistan. These sites contain information about memorial buildings (Paikuli), government complexes (Hawsh Kori), fortifications (Merquly, Gerd-i Kazhaw, SRP 9), water canals (Kawr Gosk, Kalar), Burial methods (Gerd-i Bazar, Top Askar), beliefs, economy and local centers for production textile (Gird-i Qalrakh), pottery and other livelihood aspects in Iraqi Kurdistan during the Sassanid period.&lt;br&gt;
The result of this research shows that most Sassanid settlements in Iraqi Kurdistan are located in low-altitude and mid-mountain plains such as Shahrizur plain, Sirvan river valley, and Erbil plain. Among the advantages of these plains, we can point out access to permanent water sources, fertile soil, and location on the important communication routes that connect the west of Iran to the south of Turkey and east of Syria. In general, although most of the Sassanid sites discussed in this article lost their importance and were abandoned in the following periods, the plains where these sites were located, due to having ideal conditions and Geographical and environmental factors are still the main centers for urban settlements in the Kurdistan region.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Farzad Mafi</author>
						<category></category>
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						<title>Typology and Relative Chronology of Pressing in Dinavar, Kermānshāh Province</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=477&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The ancient site of Dinavar, known by the locals as the city of Khāvarān, is located northeast of Kermānshāh, on the Kermānshāh-Sonqor road. The importance of the site is still evident despite environmental damage such as floods and earthquakes and agricultural development. Historical findings and archaeological evidence show that the central hill and the surrounding areas were inhabited from the Seleucid period to the present day. This site is the city of Dinavar. A city that was one of the cultural centers of western Iran in the first centuries of Islam and this issue is received from the list of thinkers attributed to Dinavar. During the surveys, in addition to the potteries, a collection of mills and large weights were observed, which indicates a pressing workshop in the site. The typology of the pressing method in this workshop and its chronology is the main issue of this research, which is addressed by asking two questions: first, what period does this data belong to, and second; What products have been produced in this workshop? Given the needs of urban communities and the need to manage and plan workshop activities, a hypothesis based on the data belonging to the time of the flourishing of the city of Dinavar and the production of oil and grape syrup is proposed. Based on the comparison and study and study of environmental data, written sources and documents of archeology and ethnoarcheology, Dinavar workshop to the time of growth and prosperity of this area in the 2nd to 4th AH. It is attributed and in addition to the production of grape syrup, the possibility of oil-pressing is also raised. Since known specimens from central and western Iran belong to the late Islamic centuries, the site data reveal part of the history of this activity.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords: &lt;/strong&gt;Pressing, Dinavar, Archaeology, Typology, Chronology.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The study of ancient technologies is one of interests to many researchers. Archaeologists study technology to make social and economic analyzes and study human societies. Pressing and related objects are one of these ancient technologies. The ancient site of Dinavar, whose data are classified from the Seleucid era to the present day, has been one of the cultural centers of the Islamic world and one of the most important cities in the Jebāl province. Some of the archeological data of this area show that the pressing workshop was active in it. This study identifies the pressing in Dinavar with the aim of relative chronology of this method. Pressing workshops that have been built since the Safavid era near the important cities of that time provide significant signs of technical architecture, access to these structures and the continuation of the activities of some to this day, they have led to a detailed study of these works. However, it is not clear what the workshops were before the Safavid era. The present study tries to deal with how this activity took place in the pre-Safavid period. The most important questions are: 1. What period does the pressing data of the Dinavar area belong to? 2. What products have been produced in Dinavar Workshop? Considering the environmental and ethnographic data, and the necessity of managing and planning the workshop activities that are possible in the shadow of the urban system, in answer to the research questions, the hypothesis of the activity of the Dinavar workshop at the time of flourishing and Its urban growth; And the production of oil and grape syrup is measured. Field survey data are compared with similar samples to determine how this activity works, and environmental data measure the oil and grape syrup production hypothesis, or grape syrup. Archaeological and pollenological data trace evidence of olive use in the fertile crescent to ancient Paleolithic and before the beginning of agriculture (Niklewski and van Zeist, 1970; Liphschitz et al., 1991., Lovell et al., 2010 and Zohary et al., 2012). But pressing in the general sense have arisen following the complexity of societies. Pollen and archeological data show that suitable species of this practice have existed in prehistoric Iran (Van Zeist and Bottema, 1977; Djamali et al., 2010, 2016 and Mashkour et al., 2010), but the mode of operation is known only on the basis of data from the late Islamic centuries.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The Dinavar is a complex site including the central hill, the religious complex and the cemetery, the remains of a castle and a Qājār bath. In a recent study, the authors found stone objects in the north of the central hill, including a healthy mill sandstone, five damaged millstones of various conglomerate dimensions, and four large conglomerate weights. The data do not provide complete information on how to press, but due to the presence of weights and the presence of four millstones, the upper surface of which shows a depression with a depth of 10 to 20 cm. The use of lever and weight pressing is discussed. In Dinavar Plain, whose vegetation has changed due to agriculture, oilseeds are native. Written evidence of pressing silenced in and around the study area, but in addition to the Celine and Satyr, the Bistun object and the stone of Tāq Bostān collection, which is obtained from the east of Kermānshāh and is considered a part of Roman mill, shows that pressing was common in this region. Ethnorchaeological studies also confirm the use of castor oil as a lamp fuel in the Qājār period up to the Pahlavi. It is worth mentioning that Dinavar community has always been a rural community and its economy has been based on agriculture, from the beginning until today. This society became one of the cultural centers of the Islamic world in the beginning of Islam. It seems that the spread of workshop and production activities such as pressing is also possible in such a structure and with the help of management and planning of the urban system, as the establishment of similar complexes near large cities has been common and pressing the ones that have been identified so far show the economic prosperity of the great Safavid cities.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Pottery production, pressing, milling, and in general workshop and production activities, along with labor and energy, require management and planning. This management is formed in urban system and in order to meet the needs of the urban society. Historical texts about Dinavar urban society have been silent in the first centuries of Islam, but the splendor of this society and its cultural growth is evident from the long list of thinkers attributed to this land. In this urban society, which is formed in the bed of a rich plain, the pressing of fruits and oilseeds is common. The rich vegetation and vineyards of the region confirm the production of grape syrup and oil. Extraordinary data of the area and their location near the central hill where it was located from the beginning of Islam to the ninth century AH. It goes on to show that this activity was common in the form of lever and weight, and its growth was at least from the 2nd to the 4th AH, at the same time as the establishment and development of Dinavar city and culture. Accordingly, pressing objects in Dinavar provide the basis for the study of pressing from the beginning of Islam.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Mohammad Ebrahim Zarei</author>
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						<title>A Typological Study on Iranian Ceramic Oil Lamps from Early and Middle Islamic Periods According to Kumar Vyas’s Model for Studying Design History</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=568&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Abstract: This essay attempts to do a typological study on one of the most applicable lighting devices -i.e. Oil Lamps- of the early Islamic period from Iran. Although introduction of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps goes back to the pre Islamic period of Iran, the most remarkable changes in the design process of these products appeared during this period. Therefore, the main goal of this research is to study and follow design process of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps of early Islamic period. This essay enquires about the most important developments on the history of Oil Lamps design. In order to reach the goal of this study and to do this research I have used descriptive analytical methodology of research and collected a great deal of needed information by desk study methods of data gathering. In addition, in order to delineate as good as possible the changes and developments appeared on various types of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps from early Islamic period, here in this study I decided to use a specific framework for systematically studying history of objects&amp;rsquo; design suggested by an Indian university professor named Kumar Vyas. According to Vyas, in order to be a major landmark a moment in the history of an object should indicate five kinds of changes: changes in design and structure of devices; changes in appearance of them; changes in methods of manufacturing; changes in the ways they have been used; and finally changes in objects&amp;rsquo; relationship with their users. Therefore, one can categorize the most important developments in designs and types of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps in three main groups. The first group includes those ceramic Oil Lamps with open, bowl shaped bodies and projected wick holders; Second group have globular enclosed bodies with elongated tubular wick holders. Finally, footed lamps with central stem on a plate shaped stand recognize the last group of our typology of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps from early Islamic period.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords: &lt;/strong&gt;Islamic Pottery, Iranian Pottery, Ceramic Oil Lamps, Lighting Devices.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Oil Lamps or &amp;ldquo;chiraghs&amp;rdquo; were one of popular lighting devices of early Islamic period in Iran. They were kind of a container that simply worked with a vegetal wick and animal oil and thus answered their users&amp;rsquo; needs. Although introduction and application of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps goes back to the pre Islamic and especially the early historic period of Iran, but because of the development and improvement of related technologies of pottery in the Islamic period, the most remarkable changes in the design process of these products appeared during this period. It goes without saying that both design and production of ceramic devices were mostly relied on the advanced technology. During early Islamic period, it seems that Iranian has used pre-Islamic and specially Sasanid forms. However, gradually there has occurred considerable progresses in making and decorating potteries, promoting mostly their visual and aesthetic effects along with enhancing their quality of production. While ceramic Oil Lamps were among most popular lighting devices of early Islamic period in Iran, after Mongol invasion in the early thirteenth century their application has been reduced and ceased.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
The main goal of this research is to study and follow design process of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps of early Islamic period. The question I am going to answer here is how the design of mentioned devices has changed during time and under what conditions. Here, studying the most important developments and changes in design styles of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps from early Islamic period, I tend to trace and delineate the evolution path passed through by these devices from the beginning of the Islamic period until the end of 12th / 6th century.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Materials And Method: In order to reach the goal of this study, after reviewing related literature and explaining specific methodology of research, first I have discussed the terminology of Oil Lamps in Persian and tried to describe its function. Then in two parts, I have structured my discussions. In the first part of the body, I have divided forms of ceramic Oil Lamps of Islamic period into three main groups. Then, in the next part, I have tried to explain the major distinctions between these groups by Kumar Vyas&amp;rsquo;s criteria. These are changes in design and structure of devices; changes in appearance of them; changes in methods of manufacturing; changes in the ways they have been used; and finally changes in objects&amp;rsquo; relationship with their users.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Data&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Collecting data for this study has been conducted by desk studies, including materials from books and websites. These data, here, has been analyzed qualitatively.&lt;br&gt;
Data collection techniques refer to methods used to collect and analyze different forms of data. Collecting data for this study has been conducted by desk studies, including materials from books and websites. These data, here, has been analyzed qualitatively. In this study, data are made up of material evidences of ceramic oil lamps from early and middle Islamic periods. These evidences are accessible sometimes directly through museums and collection of Islamic or Persian art all over the world and sometimes indirectly through reproduction of those materials within catalogues of Islamic ceramics available in libraries. First of all it was very important to distinguish between oil lamps and other kind of lamps prevalent in Iranian art of Islamic period. Then one should consider historical order of lamps so it could be possible arranging them into two groups of early and middle Islamic period. Whitin each category, there exist many forms of lamps with multiple ways of decorating them including monochrome glaze or underglaze decorations. Then the researcher has to sort these evidences by their historical period, first, and by their forms and shapes, second. Furthermore they should consider their decoration in order to reach a better understanding of them. In order to delineate as good as possible the changes and developments appeared on various types of Iranian ceramic oil lamps from early Islamic period, here in this study I decided to use a specific framework for systematically studying history of objects&amp;rsquo; design suggested by an Indian university professor named Kumar Vyas. According to Vyas, in order to be a major landmark a moment in the history of an object should indicate five kinds of changes: changes in design and structure of devices; changes in appearance of them; changes in methods of manufacturing; changes in the ways they have been used; and finally changes in objects&amp;rsquo; relationship with their users.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
One can categorize the most important developments in designs and types of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps in the early Islamic period in three main groups. The first group includes those ceramic Oil Lamps with open, bowl shaped bodies and projected wick holders. In these lamps, reservoir and wick holder are closely connected to each other. Second group of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps from early Islamic period have globular enclosed bodies with elongated tubular wick holders. Here, wick holders earn distinctive characteristic of its own and it somehow separate formally from reservoir. Finally, footed lamps with central stem on a plate shaped stand recognize the last group of our typology of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps from early Islamic period. The form of main part in lamps of this group is not so different from that of first group. However, having been elevated by a tall cylindrical column has made the function of lamps of this group much more distinctive than those of other groups.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Drawing upon Kumar Vyas&amp;rsquo; approach to systematically studying history of objects&amp;rsquo; design, one can analyze the main distinctive aspects of these three types of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps from five point of view: changes in design and structure of devices; changes in appearance of them; changes in methods of manufacturing; changes in the ways they have been used; and finally changes in objects&amp;rsquo; relationship with their users. Design and structure of Oil Lamps from these groups are more remarkable that changes in other aspects. However, the most important development during the history of these Oil Lamps is their way they have been seen and thus used by their owners. Certainly, Simple forms of lamps from first group did not need as complicated treatment as it was necessary dealing with lamps of third group.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps in the early Islamic period can be categorized in three main groups. The first group includes those ceramic Oil Lamps with open, bowl shaped bodies and projected wick holders; Second group of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps from early Islamic period have globular enclosed bodies with elongated tubular wick holders. Finally, footed lamps with central stem on a plate shaped stand recognize the last group of our typology of Iranian ceramic Oil Lamps from early Islamic period. Here, in this essay, distinctive aspects of these groups have been analyzed from five point of view, according to Kumar Vyas&amp;rsquo; approach to history of objects design. Design and structure of these three types are distinctive in their form of body and wick holder. Using different kinds of glazes and painting techniques has made the appearances of Oil Lamps somehow unique. Ceramic Oil Lamps of these groups also have been produced by various processes. Furthermore, the way they have been used varied form lamps of one group to the other. Finally, mention has to be made of the relationship between users with every lamps of each group. Based on design and appearance of lamps this relationship has proven to be remarkably discrete. &amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Thaer Rezazadeh</author>
						<category></category>
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						<title>A Study of the Pictorial Narrative of Faridun’s Triumph over Zahhak as a Narrative Independent of Firdowsi’s Shahname, in the Material Culture from the 12th Through the 14th Century Century</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=615&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Among the most eye-catching features observable on the cultural materials of 12th-14th centuries, are painted or drawn scenes which narrate a specific story and can be classified as &amp;ldquo;narrative motifs&amp;rdquo;. One of these narrative motifs are scenes which depict Faridun&amp;rsquo;s victory over Zahhak. These motifs bring the famous story of Zahhak in Firdowsi&amp;rsquo;s Shahname to the mind. Most researchers consider these motifs exactly in the same vein i.e. &amp;nbsp;as part of &amp;ldquo;Shahname-related motifs&amp;rdquo;. But this author is doubtful on asttributing these motifs to Firdowsi&amp;rsquo;s grand masterpiece. The main question here is to understand that how and in which regard this motif can be related to Firdowsi&amp;rsquo;s story of Faridun. To reach to an answer two kinds of evidence have been studied: pictorial narratives; and written narrative which describe the story of Faridun. For this reason, in the first step, all the depictions related to this story from the 12th through the 14th centuries, have been described. The repeated and distinctive motifs in these depictions have been discussed under the thematic subject termed the &amp;ldquo;Mace-wielding bull-rider&amp;rdquo;. In the second step, this thematic subject has been compared with written narratives from Firdowsi&amp;rsquo;s Shahname and the other historical sources. considering the fact that the main data used here are depictions that lack any written descriptions, the earliest illustrated manuscripts of Shahname were also studied so that we can reach a more comprehensive conclusion. In the last section, the author, by collating the pictorial and written documents, refutes the theory that takes the Shahname as the origin of the depictions of Faridun&amp;rsquo;s victory over Zahhak, and explain its as an independent and distinct narrative of Faridun&amp;rsquo;s Story.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Narrative, Firdowsi&amp;rsquo;s Shahname, Faridun, Zahhak, Bull-rider, 12th-14th centuries.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Research on cultural materials from 12-17th centuries show that in this period use of visual language reached an unprecedented apex. Among the most important subjects depicted in this period, scenes of War and Festivities, scenes different personalities on throne, Astronomical scenes and Narratives scenes can be mentioned. The last, i. e. Narrative images, is one of the most challenging part of this body of Iranian visual culture. These scenes have been depicted on potteries, tiles, vessels, metal objects, textiles and murals. Many researchers consider these scenes to be mainly derived from the great book of kings written by Firdowsi. Stories such as Bahram-e gur and Azade, Bizhan and Manizhe, and Faridun and Zahhak are among the most famous &amp;ldquo;Shahname-related figures.&amp;rdquo; Considering the fact that the first illustrated manuscripts of Shahname belong to 8th century A. H./ 14th century A. D., The importance of depictions on other material culture, which have been created 300 years before the first illustrated manuscripts, becomes clear. In another word, the tradition of illustrating scenes from the book of kings&amp;rsquo; Stories began 300 earlier. whether there was any illustrated Shahname before the 14th century is a matter of debate, but many researchers who work on the earliest manuscripts of Shahname use the material culture created before the 13th century as a reliable point of reference in their study. In their opinion the &amp;ldquo;Depicted Shahname-related Scenes&amp;rdquo; are vital links which connect the time of creation of the firdowsi&amp;rsquo;s book to its first extant written manuscripts. All of these opinions are based on the assumption that the book by firdowsi is the main source of scenes painted on these material culture. This author is doubtful on this matter. It seems that many of these &amp;ldquo;Shahname-related figures&amp;rdquo; were not studies so that their relationship to the actual text of Shahname become transparent. &amp;nbsp;Besides, till now none of these motifs have been studies individually. Here the &amp;ldquo;Mace-wielding bull-rider&amp;rdquo; visual pattern is chosen to clarify the relationship between the Shahname-related figures and the actual text of Firdowsi&amp;rsquo;s Shahname.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Typical objects with scenes of Fariduns&amp;rsquo;s victory over Zahhak are Mina&amp;rsquo;I bowls on which the inner parts are completely covered by painting. Other specimens are luster bowl and tiles and some metal vessels. In most specimens, scenes are depicted from left to right.&lt;br&gt;
Three characters can be recognized in these scenes; each one has specific attributes which are numerated below (Tab. 1)&lt;br&gt;
Here considering the central position of the mace-wielding bull-rider and its larger stature, he is the most important character in the scene. In all depiction of this specific scene in this period, the large body of the bull has been intentionally emphasized so that the focus of observer&amp;rsquo;s attention will be directed toward this part of the scene.&lt;br&gt;
Among the characters&amp;rsquo; attributes, the snake on the shoulders of one of the characters clearly identify him as Zahhak and the bounded hands and naked upper body refer to his defeat. Thus, the central person is none but Faridun who, in epic narrative, is closely related to bulls and wields a bull-shaped mace. The person who raises the flag is probably no one but Kaveh, the Iron-smith who began the rebellion against Zahhak. Therefore, this becomes clear that the creator of this scene has used some figurative signs to show the main attributes through which these characters can be identified. This scene clearly shows the victory of Faridun over Zahhak.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
When comparing the &amp;ldquo;mace-wielding bull-rider&amp;rdquo; visual pattern with Firdowsi version of the story, this should be mentioned that although the story of Fardiun is one of the longest and most important throughout Shahname, taking Zahhak to Damavand is described very briefly, in only two couplets (Firdowsi 1987: 84). In contrast, the mace-wielding bull-rider pattern, depicts exactly this neglected scene. Beside this, in the first look, there are two major narrative differences between this visual pattern and Firdowsi&amp;rsquo;s story: first, according to Firdowsi, Kaveh was not present when Faridun took Zahhak to Damavand. Second, in Firdowi, Faridun put Zahhak on a ride and then take him to Damavand, but on the Visual pattern, he is on foot.&lt;br&gt;
An important Iconographic point here is depicting Faridun as a bull-rider. This attribute is emphasized to such an extent that this motif can be calld &amp;ldquo;mace-wielding bull-rider&amp;rdquo;. some secondary attributes (For example mace of Fardiun or nakedness of Zahhak) or characters (Zahhak or Kaveh) are absent in some specimen, but this never occurs in the case of Faridun and the bull. Here it should be reminded that in Shahname, Faridun never rides a bull. In Shahname, especially in story of his rebellion against Zahhak, he specifically rides horses. It seems that the use of bull as constant motif on this visual pattern is intentional and not an accident or mistake. Here it is vital to resort to other sources beside Shahname. In Tarikh-e Tabarestan and Zin al-akhbar (both written in the 5th century A. H.) Faridun rides a bull (Ibn-e Isfandiyar 1941: 57-8; Gardizi 1984: 524). In Nouruzname, Faridun is a personality who never use horses (Khayyam1951: 51). The same conclusion can be drawn from Aburayhan Biruni (4th century A. H.) and Ibn-e Balkhi (Biruni 1998: 346; Ibn-e Balkhi 1984: 12). Therefore, this visual pattern is closer to the texts which were written before Firdwosi.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
One of the most important and extensive visual patterns on the material culture form the 6th to 8th centuries/ 11 to 13th century, is depiction of captured Zahhak who is being taken by Faridun to mount Damavand. Here this visual pattern is defined as &amp;ldquo;mace-wielding bull-rider&amp;rdquo; scene. Three persons (Faridun, Kaveh and Zahhak) are depicted in this scene and every one of them has his own iconographical attribute. The main question of this study was to understand the extent that these attributes were related to Firdowsi&amp;rsquo;s Shahname. Intimate study of these attribute and verses in Shahname, showed that some of the main motifs especially Faridun&amp;rsquo;s bull-riding is not mentioned in Shahname but is described in other, earlier, sources. Therefore, this visual pattern is not related to Shahname, and in fact, it is an independent interpretation of story of Faridun by artists from this period who were influenced by wide variety of Sources, both oral and written.&lt;br&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Ali Moloodi Arani</author>
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						<title>Researching the Muzaffarids and Timurid Schools in Yazd Based on Historical Texts</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=627&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Since during this era, Yazd involve less social vicissitudes and because of the training performance in the middle ages of Islam, the tradition of school building that started from the Seljuk dynasty in a quiet environment. Being away from security concerns and creating relative peace during the middle ages and the high acceptability of building a school has provided the emergence of its construction in the city of Yazd. Therefore, considering the numerous references to the schools of this era in Yazd historical texts and the absence of research on the architecture of the historical schools of this city, the article describes the building features of these ones. Answering this question is the purpose of this article: what are the features of school mentioned in the historical texts and what were components of spatialization and arrays of these schools? The research method of this article is based on historical documents and library studies. This is a historical-analytical research and its main reference is historical sources such as books of Ta&amp;rsquo;rikh-e Yazd (History of Yazd), Ta&amp;rsquo;rihk-e Jadid Yazd (New History of Yazd) and Ja&amp;rsquo;me&amp;rsquo; Mofidi. Historical schools are explored in this article from the aspects of architecture, decoration, function and constructers. The results of this research show that schools in Yazd have local and indigenous features that were prevalent in this area, before Ilkhanate dynasty, and the influence of local architectural and decoration methods on the school building is undeniable according to historical sources. Schools have a lot in common with the architecture of mosques, houses and Khaneqahs (monasteries) considering that schools are usually used as a graveyard, these buildings can be classified as burial schools, and finally, various classes of people have played a major role in building these historical schools as founders.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords: &lt;/strong&gt;School Architecture, Muzaffarids, Timurid Era, Yazd.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In the 77-year rule of Muzaffarids dynasty (718-785 A.H.), in addition to the proceedings taken in the field of city development and increasing the area of battlement, basic measures were done in the field of the construction of religious schools and Khaneqahs (monasteries), so that it can be said that this region reached the glory of cultural prosperity within itself (Shamseh, 2006, P.31). Muzaffarids rule, whose beginning coincided with the end of the Ilkhanate era, should be considered one of the most powerful, best and most prosperous governments in the middle history of Iran, because at that time nowhere in Iran had cultural, social and economic development as much as their territory, and the importance of cultural affairs and attention to science and schools was so much that most possession of the desert region, means water aqueducts and gardens were dedicated to school, and this was apart from the devoted Bazaars and Caravanserais. (Mohammadzadeh &amp; Razavi, 2011, P.21). It has been mentioned in various sources that nearly one hundred schools, two hundred Gonbadkhaneh (domes) and Khaneqahs (monasteries) as well as twelve mosques were built in the 8th century A.H. in Yazd city (Masahebi Naini, 1997, P.302), from the abundance of schools that were built in Yazd, Kerman, Shiraz and other cities during this period, it is possible to understand the level of people&amp;rsquo;s attention and dedication to the study of religious sciences. (Setoodeh, 1967,P.274). Muzaffarids kings, as well as the great personalities of this era, paid special attention to religious buildings such as mosques, schools and Dar-al Siadeh {a porch that is a gathering place for Seyeds and followers of Imam Ali (peace be upon him)}. In fact, the movement that started during the era of Khajeh Rashid- al Din with the construction of building such as &amp;ldquo;Gonbad Soltaniyeh&amp;rdquo; and &amp;ldquo;Rabَ &amp;ndash;e Rashidi&amp;rdquo; ,other schools and religious places and the tradition of endowment became common in them; then in this era, it grew and expanded significantly, so that whenever there is talk of building a mosque, an order was given to build a school next to it, and endowments were also awarded to (Rais- al Sadat, et al., 2011,P.96). The cultural and artistic actions of Muzaffarids rulers caused the growth and development of Islamic culture and civilization, which provided the basis for its connection with later periods, so that the Timurid and Safavid eras, which are considered the glory the growth and development of Islam can be attributed to Muzaffarids proceedings. (Sarabadani, 2010,P.102).&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Questions of Research: &lt;/strong&gt;1- What architecture and arrays do the Yazd schools have, referring to historical texts? 2- What developments and functions do schools have?&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Method of Research:&lt;/strong&gt; The current research has explained the architecture of the historical schools of Yazd from the Ilkhanid to the Timiurid era with an analytical historical approach. In this research, the necessary historical information has been collected, especially from local historical texts such as Ta&amp;rsquo;rikh-e Yazd (History of Yazd), Ta&amp;rsquo;rikh Jadid Yazd (New History of Yazd) and Ja&amp;rsquo;me&amp;rsquo; Mofidi, because these texts refer to different schools that were used in that era, but today there are no traces of some of those schools. Discussions such as examining architectural spaces, decorations, performance, development and school constructer are the subjects of this research.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Construction of Muzaffarids and Timurid Schools in Yazd continues the school-building tradition that began in the Kakuyids dynasty. The speed of school-building in Yazd during the Muzaffarid era is very intense, but it moderates during the Timurid dynasty. The concern of school-building in this era includes different strata of society from the aristocratic and royal class to religious scholars and all of them involved in this noble tradition. These schools were mostly built for the burial place of their founder after their death, and in order to legitimize it, the tomb was dome-shaped. For this reason, the Gonbadkhaneh (dome) is an integral part of Yazd schools, and in some ones, they are satisfied with the construction of this morsel. Parts such as elongated Soffeh (terrace), the pair of minarets on the fa&amp;ccedil;ade, Tanabi (a large room in the middle of the building, without a window or door, surrounded by other spaces), and dome usually with an array, the central courtyard, the Baghtche-e Moshajar (a garden planted with different trees) at the end of the building are considered parts of the school spaces of this era. Utilizing the native structure and decoration methods in &amp;ldquo;Gonbadkhaneh and Tanabi&amp;rdquo;, and local architectural mechanisms all give these schools a regional display. The schools of this era with local and indigenous basis have adopted some of their architectural and array features from the era of &amp;ldquo;Kakuyids and Atabakan&amp;rdquo;. According to the remaining schools and with the help of historical texts, a general model for schools can be presented (Scheme 1). Schools like mosques and houses of this era, have a similar pattern, although there are common spaces between these functions. The existence of the elongated and lofty porch, which is usually located on the south facade, a small and compact yard,&amp;rdquo;Gonbadkhaneh or Tanabi&amp;rdquo; next to or behind the south porch, three-part divisions similar to mosques in the view facing the yard, the presence of a rear garden behind the porch or Gonbadkhaneh like the houses or Khaneqahs, creating a linear structure in spatial organization and many other cases, all confirm this paradigmatic similarity. The tradition and pattern of building these schools were forgotten after the abundance of school building in the Timurid era. The studies and researches of this article can be extended to the Safavid to Qajar era as well, so that a detailed understanding of the architecture and school building method in Yazd throughout history can be obtained through it.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Davood Emami Meybodi</author>
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						<title>Analysis of Physical and Decorative Structure of Ardabil Jomeh Mosque</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=546&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Ardebil&amp;rsquo;s Jomeh Mosque is located on an ancient beat that has been the city&amp;rsquo;s cemetery for centuries. All written sources and archaeological evidence state that the mosque has gathered artistic and architectural innovations from the early Islamic centuries to the Qajar era. Today&amp;rsquo;s remnants of the building are located in the northeast of Ardabil city and due to measures to preserve the building, it still maintains its firmness. The main purpose of this research is to identify the structural, physical and decorative characteristics of the building in different historical periods. The present study seeks to answer the following questions. What changes have been made to the spatial structure and structure of the mosque from the beginning of its emergence to the contemporary period? And in terms of map and archaeological evidence, which buildings are comparable to the Jomeh mosque? The research method is interpretive- historical and analytical. In addition, documentation and comparative studies have been the basis of the work. The data collection tool is library and field. Based on the results of the research and according to the narratives and writings of researchers and the results of archaeological studies, it can be concluded that its original building dates back to the early Days of Islam, which has been destroyed and rebuilt several times during different periods and has elements of Deilami, Seljuk, Ilkhanid and Qajar architecture and contemporary era. The current persistence of the Jomeh Mosque has Seljuk architecture, but the interior and decorative arrays of the building are in contrast to its fa&amp;ccedil;ade. In terms of architectural structures, this building has a combination of four arches with porch, which is very similar to seljuk-like, comprehensive and comprehensive buildings of Uremia. Also, the pillar discovered in The Nave have a clear similarity with the historical mosque of Damghan and Jomeh Nain.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Ardebil, Friday Mosque, Historical Developments, Analysis of Physical Structure, Building Decoration.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Ardebil&amp;rsquo;s plural mosque is located in the northeast of Ardabil city over an artificial pulse of approximately 5 meters, among the neighborhoods of Pir Shams al-Din and Abdullah Shah. Among the people, it is known as &amp;ldquo;Jomeh Masjid&amp;rdquo; and is among the early centuries-old Islamic buildings in Ardabil. Studies have been conducted by domestic and foreign researchers about the emergence and evolution and the manner of the destruction of this cubic building. Today, only the remnants of the dome and porch, which were later reshaped and transformed into an indoor nave, and the minaret remains solitary.&lt;br&gt;
Even some scholars are skeptical about the use of this building as a mosque. In recent decades, archaeological excavations have been carried out in this mosque and have been able to recognize some of the architectural features of this mosque. Considering that this mosque reflects the art and architecture of different periods of the Islamic period in Ardabil and also as one of the few remaining buildings in the primary and historical core of the city, identifying and studying the characteristics of this mosque can help to further understand its architecture, decoration and comparison with its contemning buildings. It has been tried to collect as much information as possible from the characteristics of this mosque through library studies, reporting archaeological excavations and using surveys and visits to the site.&lt;br&gt;
The research questions are as follows: 1) what changes have been made in the structure of the mosque from the beginning of Genesis to the contemporary period? 2) Which decorations belong to which periods? 3) In terms of the physical and decorative Friday of the mosque is comparable to which buildings? The research method is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is a combination of two methods of field and documentary (including identification, study, classification of information, analysis of them and data collection on the subject of the study).&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The research method is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is a combination of two methods of field and documentary (including identification, study, classification of information, analysis of them and data collection on the subject of the study).&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Data&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Jomeh Mosque, which was once the most elevated building of the city, is formed in the present situation from three parts: 1- dome house 2- Ivan, which is now a mosque and its southern side leads to the dome space through a large mouth and elevation. 3- Minaret located along the middle axis of Seljuk Mosque (Shahbazi Shiran, 2019:9). Considering the present situation of the mosque, it seems that this building is the same mosque that historians of the early centuries have described about it. In some sources, historians have generalized descriptions of the space of the old mosque.&lt;br&gt;
In the early Islamic centuries, a space called a mosque, a large fence around the city with gates on four sides and a crucifix-shaped market that formed these factors formed the main core of the city. Archaeological studies in recent decades (1974, 1988 and 2019) can help. The discovering of northern and western naves with the base of the pillar as well as their similarity with the pillars of early Islamic mosques is consistent with the statements of Islamic historians. Descriptions mentioned in historical texts about the mosque can help effectively within the area of the building. It is also said that in the early centuries, the city had a mosque (Baladi, 1967:167-163). The Safavid travel writers&amp;rsquo; report also mentions the Friday of Ardebil Mosque and shows that the building was still functioning in worship before this period despite destruction in some parts and has attracted the attention of tourists (Yousefi, 2020:913). This is a reason for historians and Orientalists who have described and visited this building.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Our knowledge of the building in the early centuries is based on historical sources and archaeological reports. The mosque in the Deylamian era had the foundations of thick and polygonal pillar. In the Seljuk period, it was fourfold (Torabi Tabatabai, 1355:284) and a low-rise dome. In the Ilkhanid era, in addition to the construction and restoration of destroyed sections, the thickness of the southern wall has increased (Siro, 1988:184). And tile and gypsum decorations were added to it. From the Qajar era, the foundations of four-sided pillar were obtained (Shahbazi Shiran, 2004:28). Archaeological discoveries have led to the identification of three architectural periods indicating the evolution of architecture from historical period (problems) to Qajar era in this section (Yousefi, 2020:912).&lt;br&gt;
The ancient excavations of Shakhti have shown that contrary to what was thought until then, the Jomeh Mosque was not exclusive to the dome and the remains of the porch, but had several extensions and components and encompassed a wide space. In total, seven pillar stands emerged from the total base of western nave pillar and showed that more remained intact (i.e., 34 and 35). Also, in 1988, the first trench encountered the remains of a huge stone wall stretching west along the outer wall of the southern wall of the dome. The wall itself is built on ancient remains and underneath it are buried pieces of brick inscriptions in the prominent Kufic script.&lt;br&gt;
The construction of northern pillar is based on a kind of reminiscent of the pillars of our pre-Seljuk mosques (3rd and 4th centuries AH) including the historical Damghan Mosque and the Nain Grand Mosque, and these pillar should be considered as pre-Seljuk. The minaret of this building is completely solitary and there is no sign of its connection to the Seljuk building. In terms of the type of plan, it is possible to compare the Jomeh Mosque of Ardebil with the Bersian Mosque and the Grand Mosque of Uremia, which is one of the buildings of the Seljuk era.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In the 4th century AH, Ardabil city was the largest and most important city of Azerbaijan according to historical sources and the center of that state and the headquarters of the army. On the ruins of the primary mosque, one of the primary pillar mosques, which is composed of different courtyards and naves, parts of it have been destroyed and the soil has been destroyed. According to archaeological evidence, the initial mosque had a columned nave map with a map and pattern of early Islamic mosques. Ardebil Mosque in its Seljuk form consists of a dome and a porch in front of it, and the results of the Jomeh mosque survey show the continuation of the application of such proportions before the construction of the Ilkhanid era. According to the map, these mosques are comparable to their contemporary buildings including the Bersih Jomeh and the Jomeh Mosque of Uremia. According to the comparison of the building with the Barsian community, it can be said that by following the usual customs, the Chahartaghi Mosque of Barsian has at least definitely influenced part of the detailed structure, fa&amp;ccedil;ade and map of the Jomeh Mosque, and the plans of the building (Barsian Mosque) have been expressed completely differently in the work of the next architects (Jomeh Mosque). The other is that Ardebil&amp;rsquo;s plural mosque is so closely based on the Jomeh Mosque of Uremia that the direct architectural impact of the Jomeh Mosque of Ardebil on it is hardly undeniable.&lt;br&gt;
Considering that the quadrilateral and porch composites are more closed than Fermi&amp;rsquo;s four-porch plan, therefore it is more proportional to the cold climate of Ardabil region and finally, due to the fact that the body is subject to climate or function and the porch is located in the four-fold plan on the northern jab, it is naturally used in mosques as a cold part. Also, the decorative arrays used in Ardabil&amp;rsquo;s plural mosque have been used in perfect harmony with the construction periods. Considering the identification of decorative arrays, the Seljuk period to the end of the Qajar era was enumerated for interior and exterior decorations of the mosque.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Habib Shahbazi Shiran</author>
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						<title>Study on the Entity of the Canvas-Marouflaged Painting Discovered from Maryam Church of Isfahan Based on the Technical and Conservation Studies</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=561&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The more specialized and technical studies of historical paintings are the greater will be the history of Iranian art and, in fact, Iranian art and the identity of Iranian culture. Therefore, each of the historical cases will be valuable and influential. The purpose of this article is studying the nature of a destroyed paining on canvas and its overall shape, subject and identity which found in the storeroom of Mary Church of Isfahan. Accordingly, this article tries to answer the question of what is the nature of the painting discovered from the Mary Church of Isfahan? In order to achieve this goal, the library and field studies as well as laboratory studies including microscopic imaging and elemental analysis (SEM-EDS) was used for data collecting. In the following, it is attempted to prove the identity of the painting as Canvas-Marouflaged mural by comparative study of it with similar murals of the three churches of Vank, Maryam and Bethlehem. One of the main results of the research is the recognition of the painting from a technical and thematic point of view as well as its identification as a Canvas-Marouflaged mural and its presentation place at the time of the creation of the painting in front of the altar of Mary Church Isfahan.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Canvas-Marouflaged Mural, Isfahan Mary Church, Painting, Angel of Seraphim.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Murals as visual art works are among the most significant architectural decorations that have undergone many changes over time. The factor that distinguishes these works from other paintings is their dependence to the architectural space, which is known as the determining factor of their identity and authenticity (ICOMOS, 1964). In fact, a mural is designed and executed to complement the architectural space. It is completely coordinated with that space, so separating it from the architecture and displaying it in another place can changes or loses the values of mural and endanger its identity. Therefore, the detailed study of paintings in order to know their identity and nature is necessary. &amp;nbsp;Accordingly, the following points can be mentioned that clarify the necessity of this study: a) unknown specific characteristics for studied painting (marouflage), b) the lack of definite and specific criteria for displaying this painting, c) recognizing and differentiate the studied painting from the marouflage. Based on this, in this article, detailed studies have been carried out on an Iranian special painting, which at first glance seems to be the easel painting on canvas, which detailed investigations and studies present a hypothesis that it was a marouflage. The term marouflage refers to those paintings that are painted on a canvas and pasted on the wall in such a way that it is considered a part of the architecture. The marouflage separation from the original location distort its integrity and authenticity (Hamzavi et al., 2015: 131). This article aimed to find the nature of a historical painting discovered from Maryam Church in Isfahan, relying on technical studies and conservation issues, and tries to answer the main question of the research: What is the nature of discovered painting from Maryam Church in Isfahan?&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The article is a qualitative and quantitative research based on the content of the research question and the achievement of the research aim. According to the type and necessity of the research, two theoretical and technical approaches can be introduced. In this research, primary data and information have been collected using the documentary and field methods as well as laboratory studies. Then the data has been analyzed according to the subject of the painting and its technical information to clarify how to perform the painting and display it (Figure 1).&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp; &amp;nbsp;The images, other than the ones mentioned in the reference, were took using a Canon EOS 700D / KissX7i DSLR camera with a Kit 18-135 lens. The metallography microscope model IMM 420 manufactured by Isfahan Optical Industries Company and fiberoptic device brand LECA CLS 100X connected to DSLR camera Canon EOS 700D / KissX7i used for imaging from the painting layers. Field emission electron microscope (FE-SEM) model MIRA3 manufactured by TESCAN company equipped with X-ray diffraction spectrometer (EDX) with resolution of 1.5 nm at 15 KV voltage and 4.5 nm at 1 KV voltage was used to determine the percentage of constituent elements and microscopic imaging with high magnification.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Data&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
After attaching the pieces of painting on canvas, the subject of the painting was revealed, which is a painting with the theme of a six-winged angel named Serafin (or Seraphim) (Hospian, 2014). Based on the visual and artistic characteristics of the painting and according to the date of construction of the Church of Maryam, its approximate date is attributed to the 18th century. The studied painting is in the form of Pābārik under the dome. Pābārik is one of the components of Kārbandi and is in the form of a kite. The painting is done on a cotton fabric support, which consists of sewing two pieces of fabric together (Figure 15). Being two pieces due to the small width of the fabric can be interpreted in the direction of the traditional weave of the fabric and attribute the time of the work to at least before the invention of weaving machines in the 19th century. Also, the texture of the fabric shows the non-uniformity of the thickness of the threads that make up the fabric, which can be a sign of manual and traditional spinning. There is the trace of frame in the edge of the painting (Figure 13) and in this part, there was a nail trace along with rust (Figure 14). Microscopic examinations of the cross-section of the painting in the gilded part show the existence of six layers and in the blue part of the painting background five layers (Figure 16). No trace of crushed gold particles (pigment) which is used in the production of gold color was seen, and a continuous and uniform sheet is visible in the scanning electron microscope image.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Based on the shape, dimensions of the work, this hypothesis was created that the painting was probably custom made and adapted to one of the parts of the church building. According to the traces of nails left on the edge of the canvas, it installed on the wall after the execution. The subject of the painting is also related to the subjects of religion of Christians and is consistent with their beliefs. Visual observations of the interior of Maryam Church, Vank Church and Bethlehem Church in Isfahan show that the studied painting is compatible with other wall paintings in Armenian churches in terms of design, shape and subject. In such a way that the similar works are also in a Pābārik frame and they are executed as murals along with the image of the Seraphine angel with gilded wings under the dome. X-ray Electron Diffraction Spectroscopy (EDS) elemental analysis on the brown colored spots around the place of the nails in the edge of the support canvas (Figure 19, Table 1) shows the amounts of calcium oxide and sulfur oxide, which reinforces the possibility of the presence of calcium sulfate (gypsum). It strengthens the hypothesis of connecting the painting to a plaster wall.&lt;br&gt;
The field survey of Maryam Church showed that the entire interior is covered with murals with various religious themes, except for the space in front of the altar, which it is contradictory by Christians believed in relation to the necessity of painting in all levels of churches. The existence of such a space inside the church creates the assumption that probably there were four murals in the Pābāriks in these parts as well. The size of the diameters of these Pābāriks is a little bigger than the studied painting. Comparing the Pābāriks of the three studied churches, it was determined that a decorative border was implemented around the angel.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
According to the research on the nature of the painting, it can be concluded from the investigations that the studied painting is a marouflage that is pasted on the surface of the wall, and the place of its display was probably a Pabarik in the architectural space of the altar of Maryam Church in Isfahan.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Acknowledgments&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The authors thank Tabriz Islamic Art University for providing the technical study of the painting.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Zahra Aghanezhadbozari</author>
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						<title>Explain the Role of Geographical Territory in how Shiite Themes are Reflected in the Murals of the Religious Monuments of Qajar Era</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=562&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The reign of the Qajar dynasty is one of the most important eras of the evolution of Iranian art, especially in the form of murals. In the geographical area of Iranian cities, the connection between religion and art according to the Shiite religion of the society of this era is obvious. In the present article, an attempt has been made to identify the effective factors of geographical territory in the way of reflecting Shiite themes in the mentioned works in the important Shiite cities of the Qajar era. The authors seek to answer these questions: What are the influential factors of the geographical territory in the way of reflecting Shiite themes in the murals of religious Monuments of the Qajar era? Which cities of the Qajar era had the greatest influence in the way of reflecting Shiite themes in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era? The present research is developmental in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of nature and method. The method of collecting information was library and field and the method of qualitative analysis. Findings indicate that the effective factors of geographical territory in how these murals are reflected are included in these sections: the refuge of the Prophet&amp;rsquo;s family in mountainous areas, the rule of the Zaidi Alawites, the rule of Sadat Marashi, the formalization of the Shiite religion in the Safavid era, religious architecture Iran, the support of princes for Shiite art, pilgrimage to places on pilgrimage. The results of the research show that the geographical territory of each religious building is a link between indigenous architecture and the religious view of Islam to the Shiite religion.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Qajar, Religious Monuments, Murals, Qajar Politics, Shiite Themes.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Statement of the problem: The historical investigation of the developments of the Qajar period is very important due to the scope and intellectual, cultural, religious and political diversity and due to the continuity of its results until the present day. Religious buildings are one of the most basic structural and formative elements of cities. The continuity of the presence of religious buildings in the shape of the city has been known since the dawn of the first cities and has been intertwined with the life of the cities until today. In the historical context of Iranian cities, religious buildings as an important use with various functions have played a basic role in shaping urban spaces and hierarchies, and the link between religion, culture and politics with art is found in different spaces in Islamic cities. Examining these relationships with works of art is a topic that provides a wide field for research. Islam in general and Shia religion in particular are the creators of unique works of art in the field of architecture, such as takayas and saqanfars. Religious mural painting in connection with the formalization of Shi&amp;rsquo;ism in the beginning of the Safavid period and in the Qajar era, because the Qajar rule is one of the most important periods in the evolution of Iranian art, especially in the form of mural painting. In this era, due to developments after the constitution, religious painting was mainly limited to folk paintings. This particular type of mural painting is aimed at popular artists. These artists have acquired the themes of their works from popular beliefs and beliefs.&lt;br&gt;
Objectives and Necessity of the Research: The research was carried out with the aim of knowing the effective factors of the geographical territory in the way of reflecting the themes in the murals of the religious buildings of Qajar cities. In this research, the wall paintings of the religious buildings of the mosque, the saqanfars and the tekke of the important Qajar cities are examined with an emphasis on the Shia themes of folk art, as well as the study of the role of the Shia religion and its development in mural painting under the influence of historical and geographical conditions in the Qajar period, which is a necessity in the study. The valuable effects of its wall paintings are noted.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The current research is developmental in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of nature and method. The method of collecting information is library and field. The most important tool for collecting information is the preparation of an ID card, the use of tables and forms made by researchers, observation cards and visual documents. The research community, among dozens of murals in numerous religious buildings, 14 murals from among 6 historical and religious monuments of Qajar era Iran from the provinces of Mazandaran (2 murals from Babylon and 4 murals from Babolsar), Kermanshah (6 murals) and Fars (2 murals). It is purposefully selected. The authors have examined the most representative samples in a selective manner (non-probability sampling) based on the factor of Shia religion and geographical location using the qualitative data analysis method.&lt;br&gt;
First, the themes and factors of the emergence of numerous themes in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era are discussed. Then, the effective factors of the geographical territory in the way the themes are reflected in the murals of the religious buildings of this era are evaluated and read. In this essay, an attempt is made to study the wall paintings of Qajar era religious buildings, which represent a relationship between art and geographical location, with a methodical scientific and structural approach.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&amp;nbsp;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Factors have caused the emergence of numerous religious and non-religious themes in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era. Among these factors can be mentioned: the shock of the rule of the rulers, the tendency to ancient Iran, relations with Europe, the constitutional movement, the need for spiritual space, the need for a religious hero, alignment with the function of religious buildings, belief in propaganda and dissemination Shiite religion, messaging based on Quranic stories and narrations, instruction and lessons from the life events of the Imams.&lt;br&gt;
Shiism as one of the Islamic religions was created almost at the same time with the advent of Islam. The main claim of this religion was the legitimacy of the succession of Imam Ali (AS) after Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), which according to the followers of Shiism, the Prophet had publicly announced this issue in the event of Ghadir Khumm in the last year of his life. This religion has always been in the minority in terms of the number of followers and this issue has undergone serious changes in its continuation until today. (Kowsari, 1390: 9 and 35) One of the influential factors in the emergence of various themes in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era is the geographical territory; This factor also has factors that have been effective in the way of reflecting the Shiite (religious) and non-religious themes in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era (Table 1). Factors such as attention and importance as the origins of ancient Iranian art and the increase of trade and cultural exchanges and correspondence with other nations by placing some cities on the trade route are factors that have been effective in reflecting non-religious themes, but in this article the most important themes. Shiites are being explored.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&amp;nbsp;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The geographical territory of every religious building is the connection of native architecture with the ritual attitude of Islam to Shiism, so the wall paintings of religious buildings of the Qajar era were created from the ritual transformations of Shiism and influenced by the culture and political developments of the society of their time. According to the findings of the research, the answers to the questions can be stated as follows:&lt;br&gt;
What are the effective factors of geographical territory in the way themes are reflected in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era? One of the influential factors in the appearance of numerous themes in the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era is geographical territory, this factor also has factors that have been effective in the way of reflecting the themes of the murals of religious buildings of the Qajar era. The most important factors include the following: decisive historical events (refuge of the Prophet&amp;rsquo;s family to the mountainous areas from the evil of the Caliphs of Baghdad, the presence of the Zaydi Alawites and the establishment of their government in 250 AH, the rule of Sadat Marashi of the Shiite religion in the 8th and 9th centuries AH ., the formalization of the Shiite religion in the Safavid era, Islamic-Shiite religious architecture in Iran), princes&amp;rsquo; support of Shiite art in prominent cities, pilgrimages to religious places with some cities being on the pilgrimage route, the manifestation of folk beliefs of different cities on murals. s, attention and importance as the origins of ancient Iranian art, the influence of lithographic books and the increase of commercial and cultural exchanges and correspondence with other nations with the location of some cities on the trade route (Table 1).&lt;br&gt;
What was the way of reflecting Shiite themes in the murals of religious buildings in different cities of the Qajar era? The manifestation of Shia themes and topics in all the murals of different cities was not the same, according to the nature and climatic characteristics of that city, they were a more suitable source and platform for the manifestation of such themes. For example, the cities of Mazandaran, Gilan and Kermanshah have been effective in reflecting Shiite themes in Qajar era wall paintings, considering the conditions of their geographical territory.&lt;br&gt;
Wall paintings are the borrowers of Shia spiritual heritage among the common people and have high values of Shia anthropology and sociology. All the murals are like a valuable treasure that shows the life and livelihood of the native people and contains their culture, habits, customs and beliefs. It is hoped that by identifying and introducing these works, they will respect their roots and gems more and respect themselves and their origin. Let&amp;rsquo;s come back.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Seyed Reza Hoseini</author>
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						<title>Third Archaeological Season Excavation of the Ancient city of Esfarayen (Belqis) Based on the Results of Site Magnetometry</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=631&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
According to historical and archaeological sources, the ancient city of Esfarayen was one of the important settlement centers of the Islamic era. During its existence and prosperity, this city was a link between the two famous and big cities of Nishapur and Jurjan, but from the end of the Safavid period onwards, due to various reasons, it declined and its inhabitants gradually moved to the new city. So far, parts of the ancient city of Esfarayen have been excavated by archaeologists during several different seasons. In the meantime, choosing a suitable place for archaeological excavations in this area has always been one of the most important issues for its explorers, because due to the limitation of financial resources and the large area of the area, it was necessary to determine suitable places for excavation in advance. so that its archaeological exploration can be done with more certainty. For this purpose, at the beginning of the third season of excavations, six hectares of the city were investigated with the help of magnetometric method. Then, based on the results of magnetometry, the excavations of this season were carried out. According to these explanations, the main goal of the current research is to present the results of magnetometry and compare it with the findings of the archaeological exploration of the ancient city of Esfarayen. In the current research, the descriptive-analytical method has been used using the results of field and library studies. As a result of these studies, many evidences of industrial activities were identified in the site, including architectural remains of a pottery kiln and many evidences of pottery production, which are important in the archaeological studies of the Islamic era.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Magnetometry, The Ancient city of Esfarayen (Balqis), Esfarayen.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The ancient city of Esfarayen, which today is known as the city of Belqis, is located in a vast plain, three kilometers southwest of Esfarayen, with an area of nearly 200 hectares. Currently, this city consists of different parts such as Arg, Sharistan, Rabz, Hesar and Khandaq. According to the documents obtained in the archaeological excavations, the city of Balqis had a settlement from the first centuries of the Islamic era to the beginning of the Qajar period (Vahdati and Nik-Govtar, 2016: 98). Due to the importance of this city in the past, several seasons of archaeological excavations have been carried out in it (Vahdati, 2016, Vahdati and Nik-Govtar, 2018 A and B, Farjami and Sotoudeh, 2019). But Balqis has a large area and the excavations that have been carried out so far do not even cover a small part of the city. For this reason, it was necessary to use remote sensing methods to identify at least a significant part of the city&amp;rsquo;s landscape and buried bodies. One of these methods, which is considered one of the branches of geophysics, is magnetometry. According to these cases, in 2009, and with the aim of identifying part of the layers buried under the soil and choosing better places for exploration, first a part of the area was surveyed for magnetometry (Aminpour, 2010). In this investigation, about six hectares of the area in a place called Tepe-Minar and also the northern part around the citadel in the southwest side of the city were surveyed by geomagnetism. By carrying out this investigation, results were obtained, based on which the third season of archaeological excavations of the site was carried out. According to the aforementioned, the main purpose of the current research is to investigate and analyze the results of the magnetometric survey of the area and the exploration that was carried out based on it. The most important question that we are trying to answer in this research is to determine the effect of the magnetometric method on choosing a better place for the purposeful exploration of the Balqis area. The method and approach of the current research is descriptive-analytical, and the method of gathering information is based on field studies from magnetometry and archeological excavations of the site, as well as library studies.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
A- The area known as Tepe Manar The results of magnetometry survey: This section included 36 grids of 10 x 10 meters. In some parts of this section, confused and jumbled magnetic anomalies were recorded, which probably indicate the transformation and destruction of its subsurface artifacts. But in other parts, the magnetic gradient anomaly map showed evidence of architectural structures and other buried ancient phenomena. Accordingly, in the part marked with the letter F, anomalies were revealed that could be related to heated masses such as brick structures or terracotta masses. The results of archaeological excavations: In order to measure the investigated parts of Tepe Manar with magnetometric method, three test boreholes were dug in the discussed area. In the first borehole, all the piles of clay and ash were encountered. In the second borehole, layers were identified, the surface and subsurface layers are sand, sand and soil, respectively, and there is a mixture of ash and soil in the lower layers. Inside the texture of soil and ash, a large amount of welding furnace and pottery was obtained. Borehole No. 3 also did not find any architectural works and only a pile of clay and ash was identified in a hole. B- The north-eastern area of the citadel the results of the magnetometric survey: In the magnetometric survey of this part of the city, several anomalies were identified. In this range, anomalies have been revealed in the form of light-colored extensions and in some cases perpendicular to each other, which can be related to the buried clay architectural structure. The results of archaeological excavations: In the scope of the second part of the geophysical survey, three boreholes and trenches were opened and explored. Borehole number one hit a pile of glazed pottery from the 6th century AH. It seemed that there was a pottery workshop around this place, because most of these pots were covered by the wastes from the pottery activity. For this purpose, a trench was excavated near borehole 1, measuring 6 x 6 meters. After removing the surface layer, a pile of pottery shards and pottery kiln debris was encountered, which were scattered on the surface of the trench at different depths. For this purpose, another borehole with dimensions of 2 x 2 meters was created at a distance in the southern part of trench 2, and after removing the surface layers at a depth of 30 cm, the remains of a pottery kiln were identified. The reason for the large amount of strong magnetic anomalies in this area is the presence of many pottery pits in this area, in addition to the pottery kiln. The date that can be determined based on the pottery obtained from this kiln is the second half of the 12th century A.D.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Today, in the world, magnetometry is widely used by archaeologists to identify architectural structures and buried structures. By using these methods, it is possible to examine and study many parts of an ancient site without destruction in a limited time. For this reason, in the archeology project of the old city of Esfarayen, the magnetometric method was also used during a period. Because not only the area was large, but also the limitation of resources prevented it from being able to explore a large part of it. About six hectares of the area were studied in the magnetometric survey of the area, which was carried out with the Fluxgate device. After investigating and preparing the related map, anomalies were observed in some parts of the map, which were probably related to industrial activities. Based on these anomalies, six boreholes and trenches were dug in two parts of the area to measure the results of the magnetometric survey. In almost all boreholes and trenches obtained from the excavation, evidences of industrial activities such as pottery production or pits of potter&amp;rsquo;s pits were identified. The existence of these convincing evidences is a clear proof of the magnetometric anomalies of the area. In a trench, very clear evidence of an Islamic era pottery kiln was found, around which there were several waste places. Considering these cases, it can be said that the results of the archaeological excavations of this site are a confirmation of its magnetometry project. If these studies continue and boreholes or trenches are created in other parts, we can gain more knowledge about the different spaces of the ancient city of Esfarayen.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Hossein Sedighian</author>
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						<title>Studying the Position of Iran’s Historic Farmsteads in the Agricultural Heritage System of Global Importance (GIAHS)</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=595&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In recent decades, cultural heritage-related concepts have been widely investigated, and agricultural heritage has been adopted as a concept of cultural heritage because of its contribution to livelihoods, food security, and the world economy. This consideration from 2002 to 2018 led the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) to develop a framework known as Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Systems (GIAHS) and to introduce global agricultural heritage sites accordingly. The GIAHS committee presented five criteria for incorporating the sites in the list of globally important agricultural heritage. Biodiversity, local awareness and techniques, socio-cultural values, food and livelihood security, and visual landscape were included in the five categories; thus, this article aims to evaluate historic farmsteads in the central Iranian regions. Historic farmsteads were thought-about an efficient agricultural production system characterized by architectural, economic, social, and cultural features in the past, the traces of which are still available. The main research subject concerns the growing destruction of farms following climate changes, the migration of owners and beneficiaries, and the lack of community knowledge about their nature. The research main goal is to introduce Iranian historical farmsteads as a globally vital agricultural heritage system. Thus, the research seeks to investigate the issue through an interpretive approach and an interpretive strategy and to use field studies and document research to respond to research questions on Iranian historical farmsteads in conjunction with global agricultural systems. This research concludes that the potentials of historical farmsteads meet GIAHS standards. The GIAHS secretariat can also identify the Iranian historic farmsteads in the first stride and then register them internationally. It will help many historical farmsteads as a large part of the Iranian agricultural heritage to be dynamically conserved.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Historical Farmsteads, World Agricultural Heritage, GIAHS, Iran.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In recent centuries, traditional agricultural activities have decreased, considering numerous reasons, along with the rapid development of cities (Oosterveer &amp; Sonnenfeld, 2011). In the meantime, preserving cultural heritage for a sustainable livelihood has received much attention as many studies on sustainable development have focused on people, the environment, and cultural heritage (Ojomo, 2010). As a result, a new concept known as agricultural heritage was added to cultural heritage. Then, in 2002, the conception of globally important agricultural heritage systems (GIAHS) was developed by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in the international arena. The first global GIAHS summit was held in 2018 after 16 years (Behzadnasab, 2019:9). GIAHS was introduced to the world not as a specific product or geographic area but as a recognized system. The National Committee of GIAHS was established in 2014 in the Iranian Ministry of Agriculture Jihad called NIAHS, investigating issues such as the irrigation of aqueducts and migration of nomadic Qashqai tribes (Joafshan-Vishkaea, 2015:18). Each GIAHS site should have a historical and contemporary aspect and can be restored and developed to the benefit of future human generations.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
Therefore, many sites with agricultural heritage potentialities in Iran can be regarded as possible candidates in the future. This article aims to focus on &amp;ldquo;historic farmsteads of central Iran&amp;rdquo; as a proposal for inclusion in the GIAHS list to evaluate them according to the five criteria mentioned above. In the central regions of Iran, especially Qom, Kashan, Niasar, Semnan, Isfahan, Meibod and Yazd, these farmsteads have two physical and functional characteristics, but some criteria for their implementation have already been established (Raie, 2017:230). Historic farmsteads were efficient agricultural production systems of the past with architectural, economic, social and cultural features, the remains of which can still be seen today. Presently the main problem is the non-recognition of such historic farmsteads as globally recognized agricultural heritage. They are considered to be threatened by various factors, such as climate change and migration by landlords and beneficiaries. The research aims to introduce these farmsteads as a globally important agricultural heritage system. Thus, the research seeks to investigate the issue through an interpretive approach and an interpretive strategy and to use field studies and document research to respond to research questions on Iranian historical farmsteads in conjunction with global agricultural systems.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Data&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Farmsteads in the past had two functional and physical systems. These systems, which are based on lived knowledge and techniques, are experience-oriented and traditional and have caused the formation and consistency of farmsteads from the past to the present. Much data related to traditional knowledge about architecture, agriculture, civil, economic, legal, cultural, social, and political fields can be introduced and revived in the heart of Iran&amp;rsquo;s historical farmsteads.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;A) Physical system&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
1. Order of position and formation including; Methods of choosing the location of farmsteads with two priorities of water and security (Raie, 2020: 59);&lt;br&gt;
2. Order of form, including; Building a farmstead based on two forms; Agricultural castles (figures 7 and 8), and agricultural complexes concerning the security (Moradi et al., 2016: 6-13);&lt;br&gt;
3. Order of Water and agriculture lands including; Methods of exploiting and extracting the water of the rivers, Qanats (figure 3), wells and springs, irrigation and water supply and the like (Tavangar Marvasti, 2015: 269);&lt;br&gt;
4. Formation order of physical elements, including; Methods of construction and maintenance of dependent structures (figure 4) such as; the Lord&amp;rsquo;s and serf&amp;rsquo;s castles, reservoir, mill, caravanserai, bath, mosque, Hosseiniyeh and Selkh (Beheshti &amp; Raie, 2016: 10).&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;B) Functional system&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
1. Order of ownership and exploitation, including; types of ownerships, customary law for planting and harvesting, the terms of exploitation between the lord and the &amp;ldquo;Diwan&amp;rdquo;, methods of assigning real estate and land, endowed farmsteads (Lambton, 1966: 250; Foran, 1999: 57; Pollak, 1982: 351; Sheikh Al-Hakmaei, 2009: 9 and Safinejad, 1989: 43);&lt;br&gt;
2. Social and demographic order, including; compilation of the social pyramid of the farmstead by the lord, methods of selecting serfs and residents of the farmstead from tribes far and near the farmstead, settlement methods and living standards in castles attached to the farmstead and the like (Tavangar Marvasti, 2015: 298- 305 and Yaghmaei, 1990: 296);&lt;br&gt;
3. Order of economy and livelihood, including; Methods of collection and audit of taxes and tributes by Diwan and lord, rules of income generation, selling and sending products, communication between the lord and serfs and the like (Taleb &amp; Anbari, 2008: 153- 155).&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The FAO provided five criteria for identifying agricultural heritage systems worldwide; biodiversity, traditional knowledge and technology, socio-cultural values, food and livelihood security, and visual landscape. This research investigates the locality of Iranian historical farmsteads in conjunction with agriculture heritage criteria. Regarding the first criterion, there is a significant relationship between historical farmsteads and agro-biodiversity. The presence of water in different regions diversifies agricultural products, livestock and poultry.&lt;br&gt;
Planting of damask rose and the production of rosewater in Niasar farmstead, as well as straw oil extraction in Nahchir farmstead in Isfahan, can be cited as good examples in this regard. Concerning the criterion of local knowledge, the farmsteads are said to be based on living experiences and old knowledge. These problems are recognized in terms of two physical and functional characteristics. The third criterion deals with cultural values and social entities at the farmsteads. Fixed population rates and the presence of a group of beneficiaries and stakeholders suggest that farmsteads have achieved sustainability with the collaboration of these groups of people over time. The fourth criterion concerns food and livelihood security. Historical farmsteads have, at various periods, been regarded as economic and production businesses for people, landlords and the government, making significant contributions to the agro-tourism sector. The fifth criterion evaluates the farmsteads&amp;rsquo; landscapes. The population, physical environment, and agricultural lands can all be used, to illustrate the natural, cultural, and historical landscapes of central Iranian regions. Landscapes are presented on both an internal and external scale.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The study concludes that the historical farmsteads in Iran significantly met the five criteria after carefully examining them. In addition to their historical significance, historic farmsteads continue to exist today and contribute to food and agricultural security in various places. They have gradually adapted to their surroundings, producing assorted products based on cultural and economic values while retaining and increasing agro-production knowledge and practices.&lt;br&gt;
Local residents and stakeholders have worked together in this regard throughout time to maintain the farmsteads. Farmsteads have been a product of continuous human presence in the environment, creating cultural, historical, agricultural, and visual landscapes. The GIAHS secretariat can first identify historic farms in the central regions of Iran and then have them registered globally using executive guidelines. It makes it possible to study a variety of vital and previously disregarded farm data, leading to their dynamic conservation based on location and time needs.&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Hosein Raie</author>
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						<title>Archaeology of Modernity: The Nazi Indoctrination Camp at Wustrau, Brandenburg</title>
						<link>http://journal.richt.ir/mbp/browse.php?a_id=817&amp;sid=1&amp;slc_lang=en</link>
						<description>&lt;div style=&quot;text-align: justify;&quot;&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
In the past decades, archaeology has turned toward research on societies that lie temporally between the industrial age and the present, what can be considered a &amp;ldquo;late historical &amp;nbsp;archaeology.&amp;rdquo; The cultural materials for the study of this branch of archaeology include archival written sources, audio and video sources, and eyewitnesses, all of which are analysed together with the findings of archaeological excavations. Studies of the modern period in archaeology, which includes the industrial age and the era of globalization, document both individual and collective processes. Archaeology of modern times requires an interdisciplinary perspective, drawing on the disciplines of art history, history, sociology, anthropology, and even criminology in analysing and interpreting its findings. The present article is the result of a study in the archaeology of modernity, in which the authors investigated a World War II Nazi training camp in Wustrau, located in the German state of Brandenburg, about 70 km northwest of Berlin. The camp was built to &amp;ldquo;retrain&amp;rdquo; - or brainwash -non-Russian members of the Red Army such as Ukrainians, Muslim Tatar prisoners as part of a plan to send them into the territories of the Soviet Union as trained Nazi administrators. The archaeological excavation in Wustrau was conducted jointly by members of the Free University of Berlin, Isfahan Art University and the Cultural Heritage and Tourism Research Institute.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Modern Archaeology, Indoctrination Camp, World War II, Wustrau.&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
This paper offers an account of two seasons of excavations in 2020 and 2021 in Wustrau, northwest of Berlin. At the edge of this village, the Nazis had erected in the 1940s an indoctrination camp for Soviet prisoners of war. The framework of our research in this former camp is informed by the archaeology of modernity, which goes beyond the search for cultural-historical chronologies to identify connections among material remains, historical documents and the violent conditions under which they emerged (fig2 -3). Fieldwork was funded by the &amp;ldquo;Peace and Conflict Studies&amp;rdquo; program of the Free University of Berlin and supported by the Regional Heritage Office of the state of Brandenburg.&lt;br&gt;
The work is the result of a joint research program of the Free University of Berlin, Isfahan University of Art and the Iranian Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization. This German-Iranian joint excavation was designed to counter traditional expectations, in which European, American or other archaeologists of foreign nationalities travel to Western Asian countries to carry out field research. Instead of researching the cultural history of Iran, the archaeological excavation took place in Germany with the goal to reconstruct a part of 20th century German history. The archaeology of modernity, is the second exceptional characteristic of the project. Investigating the material culture of the 20th or 21st centuries is still unusual in both Germany and Iran.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Research History&amp;nbsp;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
A brief historical background shows that after the First World War (ending in 1918), nationalism and extreme racism grew quickly in Germany. In this general climate, National Socialism was able to gain power and turn the racist Adolf Hitler into its &amp;ldquo;leader&amp;ldquo; in 1933 and continuing until 1945. In the short time of 12 years, the repressive regime incarcerated more than 10 million people from 20 European countries in more than 44000 forced labor and extermination camps; the highest number of prisoners came from Poland and the Soviet Union.&lt;br&gt;
&amp;nbsp;In the year 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union and opened a new theater of war, the &amp;bdquo;Eastern Front.&amp;ldquo; The German attack was initially successful and the Wehrmacht occupied large parts of the western Soviet Union. In a short time, the German military also captured more than one million Red Army soldiers. To handle the occupied territories and the large number of prisoners, a new &amp;bdquo;Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories&amp;ldquo; was established within the government. The handling of prisoners of different ethnicities and religions was planned in this ministry. One case concerned the recruitment of different ethnic groups of Soviet prisoners into the Wehrmacht and sections of the repressive special units of the Nazi system such as the SS.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
With the establishment of the Prisoner of War Department in July 1941, prisoners of war were screened and segregated by ethnicity. As the war continued, the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories started a &amp;ldquo;re-education&amp;rdquo; program for Red Army prisoners of Turkic origin to turn them into administrators or Wehrmacht members. Before being sent back to the east, a system of indoctrination and training was established. At the end of the program, the prisoners were integrated into battalions such as the &amp;ldquo;Eastern Muslim Battalion&amp;rdquo;, others into special SS units. According to preserved documents, the military formation aimed at uniting all Muslim Turks into such fighting units (Volga Tatars, Azerbaijanis, Turkestanis). One of the ethnic groups that was separated from the bulk of Russian Red Army prisoners were the Tatars. Many of them had been captured in 1941 and early 1942 around Byalistok, Lviv, Kerch and Kharkiv.&lt;br&gt;
In 1942, around 1,500 prisoners of war of various ethnicities, some of them Tatars, were held in the camp of Wustrau and trained there to be later recruited into the battalion &amp;ldquo;Idel-Ural&amp;rdquo;(fig. 1). The most famous of these prisoners in Wustrau was Musa Jalil, a person who later formed a resistance group against the Nazi regime. Unfortunately, the group was discovered by the Gestapo, and most of its members were executed on August 25, 1944 in Pl&amp;ouml;tzensee prison.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Wustrau&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
Wustrau is located in the district Ostprignitz-Ruppin about 70 km northwest of Berlin. It has the geographical coordinates 52&amp;deg;51&amp;rsquo;N, 12&amp;deg;52&amp;rsquo;W and lies at an altitude of 38 meters above sea level. The area is characterized by lakes formed at the end of the last ice age. Wustrau is located at the southernmost end of one of the Ruppin lake. The area has been inhabited by Slavic groups since at least the 13th century C.E., was invaded several times by the Swedes in the 17th and 18th centuries, and then ruled by the von Zieten family, a branch of the Prussian dynasty, after 1766, as attested by a small palace in the village(fig.4).&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Excavation&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
The main goal of our archaeological soundings in Wustrau was to recover material remains that would reveal practices within the camp, including those of repression and racism. A brief and unsystematic surface survey in the surroundings of Wustrau in 2018 had already revealed elements of the indoctrination camp in the form of a barrack&amp;rsquo;s foundations still visible on the ground surface. In the first of two short seasons, architectural traces and finds were recovered in a series of five excavation trenches labeled 1, 2, 6, 7, and 8(fig.5). In 2021, three more trenches were added to investigate open areas of the camp and another barrack that was located next to the small river Rhin at the southern edge of the camp. In 2020, three of four corners of a barrack were uncovered, including massive concrete foundations that reached a depth of up to 1m(plan.1). Deep foundations were necessary because of the marshy environment of this area. The upper walls of the barracks consisted of a footing of kiln-fired bricks and walls of wooden planks, covered by a gabled roof (knowledge of the walls and roof come from documentary sources) (fig.6 A-C).&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
One of the most interesting finds was a button of a uniform that was decorated with a five-pointed star as well as hammer and sickle, clearly from a Red Army uniform(fig.7). Since documents inform us that the barracks had been built by the prisoners themselves, they must also have been responsible for leaving this (subversive) trace of their presence. Rediscovered more than 80 years later, it is a sign of resistance against the conditions of confinement.&lt;br&gt;
Historical documents attest to daily lessons lasting six hours, followed by supplementary discussions. Prisoners were even taken to various German cities to learn National Socialist principles. Excavation finds confirm the sources that mention teaching: we discovered many broken pieces of thin slate tablets, some with incised lines or grids for writing letters and numbers. Styli for writing on the slates were frequent finds as well(fig.8-9). &amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
At the opposite end of the barrack, we found a more recent layer from the times of the German Democratic Republic that contains finds from a doctor&amp;rsquo;s office. Apparently, parts of the barrack continued to be used by people from the nearby village of Wustrau after the demise of the Nazis in 1945. An aerial photograph from 1953 shows that the northeastern portion of the school barrack was partitioned off from the southwest section. In the northeastern segment, we discovered partially melted test tubes, needles from syringes, and small containers for medicine. One test tube contained the inscription &amp;ldquo;VEB Leipziger ...&amp;rdquo;, which should be completed with &amp;ldquo;&amp;hellip; Arzneimittel werk &amp;ldquo;(fig.10). The company was founded in 1957, and we therefore assume that the doctor&amp;rsquo;s assemblage dates from around 1960.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;
&lt;br&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&amp;nbsp;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;
This project of an archaeology of modern times in Germany helped to reconstruct elements of violent practices and ruthless indoctrination by the Nazis and their murderous system, the forced education camp for Tatar Muslims and other prisoners of war from the east. This system sought to deploy the ethnicities of the Soviet Army in what the Nazis conceived of as their eastern European colonies. However, as we know now, the project of indoctrination of Soviet Muslim prisoners to serve the Nazi system failed badly. Miraculously, two notebooks with poems of Musa Jalil survived (fig.11). They give ample testimony of his feelings while in Berlin&amp;rsquo;s Moabit prison awaiting his death.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;</description>
						<author>Morteza Hessari</author>
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