Abstract
The most important way of understanding human being in the past is to study their relics and among the works that have made a significant contribution to identifying culture and civilization and many other issues of ancient Iran, the motif are seals. Studies of this kind of data have been the focus of archeologists and historians for many years and many articles and books have been published on this endless subject. Because the seal and sealing in answering some questions, the correct orientation of a number of questions and new questions about social, economic and people perceptions of the past have been raised. In some motives the artist describes his/her world and this kind of description is actually the optimal use of symbols. In the Persepolis museum, there is a black seal that differ substantially from other Achaemenid seals. This bilateral seal is a lesser-known role in the art of molding and is unique in Achaemenid molding. This seal is first published and revised based on various criteria such as art style and symbol interpretation. The main purpose of this article is to document and introduce the symbols of this seal; the author will also answer a few questions about this seal by using descriptive-analytic methods and by using authentic library resources after fully describing this seal. First, what are some of the concepts used on the engraving on the seal? How these symbols originated and whether these forms were the result of Achaemenid thought or a legacy of a very ancient culture?
Keywords: Seal, Achaemenid, Persepolis, Symbol.

Introduction
On the occasion of the plan of organizing the repositories of the Persepolis museum in the summer of 2015, I had a black seal on a meeting in august of that year. This seal had differences A double-sided stamp seal that is unique in the Achaemenid period. On the other hand, the seals have a special place among the represent the customs, habit and believes of a people and also showcase history, religion, philosophy and art alongside administrative. Social management for centuries, these motives are rooted in ancient Iranian civilization and sometimes influenced by neighboring nations. This portable data has also spread art and culture to other lands due to its use in commercial exchanges, office letters and political relationships. The main purpose of this article is to document this seal and to interpret the emblems that have reached the Achaemenid from the distant past. Recorded in the Persepolis museum of bilateral seal No. 1267. It has a diameter of 15 mm and a thickness of 9 mm. It is made of stone and its location is Persepolis. There are three distinct roles on the seal. First the man sitting and holding a bowl in his hand and a flower in his other hand. The second is the cedar tree behind the man, and the third is censer in front of the man. The man is Probably a king with a short crown, the hemisphere is like the Achaemenid image.

Identified Traces
Three separate images can be seen on the seal, first is the man sitting and holding the wine cup in one hand and the flower in the other the second is the cedar tree behind the man and the third the udsuz in front of the man.
The man is probably a king with a short crown with several congresses, it is depicted from the half- face like the other Achaemenid image, the crown is similar to the Ahura Mazda round Cap. On the king’s seal has the original image and the role of cendar and is quite marginal.
Beneath the crown of hair, curly like all the motifs of persepolis the forehead and back, the king’s face wide and his eyebrows reached the ears, the nose is delicate, long and straight, lips are up and drinking and beard shorter than persepolis motifs but curly, the king’s eyes look great. The king’s neck was proportioned to the body, part of which was nuder the dress, the king’s hands are long and stretched and he looks thin. The king has a lotus flower in his left hand with a bud in his right hand corner, like Darius in the Naghshe Baram. The branch of the flower is tall and its end protrudes from the king’s hands. The king has a large wine cup in his right hand that lifts it up or closes it. The king’s waist is slender and its curvature is quite evident, and the belt is wrapped in two rows around the king’s waist. The king’s feet are on the ground and parallel to the base of the chair. The king’s Boot is a long boot with twisted straps that are not simple in the designs attributed to king Boots, but a simple shoe. Behind the king is a small triangular cedar, there are ten rows of branches on the left and eleven branches on the right of the cedar tree. The branches have all gone upwards and look like praying hands.
It is noteworthy that most tree motifs are on the palm tre seal and less than the cedar tree. Lion painted on a young and very angry seal seems to be a characteristic of most of the lions imprinted in the Achaemenid period. The body of lion is soft and agile, his head turned back. The hands and feet are in a relaxed gait so that the lion triumphantly moves forward the bird on the seal is Dorna that wing has been opened it seems that the artist insisted on drawing the head and neck of the Dorna so as not to induce the role of the Farrah.

Conclusion
Prehistoric believes of Iranian ethnicity have had such a broad role in shaping Iranian art that it is still visible in many works of art, an example is the seal studies. At a time when most of the seals built during the Achaemenid period are cylindrical, a bilateral seal imprinted on Persepolis is the most famous and important Achaemenid city, all the carved motives on it reflect the millennial believes of the Iranian people, some of which still have the same implicatins for contemporary people. None of the motives were devised by the Achaemenid artist, rather, old concepts in a new way with new technology and sophistication are on the seal.

Abstract
In any society, the sources of legitimacy are justified by the traditions that govern the community; the king arrives at a metaphoric royal position in ancient Iran instead of an objective physical entity, and in this transformation it is necessary to reflect the concepts rather than the body. His material is a reflection of the exemplary notions in which he stands. As one of the exemplars of the concept of “divine religion”, a discourse is formed around the king’s body, in which there is a kind of superiority for increasing power and legitimacy. The questions of this study are: How does the material body in power relations become a body that is believable to the people? How did the discourse of the king’s ideal body reflect on the literature and art of that period? The main question is what attributes played a role in the legitimacy of the king that made the material body of the king distinct and superior to the ideal body and legitimacy of power. For this reason, in this article, various aspects of the Achaemenid king’s body functions are examined and analyzed, and how the process of shah’s body shaping discourse is shaped and deepened into a type of attitude toward legitimacy is gained. The purpose of this study is to analyze the discourse of the Achaemenid king’s body in the form of active behaviors through the exploration of written and visual sources. The research hypothesis is based on the premise that what emerged as a discourse centered around the king’s body, derived from Iranian mythology, reflected in a series of symbolic functions in the Achaemenid idealist body. The findings and results show that all of these collections are indications that the triple concepts of King Farahmand’s body, warrior and blessings have been enhanced in the interest of power.
Keywords: Ideal Body, Active Behaviors, Legitimacy, Mythology, Achaemenid King.

Introduction
After the establishment, the political ruler has always sought to gain legitimacy by reducing direct influence to maintain the state by making changes in the state discourse indirectly and by deceptive and subtle signs. The government disguises itself in various guises to show the subtle domination of power. In ancient Iran, the king was the most faultless person and representative of the gods on earth, and a creature full of divine powers. In this transformation it was necessary for his objective body to reflect the concepts of the ideal King’s example in order to obtain the necessary legitimacy. Applying the concepts of legitimacy, especially the importance of the Divine Faith as the focal point of ideal King, forms a discourse around the king’s body, in which a kind of material superiority with supranational functions is promoted to enhance power and legitimacy. Transcendental functions of the body, relying on pre-existing knowledge, place the king’s power above the legitimate others.
Evidence of this is seen in narrations and stories as one of the bases of power since they incorporate elements of power within the symbolic relationship. The key question is what attributes played a role in the legitimacy of the king that made the material body of the king different and superior to the ideal in terms of power, which is also believed by the people. The results show that the representation of the Achaemenid King’s body was shaped around a king’s body based on a mythological knowledge in the form of a set of propositions, narratives, stories, and pictures as interactive functions. All of these collections are illustrations that incorporate the triple concepts of the function of the king’s supernatural body in the form of a wise king, a warrior, and a blessing for the purposes of power discourse.
Research Objectives and Necessity: The purpose of this research is to analyze the discourse of the Achaemenid King in the form of active behaviors through the exploration of written and visual sources.
Research Questions and Assumptions: 1- How does the king’s body become a supernatural and exemplary body in relation to power? 2- How has the discourse of the king’s ideal body been reflected in literature and art? 
The research hypothesis is based on the premise that what emerged as a discourse centered around the king’s body, derived from Iranian mythology, dominated a series of symbolic functions to gain legitimacy in the Achaemenid body has been reflected.

Mythological Insights and Knowledge
The legitimacy of an affair emerges when its propositional side is the same as the belief in the propositions of knowledge; this insight provides the legitimacy necessary for legislation. Insight enables one to create a form of expressive, prescriptive, and meticulous speech that is appropriate. The characteristic of this insight is to generate enormous volumes of empowering actions embodied within the subject. One of the most important areas for expanding insight is narrative. The narrative format is used to develop insight discourse. The narrative transmission of insights in the form of folk tales allows the community to interpret the criteria of its power. The narrative has authority, and all morality and legitimacy lie within the narrative. Power-oriented insight is shaped by taking advantage of existing insights or making changes to that set of speech to fit its needs. The king in the Achaemenid era is a mythological vision; in the mythical vision every action is a repetition of practice that has been modeled once and for all since the beginning of myths.

Conclusion
According to the propositions expressed in historical texts, it can be said that each one’s message seeks to induce a single message, which is the authority and legitimacy of the ideal king with metamaterial bodily functions. These statements are not intended to express the true character, but to explain the king’s personality as a sample of the behavior of a specimen of good and apt creation, and represent the king’s attempt to display a godly representation of his personality. His attributes are manifested by the characteristics of the gods and their earthly repetition. Most of the King’s similarity is focused on his position as the authentic seal and supplier of the covenant with Ahuramazda. Farah was a divine and Ahuraic force that shows one’s ability and invincibility. Having a king in Iran required race, archery, equestrian, physical strength, divine power, immortality, and so forth. Applying these concepts around the material body throughout life, the accompanying behavioral, locating, and scheduling behaviors accompany the metamorphosis of the king’s body. The king’s physical ability and skill in archery and hunting is due to the divine power bestowed on him. The king has a heavenly routed birth. His divine election, even when he was a child, is under the protection of the heavenly forces.  In the meantime, he has transformed himself into the king until he attains the role of mediator in the continuation of the cosmic order of the army and by placing his body in courtly relations such as coronation and symbolic deeds. All of this emphasizes the heavenly glory and divinity of the ideal king. The functional functions of the physical body of the king in various spatial and temporal positions have been used as an intangible tool of power in order to show different effects of the king’s distinction and legitimacy. In essence, the constant propaganda of power and knowledge to prove the legitimacy of government and the repetition of coherent propositions in a series of historical narratives and narratives has made the discourse of the body, with its particular formulations, a self-evident truth.

Abstract
The present descriptive-analytical study and its findings are based on field and document studies, and examines and analyzes the tombstones of the Qajar period of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in Shiraz, and tries to study and understand the designs of the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz, their symbolic themes, and their traces of mythical and religious beliefs of each historical or cultural period. Studies on tombstones related to the Qajar era of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in Shiraz prove that these tombstones contain various designs of human, animal, plant, geometric, and inscriptions. In general, most of these motifs, while having special meanings and symbols, are influenced by the culture of the region, beliefs, and their temporal and spatial place. On the other hand, due to the predominance of nationalist thought in the Qajar period, the images of these tombstones show a continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid eras, which were created with a relatively different form and content. On the other hand, due to the predominance of nationalist thought in the Qajar period, the images of these tombstones show a continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid eras, which were created with a relatively different form and content.
Keywords: Shiraz, Daral-Salam Cemetery, Tombstone, Nationalism, Achaemenid, Sassanian.

Introduction
Fars province, like other regions of the Iranian plateau, has been inhabited by various groups and ethnic groups since ancient times, and in this regard, several cemeteries have been established to bury their dead. Dar al-Salam Shiraz is one of the seven old cemeteries in Shiraz that Moinuddin Abolghasem Junaid Shirazi mentioned in his book. There are tombstones from the early Islamic centuries to recent times, which indicate the importance of this cemetery. There are several designs on the tombstones of Dar al-Salam cemetery. Including human motifs, animal motifs, plant motifs, geometric motifs, calligraphy, and inscriptions. In general, discovering the meaning and concept of the designs created on tombstones and their symbolic nature can unify many of the forgotten secrets and points of regional and national history, art, and culture with more unity and meaning. In this regard, the present study examines and analyzes the tombstone motifs of Shiraz Dar al-Salam Cemetery, especially the tombstones of the Qajar period, and by examining them, in addition to identifying the created motifs and their symbolism, seeks to trace the motifs through periods and among the mythical beliefs and religions of past periods.
Research & Hypotheses Questions: 1- What are the designs of the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz and what are their symbolic themes? 2- The designs created on the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz shows which traces of mythical and religious beliefs of the historical or cultural period of Iran?
1. These tombstones contain various designs of human, animal, plant, geometric, and inscription images. In general, most of these motifs, while having special meanings and symbols, are influenced by the culture of the region, beliefs, and their temporal and spatial place. 2. Considering the predominance of nationalist thought in the Qajar period, the images of these tombstones show the continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid periods, which was created with a relatively different form and content.

Classification of Tombstones of the Qajar Period of Dar al-Salam Shiraz
In general, the images engraved on the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz, except lines and inscriptions, can be divided into a general category into the following groups: 1- Plant motifs, 2- Human motifs, 3- Animals and birds Motif, 4- Patterns of objects and geometric and abstract shapes

Conclusion
The study of the tombstones of the Qajar period of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in Shiraz proves that these tombstones have various designs, including anthropogenic images, animal, plant, geometric, calligraphy, and inscription. Studying the motifs of this group of works and examining the social, political, and religious situation of the Qajar era, shows that most of these motifs are symbolic and rooted in the history and culture of Iran and are influenced by the region’s culture, beliefs, and temporal and spatial position. Also, the images of these tombstones are a kind of continuation of the motifs of the Sassanid and Achaemenid periods, which have been created with a relatively different form and content. The motifs of cypress trees and lotus flowers are among the main paintings of Persepolis and the human images with lotus flowers in his hands, in a way reminiscent of the role of the Achaemenid kings in Persepolis and palace paintings. Sassanid monuments such as Bishapour Palace, which are among the first examples of images in Iran with a flower in hand. Horsemen and hunting scenes of animals such as lions, which are often seen on the tombstones of the Qajar period Dar al-Salam Dar al-Salam Shiraz; It has its roots in the history and culture of Iran, especially in the Persian region; Such patterns can be seen on Achaemenid seals found in Persepolis and other places, as well as on Sassanid gold and silver vessels. Finally, it should be acknowledged that among the reasons for creating these common themes between the tombstones of Dar al-Salam Shiraz and the remnants of ancient civilizations of Iran such as the Achaemenids and Sassanians, in addition to the rule of nationalist thought in the Qajar period and the influence of the Persian climate (from The cypress tree, which is one of the special trees and vegetation of the region and is found in abundance in the region (especially Shiraz), is the location of Dar al-Salam Cemetery in a place that was once the center of the rule of the Achaemenid and Sassanid states, which itself is the main The most influential factors on the thoughts of the people of the Qajar period and the continuity of the designs of the past.

Abstract
Cylinder seals usually were used on clay objects, especially tablets, as a symbol of individual’s identity and administrative centers of the ancient East. While, rare potteries sealed by cylinder seal are a new case for archaeologists. Based on the small number of sealed pottery fragments found, archaeologists are dealing with several main questions: Why cylinder seals used on pot-tery? What is the usage of sealed pottery? And whether it is possible to provide an exact chro-nology for these potteries? A sealed pottery fragment from the site of Qal’eh Asrār in South Khorāsān is an example which is also our subject matter in this present study. The area of Qal’eh Asrār is located 1800 meters southeast of Barandood village and 800 meters northwest of Zarbarandood village of Ghohestān section of Darmiān city. This area is currently located on top of a natural hill at a height of about 200 meters above ground level. Analysis of potteries found on the surface of site shows that the occupation of it belongs to Late Iron Age and Achaemenid period, although there are also small numbers of pottery belonging to the late Is-lamic centuries. In this paper we try to study a fragment of a sealed pottery found from surface of site. Firstly, we deal with the issue of sealed pottery with regard to the context and the prob-lems and challenges of its study, then we try to analyze sample pottery of the Qal’eh Asrār in terms of typology, style and its legend. This study shows that the sealed pottery of Qal’eh Asrār is locally produced and its legend is a local style with the common motifs of first half of the first millennium BC. As this site is probably a garrison, this container could be used for bearing commodities to the construction.
Keywords: Qal’eh Asrār, Sealed Pottery, Iron Age, Achaemenid period, Local Style.

Introduction
In ancient near East, the stamp and cylinder seals have been used on diverse clay objects such as bullae and tablets to sealed administrative documents, but use of seals on pottery is rare. Since 3rd millennium B.C Fragments of sealed pottery have been found in sites from north Iraq and Syria (Collon, 1987: 13; Oates, 2001), Levant (Amiet, 1975: 425-426), west and south western of Iran (Caldwell, 1976), Shahr-e Sukhta in south east of Iran (Baghestani, 1997: 34- 43; Hakemi & Sajjadi, 1989: 145) and central Asia (Sariandi, 1986; Heibert, 1994a). Several fragments back to the Iron Age I and II were found from Bahrain in Persian Gulf (Olijdam, 2008) and Central Plateau of Iran in Tepe Sialk (Malekshahmirzadi 1381: 25) and Gholi Dar-vish in Qom (Sarlak 1386: 193- 194). Most of these sealed potteries are small fragments that have been found mainly as single fragment on the surface of sites. A small number, such as the Gonur Depe fragment in Turkmenistan (Sariandi, 1986: fig.123) or the Tell Brak in Syria (Oates, 1985: 257), have been found from archaeological excavation. 
In archaeological survey of Qal’eh Asrār in South Khorasan, Iran, one fragment of sealed pot-tery with a cylinder seal impression was found in archaeological survey. There are several questions raised here. Is it possible to provide an accurate chronology for the sealed pottery of Qal’eh Asrār? Why the pottery sealed, specifically with cylinder seal? Are these sealed pottery have an administrative function and were used as a kind of administrative-economic object or tool? Or here seals just used as decoration? In this paper, which is a descriptive-comparative and analytical approach, firstly we examine the challenges related to chronology and recogniz-ing the function of sealed potteries in archaeological studies, then we focus on study Qal’eh Asrār fragment and its seal impression.

Chronology and Usage of Sealed Pottery
Archaeologists have two different approaches for chronology of sealed potteries. If these frag-ments are found from excavation, they propose site stratigraphy to date it. But, most of the sealed pottery has been found on surface of sites, so dating will be complicated. In fact, archae-ologists use two methods to date sealed potteries, such as Qal’eh Asrār case; they propose the chronology based on typology of pottery or the style and image of seal impression. 
Function of sealed pottery is under debate too; there is no consensus on why sealed potteries are made and how it has been used. In general, the proposed suggestions can be divided into three groups, although, there are many doubts about each of these three views. 
1- The image of seal on pottery was for decoration.
2- The seals are the sign or signature of the potters who identifies the ownership and identity of his handicrafts.
3- Sealed pottery has an administrative function and has been used for storing or moving com-modities.
The style and image of the cylinder seal impression of Qal’eh Asrār sealed pottery
The image of Qal’eh Asrār seal does not show a unified theme and its upper part is broken. In part of the image a human is standing, bending one hand from the elbow and holding a cane, his other hand is not clear, it had stretched body with broad shoulders and arms, the proportion be-tween the upper body and the legs is not observed and the upper body is taller than the legs. It seems he have a dagger in his waist. On both sides of the human image are two birds. On the left side is design of the quadruped (donkey?) and in front of it is a horse, both are upside down. Of course, the horse’s head is broken. Between the two images are a small bird at the top and probably a sitting human at the bottom. The style of Qal’eh Asrār seal is a local style which focusing on the outer lines, not paying attention to the details. 

Conclusion
Studies on sealed potteries in diverse sites, despite different time and cultural periods, shows the following common features can be observed:
1- All fragments of sealed pottery are locally produced.
2- The seals that are used on these potteries also have a local and indigenous style, and this in-dicates the locality of their production.
3- Sealed pottery fragments indicate they should mainly belong to medium and large jars.
 4- In most of fragments seal was mainly used at the area between the neck and body of the ware. 
Given the common features mentioned, it can be argued that these potteries had an administra-tive aspect. However, they used locally which both the pottery type and the seal originate from the local culture of the same region, and there are no examples that show their displacements or dispersion in a wider cultural context.
A comparative study of Qal’eh Asrār sealed pottery shows that this pottery is locally produced and cylinder seal used on it also has local style of the 1st millennium B.C. Due to pottery type and the presence of architectural remains, this area is suggested to be a garrison to protect the road in the late Iron Age - early Achaemenid period, and the style and image of the seal on the pottery also confirms the proposed chronology. 

Abstract
Gour, the first Sasanian capital, was founded by Ardeshir-e Bābakān, the founder of Sasanian empire. The extensive archaeological and historical studies have been done on this city so far, which has led to the identification of valuable archaeological evidence. One of the most important archeological evidence obtained during the excavations of this historical city is a tomb with Oval-shaped burials, that was identified in the western part of citadel. The discovery of this tomb in this part of the city near the fire temple surprised the researchers. The purpose of this study is to analyze the identity of the tombs. Gathering the data has been done by documentation and field studies, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. According to the studies and beliefs of scholars and archaeologists, the vicinity of the burial, which contains impure remains of the corpses (nasu), is not compatible with the fire temple where the sacred fire was kept and on the other hand is not in line with the common teachings of Zoroastrianism. The main questions of the research are: Is the construction of the tomb a new burial model in Sasanian period or is it an adaptation of an older model? Were the tombs or coffins of the tomb used to hold the bodies? Or were the ossuaries, where the bones were kept, after the performance of the Zoroastrian tradition “exposure”? Study of the historical and religious texts about the Sasanians and their predecessors and related archaeological finds suggests that the proximity of tombs as the site of unclean elements to the fire temple as a center for the preservation of the sacred fire is a new burial pattern, probably in early Sasanian period in Gour, based on the ancient Achaemenid tradition. This burial pattern continued in the middle of the Sasanian period in another way in the form of a ossuaries next to some fire temples.
Keywords: Achaemenids, Sasanian, Tomb, Ossuary, Fire Temple, Burial Pattern.

Introduction
Ardeshir was thinking of devising a new plan for the political, social and religious structure of the country, in consequence of the defeat of the last Parthian king and the construction of the city of Ardeshir Khowreh. By planning Irānshahr, he intended to implement Avestan norms such as class structures and the concentration of power and formalization of the Zoroastrian religion, which led to religious changes, in the territory of Iran.
Apart from the historical knowledge, the archeological excavations in the city of Ardeshir Khowreh, led to the recognition of new aspects of Sasanian culture and civilization that are sometimes compatible with historical narratives and sometimes cause ambiguities. Understanding the architecture of government and religious buildings is one of the important aspects of this knowledge. The formalization of the Zoroastrian religion at the beginning of the Sasanians, which was one of the clear messages of Ardashir, is materialized by the construction of large fire temples in the citadel of Ardeshir Khowreh. Praying and honoring the sacred fire in the fire temple is one of the prominent manifestations of the Zoroastrian religion, which was performed to sanctify the four elements of water, wind, earth, and fire.
What surprised the scholars during the excavation in the western part of the citadel, and it has been seen as contrary to the teachings of the Zoroastrianism, was the discovery of a tomb near the fire temple of Ardeshir Khowreh. According to Zoroastrian beliefs and Avestan texts, the human body after death due to the penetration of the devil (demon) in it is unclean and cannot be buried and the body should be exposed to the air or the “exposure“ and their bones finally in Ossuaries (daxmag) should be located at high altitudes.
The location of this tomb in the center of Ardeshir Khowreh and more strangely, near the fire temple and the sacred fire, and the proximity of clean and unclean elements, was a challenging archaeological question that surprised everyone, and no one had a clear answer. Now, in this research, the author is going to try to give a proper answer to the question of what and why this tomb was built in the middle of Ardeshir Khowreh and its vicinity by re-reading religious texts and opinions of old historians and new scholars and the opinion of the excavators of this tomb about Iranian religious thoughts and death. Let us find the fire temple and make hypotheses with a historical-analytical and archaeological approach to a comparative re-reading of the relationship between the Zoroastrianism and this burial pattern in the Sasanian period and before them.

Conclusion
The issue of death, beliefs of the world after death, and burial traditions in the Sasanian period is one of the most controversial issues that requires further reflection on historical sources and archaeological evidence even in pre-Sasanian times. The results of archaeological excavations in recent years, clarify some ossuaries and burials near and sometimes in a place connected to the fire temple, have been reported from some other fire temples, which to some extent pave the way for further research.
From the extinction of the Achaemenids to the beginning of the Sasanians, the Zoroastrianism survived without the help of central and official organizations. Because the Zoroastrianism was preserved and transmitted by local imperial dynasties and different clerical groups, a variety of beliefs were undoubtedly common in its thoughts. Although historical sources indicate that the Zoroastrian religion was chosen as the official religion during the Sasanian period and from the time of Ardashir I, but in fact the Zoroastrian religion was never uniform in the Sasanian period and this issue is evident in the rituals and burial ceremonies. Accordingly, with study the archaeological evidence and Pahlavi sources, it was determined that Ardashir I, after gaining power, sought to restore governmental and religious relations to the old tradition and rule of the first, the Achaemenid (pre-Parthian) dynasty. The tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh and its burial pattern was a new model of the ancient tradition that was adapted from the tomb of Darius I in a new way in the time of Ardashir I.
The ceremonial placement of corpses in oval-shaped coffins with lids in a painted room near the fire temple of Ardeshir Khowreh was the same tradition that Darius the Achaemenid had observed in his rock tomb, although Darius’s tomb was located in the heart of the rocks near the Ka’ba-ye Zartosht. The fire temple was built, but the tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh in the heart of the city was built on the ground, but with the same look and tradition, next to the huge fire temple. Therefore, it can be said that this burial tradition in the early Sasanian period was a new pattern of the ancient tradition, which is probably due to a deliberate return by Ardashir I to the old Iranian traditions or the older Zoroastrian religion in the time of Darius.
It should be noted that the Parthian catacomb tradition can also have been influential in the construction of the tomb of Ardeshir Khowreh. This burial pattern appears in tombs near fire temples in the early Sasanian period, such as the city of Ardeshir Khowreh and a similar example in Firouz Abad fire temple, was abolished with the rise of Kartir as a fanatical priest. However, according to the identification of Bandiyan and Palangerd fire temples, it can be said that from the middle of the Sasanian period, with the decline of the fanatical priest, this burial tradition continued with new pattern. For example, placing the ossuary instead of placing the body in the coffin. The tradition of burying the dead next to fire temples continues in the cultural life of Iran, an example of which is the burial that is performed today next to the fire temple of Firouz Abad. Also, burial next to shrines, which according to many scholars, many of them have been erected on the foundation of ancient fire temples in terms of location and archaeological evidence, is a continuation of this tradition of the Sasanian period.

Abstract
In recent years the Achaemenid sites in the Borazjan area have attracted a great deal of attention and their identification with Elamite Tamukkan/Greek Taocê has been widely accepted. Aside from the architectural interest of these sites, however, their location along what later became an important route linking the Persian Gulf and the Iranian plateau is significant. Whether travelling between the Persian Gulf coast and Shiraz, or the earlier Achaemenid capitals (Pasargadae and Persepolis), Borazjan represents the first stage for travellers moving along this route. This study examines some of the logistical aspects of travel between Borazjan and the highlands, as well as the climatic extremes experienced by travellers during much of the year. The difficulties of traversing the route are illustrated with selections from 19th and early 20th century travellers accounts. The advantages of commencing or ending the journey at Shif, as opposed to Bushehr, are discussed with reference to numerous examples. The importance of mules as pack animals along the route is emphasized. Finally, the implications of the evidence marshaled for the burgeoning field of sensory studies are underscored.

Introduction
R.T. Hallock’s identification of El. Tamukkan with Gr. Taocê1 predated the excavation and initial publication of the monumental architectural complexes near Borazjan (Sang-e Siah, Bardak-e Siah and Charkhab).2 Although Rawlinson suggested that, ‘The Achæmenian Palace of Taoce, mentioned by Strabo, was probably at the modern village of Dalaki, where there is a fine mound of great apparent antiquity,’3 most scholars would today agree that Taocê/Tamukkan should be identified with the Borazjan sites. Due to limited exploration and excavation, the function(s) and chronology of these important sites are still imperfectly understood,4 but iconographic, architectonic and epigraphic data5 suggest building activity and regular use from the reign of Cyrus to that of Darius or Xerxes, and possibly beyond.
Borazjan lies on the principal route linking Bushehr and Shiraz (Fig. 1). As Maclean noted in 1904, ‘The only important route is viâ Borasjun and Kazeroon to Shiraz.’6  For most travellers, Borazjan was either the last stop on the way from the highlands to the Persian Gulf coast, or the first stop heading in the opposite direction. Hence the Borazjan complex would have received visitors during the Achaemenid period who, after sailing either down or up the Persian Gulf by ship and landing on the coast,7 had just completed the first overland stage of their journey to the north; or, moving in the opposite direction, the Borazjan complex would have been where visitors spent their last night before traversing the remaining distance to the coast and boarding a vessel bound for southern Babylonia or points south.
The fact that Bushehr’s Elamite predecessor, Liyan, probably acted as a maritime gateway to the highlands of Anšan8 makes it tempting to think that the Liyan-to-Anšan or Tamukkan-to-Parsa route was always the main thoroughfare from the Persian Gulf to the Iranian plateau. Yet, in some periods, this was demonstrably not the case. During the Safavid period, for example, Bandar ‘Abbas was the principal port of entry on the Persian Gulf for goods destined for the markets of the Iranian Plateau.9 Indeed, when Carsten Niebuhr visited Bushehr in 1765 he remarked that (Fig. 2), until 1735 when Nader Shah decided to make it the headquarters of his much vaunted but never realized navy,10 Bushehr had been an unimportant village.11 Strictly speaking, however, this is not quite correct. Nader Shah’s naval yard was at Reshahr, c. 6 kms. to the south of Bushehr.12 Earlier, Shah ‘Abbas I had kept a squadron of 100 vessels at Reshahr with which to attack vessels bound for Basra.13 
Nevertheless, despite fluctuations in the importance of the Bushehr region and its immediate hinterland through time, scholars appear to be unanimous in recognizing the importance of the Borazjan complex. It is not my intention here to challenge this contention, yet it is interesting to consider what the hydrography, climate and environment of the Borazjan region, and the topographic exigencies of travel between the Iranian plateau and the coast, meant to the region’s transient population, whether bureaucrats and royal visitors passing through, or corvée laborers brought to work on the building projects attested in cuneiform sources, during the Achaemenid period. What follows is intended to initiate a conversation about some often overlooked, critical factors that would have impacted all who frequented Bushehr and its hinterland in antiquity, and followed the route linking this part of the coast with the Iranian plateau.
Keywords: Persian Gulf, Borazjan, Elamite, Achaemenid, Tamukkan, Travellers.

Conclusion
This study has sketched out some of the difficulties of travel between Bushehr, Borazjan and the Achaemenid capitals; some of the logistical requirements of travel along that route; and some of the climatic considerations that made travel during much of the year an unpleasant experience, to say the least. These considerations naturally make one consider the Borazjan complex in a new light, not merely as impressive examples of Achaemenid monumental architecture, but as sites that could be difficult of access, uncomfortable and potential graveyards for those not in the upper echelons of society.
In that sense, some of the data presented here may contribute to the growing field of sensory studies in both the recent historical past and more remote antiquity that have become increasingly common in recent years as a means to gaining a deeper understanding of our subjects’ life experiences. Many sensory studies focus on sight — viewsheds, natural illumination and darkness within buildings — and sound — from the noise of battle to the sound of silence on the steppe.103 Others focus on smells, whether pleasant ones produced by frankincense and other aromatics in palaces and sanctuaries,104 or the stench of war, death and the battlefield.105 Sensory discomfort due to extremes of weather and environmental conditions, as well as the influence of these factors on the utilization of a specific ancient site and on its inhabitants, are less commonly treated. Govert van Driel’s study of references to weather in Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian sources, for example, made much of the cold and the importance of seasonality as a consideration in the timing of Assyrian military campaigns, but was curiously silent on the topic of heat.106 In fact, comments on extreme heat tend to be regarded as a literary trope, and the ability to withstand it a form of boasting by those who, despite scorching temperatures, managed to prevail over adverse conditions and defeat an adversary. A vivid illustration of this is provided by the literary account of Nebuchadnezzar I’s (1125-1104 BC) Elamite campaign, launched in July from the eastern Babylonian outpost of Der. ‘With the heat glare scorching like fire, the very roadways were burning like open flame….The finest of the great horses gave out, the legs of the strong man faltered.’107 Yet the unseasonable nature of the campaign also conferred a tactical advantage on Nebuchadnezzar who felt his campaign had been ‘divinely ordained, in the unexpected summer month of Tammuz (June-July). His timing made for a miserable forced march for his army because of the unbearable heat and the dried-up water sources. But this unorthodox timing also afforded Nebuchadnezzar the element of surprise when confronting the Elamite forces.’108 
Another, much later example of almost unbearable heat from the same general area appears in Strabo’s description of Susiana which, he noted, had ‘a hot and scorching atmosphere.’ So intense was the heat at Susa that, ‘when the sun is hottest, at noon, the lizards and the snakes could not cross the streets in the city quickly enough to prevent their being burnt to death in the middle of the streets.’109  Such language may sound hyperbolic, but only to someone who has never visited Khuzestan in the summer. Indeed, with a modern average maximum of 46.4˚ C (115.52˚ F) and average minimum of 32˚ C (89.6˚ F) in July,110 the descriptions of Khuzestan’s summer heat in the accounts of Nebuchadnezzar I and Strabo are no exaggeration.
In the introduction to her classic study of Athens and Persia in the fifth century B.C., Margaret Miller wrote that ‘experience shows that even the wildest imagination cannot step beyond the familiar world of sensory experience.’111 Implying as it does that nothing we have not ourselves experienced in the flesh can be imagined, this assertion, I suggest, needs to be modified. On the contrary, we can and must step outside of our own compendium of sensory experiences if we are ever to have an inkling of what life was like in the past. And while we may not be able to travel on a mule from Shif to Shiraz, or sail in a small craft up and down the Persian Gulf, we can get closer to the experience of those who did these things by scrutinizing the literature of pre-modern, pre-motorized travel for experiential descriptions of places that interest us in antiquity. The many descriptions that survive from the 19th and early 20th century of travel between the Persian Gulf coast and Shiraz, via Borazjan, offer a rich body of data that helps us to better understand the exigencies of life there in the Achaemenid period, whether for corvée laborers or élite Achaemenid travellers. They afford us a fresh perspective, one that looks at the Borazjan complex not as decontextualized monuments or free-floating units of Achaemenid architecture and iconography but as buildings tethered to an environment that could be brutally harsh for most of the year, one in which travellers, whether arriving from Babylon by sea or from Pasargadae and Persepolis by land, sought refuge from an unforgiving climate of scorching sun, suffocating winds or freezing cold.

Abstract
Archaeologically, the northeast region of Iran is one of the least-known regions in the Iranian Plateau. The reasons for this situation is multifold; some of these include rarity of archaeological investigations, its vastness and the associated restrictions such as desert areas and impassable mountainous areas. The present paper deals with the chronology of and investigations at one of the key sites of the eastern Iran: Tappeh Mokhar. This is site is located to the east of the town of Torbat-e Jam, by the river of Jamroud. Archaeological finds from this site include a vast spectrum of items, including chipped-stone artefacts, ceramics, stone vessels, and clay figurines, of which ceramics are the most numerous. These finds have been recovered from delimitation soundings, and archaeological reconnaissance. The main objective of this paper is to introduce this important, multi-period site through the recovered materials before it suffers from further damage which at present made it as a depot of waster of modern construction materials. In this paper, a classification and typology of the ceramic collection from the site has been provided and then, based on comparative studies, their relative dating has been suggested. This research follows a historical approach and has been fulfilled with a descriptive-comparative method. The main queries are: which periods can be inferred from the studies of the recovered materials of Tappeh Mokhar. What are the characteristics of Mokhar ceramic assemblage and which types of ceramics of which periods can be identified in this assemblage? The preliminary studies of the ceramic assemblage, however, suggest that the site was occupied during Chalcolithic period, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods, and its ceramic types are comparable with sites of the northeast region, Turkmenistan and eastern region, and then with those of north, south, southwest and west of Iran.
Keywords: Tappeh Mokhar, Khorasan (Torbat-eJam), Bronze Age, Namazga 3 & 4, Achaemenid, Parthian.

Introduction
Archaeologically, the northeast region of Iran is one of the least-known regions in the Iranian Plateau. The reasons for this situation is multifold; some of these include rarity of archaeological investigations, its vastness and the associated restrictions such as desert areas and impassable mountainous areas. The present paper deals with the chronology of and investigations at one of the key sites of the eastern Iran: Tappeh Mokhar. This is site is located to the east of the town of Torbat-e Jam, by the river of Jamroud. Archaeological finds from this site include a vast spectrum of items, including chipped-stone artefacts, ceramics, stone vessels, and clay figurines, of which ceramics are the most numerous. These finds have been recovered from two types of archaeological programs: delimitation soundings, and archaeological reconnaissance. The main objective of this paper is to introduce this important, multi-period site through the recovered materials before it suffers from further damage which at present made it as a depot of waster of modern construction materials. In this paper, a classification and typology of the ceramic collection from the site has been provided and then, based on comparative studies, their relative dating has been suggested. This research follows a historical approach and has been fulfilled with a descriptive-comparative method. In addition to chronology, the regional relationship of the site has been inferred from the comparative studies. The main queries of this research are: which periods can be inferred from the studies of the recovered materials of Tappeh Mokhar. What are the characteristics of Mokhar ceramic assemblage and which types of ceramics of which periods can be identified in this assemblage? The preliminary studies of the ceramic assemblage, however, suggest that the site was occupied during Chalcolithic period, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods, and its ceramic types are comparable with sites within the northeast region and beyond. In fact, the ceramic studies suggest that the cultural relation of Tappeh Mokhar was mostly with the population centers of the northeast region, Turkmenistan and eastern region, and then with those of north, south, southwest and west of Iran. 
Our information on the archaeology of eastern Iran and Khorasan is limited and those few research conducted few decades ago were concentrated on the sites in northern and central parts of the province. Tappeh Mokhar with its long sequence of occupation, representing at least four periods, provides a unique opportunity to study the cultural development in this part of Iran during the late prehistoric and historic eras. This research tries to provides a reliable chronology for the site based on studies of the ceramic collection recovered from both delimitation sounding and systematic surface sampling conducted at the site. Therefore, the main objective of this paper is the quantitative and qualitative studies of the recovered collection and provides their classification and typology.  
Research Question: There are two main questions in this research: Which periods are represented by ceramic collection and cultural finds of Tappeh Mokhar; What are the main characteristics of Tappeh Mokhar ceramic collection; Which ceramic types of which periods are represented in the collection; and what they suggest about the cultural interaction of the site from an intra-regional and inter-regional perspective? 

Research Method
The nature of this research is descriptive-analytical, and is based on literature review and analysis of the archaeological materials. The main bulk of the materials studied is ceramic collection, recovered from delimitation sounding and systematic surface sampling, which are analyzed on the basis on typology, technical characteristics, decorations. Finally, a relative dating is suggested for the site based on the aforementioned studies. 

Research Background
In 1975 two geologists, Ariai and Tiboult, conducted a fieldwork in north of the Torbat-e Jam County and in the Kashaf Roud basin, resulting in discovery of an important palaeolithic locale (Jam e Al – Ahmadi, 1387; Ariai&Thibault,1975:101-103; Khodadoust & et al. 1394:109-124). In 1975 and 1987, Bernard Ekin, and in 1988 Wilber and Glombeg published their investigation on the proceedings of Sheikh Ahmad Jami (Okeane, 1979; Okeane, 1987; Wilber& Golombek, 1988; Khodadoust & et al. 1394:109-124). In 2003 a large scale excavation and stratigraphy sounding at the Architectural Complex of Torbat-e Jam has been conducted by Mohmoud Toghraei (Labbaf Khaniki,1399:147). He also conducted a delimitation sounding at Tappeh Ghar of Torbat-e Jam in 2008 (Labbaf Khaniki,1399:151). The latest research about the Islamic Period Torbat-e Jam complex is coming back to the works by Ali Zarei, as part of his PhD dissertation (Zarei,1394). 
The first archaeologist who visited Tappeh Mokhar was Gunter Kerbel. He visited this site and also the Shah Abbasi Caravansarai complex in 1980 en route his trip to Afghanistan (See: Labbaf Khaniki,1391:144; Korbel,1983;18-57). After him, the area was archaeologically surveyed by Rajab Ali Labbaf Khaniki in 1985 on behalf of Iranian Center for Archaeological Research, in which many site from prehistory to Islamic period were identified (Labbaf Khaniki,1364). The latest research at Tappeh Mokhar was conducted by Hasan Nami, of Neishabour University, in 2017 with the aim of defining the limit of the site by delimitation sounding (Nami,1394). 

Conclusion
The study area in which Tappeh Mokhar is located is part of the Qara Qum Basin, subsuming in the Jam and Hariroud Basin; Hariroud River originates from Afghanistan and the Jam Plain is very fertile because of the river sedimentation. In addition to several other environmental potentials, this factor is one of the main reasons of foundation of Tappeh Mokhar settlement. Along with natural factors, both historical and cultural factors were responsible for establishment of settlements during different periods in what is now Khorasan. Due to limitation in conducting basic, archaeological and historical research, identification and picturing the historical occupation of the study area is confronted with difficulties. Yet, thanks to increasing research during last two decades, our understanding on the ancient communities of the area is developing. The endangered site of Tappeh Mokhar was chosen in this part of Khorasan for getting a better understanding on the prehistoric and historical human developments, which proved that the site is a significant settlement during prehistoric and historic eras. 
Archaeological research at Tappeh Mokhar consisted of two approaches: a systematic surface sampling and a delimitation sounding, in which 30 small trenches were excavated around the hypothetical perimeter of the site, inferred from both topography and concentration of the surface materials. Most parts of the site have been leveled during last decades and it was used as agricultural land and also a depot for modern construction wasters. Based on our comparative studies, the site represents occupations from late Chalcolithic, Bronze Age, Achaemenid and Parthian periods; the latter is thought to be significantly represented. Future excavations at Tappeh Mokhar would potentially answer some important questions about the nature of prehistoric and historic settlements in this part of Khorasan.

Acknowledgments
My heartfelt thanks go to Dr. Kourosh Rostaei (Associate Professor of RICHT), Dr. Mohammad Esmaeil Esmaeili Jolodar (Associate Professor Depart of Archeology, University of Tehran), Reza Haidareii (M. A of Archeology, University of Tehran), Dr. Hassan Basfa, Dr. Mohsen Dana and Dr. Seyyed Javad Jafari for their insightful comments on the manuscript.